commerce to America, to find out the sentiments of the people in
general respecting us, to know whether, in case of necessity, the
United States would be able to negotiate a loan, whether England would
be able to obtain further credit, and by this barometer of the ability
of Princes, to discover their present situation. On these heads I have
written Mr Deane, but having an opportunity by the way of St Eustatia,
and thinking none should be neglected of giving information, though
mine, perhaps, may not be of importance enough to merit that title, I
have taken the liberty of addressing the honorable Committee. Arriving
but two days after the accounts had reached this city, of our
misfortune on Long Island, I found many, even of the sanguine friends
of America dejected, and those of England almost in a frenzy of joy.
In this disposition, it is easy to judge, no hopes could be
entertained of engaging merchants in a direct trade. I find they have
the greatest inclination to serve us, and at the same time
themselves, for no people see their interests clearer, but their fears
that we shall be subdued, the confident assertions of the friends of
England confirming these apprehensions, the prodigious sums they have
in the English funds, with this unlucky business at New York, all
conspire to prevent direct speculation.
As my letters from Paris introduced me to the first houses here, I
have had the best opportunity of knowing their sentiments, and I can
venture to say, that with many who are apparently adverse to us, it is
interest combating with principle, for insulted, searched, and
plundered as the Dutch were the last war, and are at present, there
are individuals who by no means want sensibility to feel, though the
public wants spirit to resent the injury. The States have, however, in
answer to a fresh remonstrance of General Yorke, declared that their
ports are open to vessels of all nations, and that their trade to and
from their own Colonies shall be unmolested, their subjects complying
with the ordinances issued by their High Mightinesses. In fact, their
prohibition of exporting warlike stores, extends to all British
subjects. I hope it will not be long before all Europe will own us in
another character. It is very certain, that without a very material
and apparent success of the British arms in America, a loan would be
very slowly negotiated for England here. There is nothing hinders them
now from selling out of the English funds, but their not knowing what
to do with their money; for this country may be called the treasury of
Europe, and its stock of specie is more or less, according to the
necessity of the different Princes in Europe. It being a time of
peace, the call has not been very great of late.
Having mentioned the credit of England, that of France is next to be
considered, and I am very sorry to say that has been very low here of
late. The dreadful mismanagement of the finances in the late King's
reign, and the character of the late Controller General, M. d'Olugny,
had reduced it so low, that it was impossible to borrow anything
considerable on perpetual funds. Perhaps a Minister of Finance, in
whose probity the world have a confidence, may restore their credit.
At this moment that is in some measure the case, for the French stocks
rise on the appointment of M. Taboreau. That it is possible for France
to borrow may be demonstrated; for at the time M. Turgot was removed,
he was negotiating a loan here, and was likely to succeed, for sixty
millions of guilders. The credit of Spain is extremely good, and that
kingdom may have what money it will, and on the best terms. The
Emperor's credit is also good, not as Emperor, but from his hereditary
dominion. Sweden and Denmark both have good credit. The former, the
best; they have money at four per cent; and it is not long since the
King of Sweden borrowed three millions of guilders at this interest,
to pay off old debts at five per cent. His interest is paid
punctually. Prussia has no credit here, but the King's treasury is
full by squeezing the last farthing from the people, and now and then
he draws a little money from this Republic, by reviving obsolete
claims. The credit of the Empress of Russia is very good; for she has
punctually paid the interest of twelve millions of guilders, which she
borrowed in her war with the Turks, and has lately paid off one
million and a half of the principal. These are the strongest
circumstances she could have in her favor with a mercantile people. I
have this statement of credit from persons employed in negotiating the
several loans, and, therefore, can depend upon the truth of the
information.
To come next to America, should time and necessity oblige her to look
abroad for money. In the present state of affairs, it is not probable
that a loan is practicable. But should success so attend our arms,
that it should appear evident that we are likely to support our
independence, or should either France or Spain acknowledge our
independence, in either of these cases I believe we might have money,
and when it was seen that we were punctual in our first payments of
the interest, we should have as much as we pleased. The nature of the
security, or the fund for the payment of interest, I have not been
able to imagine. But, observing in a letter to Mr Dearethart, it was
the writer's opinion, that the honorable Congress did not wish to
circulate too much paper, for fear of depreciating its value, I
thought that bills issued similar to those in circulation in the
Provinces, and lodged in a public bank in Europe, might be accepted as
a pledge or deposit for money borrowed by the United States. I beg
pardon for the crudity of the idea, and would not have mentioned it
here, but that having hinted at it in general conversation, people
thought it might, on a future occasion, be adopted.
You will please to observe, that everything here mentioned came from
an individual, who only as such avowed himself interested for his
country's fate, and for its benefit sought information.
Notwithstanding the rise of stocks, occasioned by our misfortune on
Long Island, the Dutch are selling out, and my strongest
representations have not been wanting to contribute a mite to this
circumstance. The price of our product is great. Rice sells for
twentyfive shillings sterling per cwt. and tobacco for eight stivers
and four ---- per pound. You have been threatened, that the Ukraine
would supply Europe with tobacco. It must be long before that time can
arrive. I have seen some of the tobacco here, and the best of it is
worse than the worst of our ground leaf. Four hundred thousand pounds
have been sent here this year. The Russian Ambassador said at the
Baron le Guerre's, Ambassador from Sweden, where I had the honor to
dine, that Russia soon would be able to supply the market with that
article. In this he spoke more like an Ambassador than as a merchant.
I took occasion in reply to observe, that if that was the case, and on
many other accounts, it was the interest of her Majesty that all
intercourse between Great Britain and America should be broken off,
for that then the former would be dependent on Russia for all those
articles, which hitherto the latter had supplied her with.
Having expressed a desire of knowing these reasons at large, with the
assistance of M. D---- and the approbation of Mr Deane, I purpose
giving in a little memoir on the subject, which the Ambassador assures
me shall be sent to St Petersburg. Not being so sanguine as to think,
that it will prevent Russia from supplying England with troops, should
the other demand them, but it may give a secret dilatoriness to their
assistance, which may finally operate in our favor.
If it should be determined to send any cargoes of tobacco here, on the
public account, it will perhaps be thought proper to convoy them. The
frigates destined to that service might retaliate the injuries we have
received by the destruction of Falmouth and Norfolk, by destroying the
towns and shipping of Greenock and the port of Glasgow, or Ayre and
Cambleton. I have been particularly informed of the situation of
those places until the present moment. They have no batteries to
protect, or soldiers to defend them, or quartered near enough in any
numbers to be assembled for that purpose, and not a vessel of war on
the whole coast larger than a tender, to receive men for the sea
service. Their rendezvous might be the entrance of the northern
channel, where, while they waited a junction, in case they should be
separated, they might take the outward bound ships, and by the
information obtained from them, insure their success. In returning, a
party landed on the Isle of Bute, might destroy the house of that
favorite. Little objects strike most forcibly little minds. This
affair completed, which would alarm Britain and astonish Europe, the
ships trading to the Baltic, with cargoes not only that suit, but are
necessary for our Provinces, might be their next object. This ought
all to be done in the months of March, April, and May. The destruction
of the Greenland fishery, might be the last object of the expedition.
I am confident, that not having a distrust of such attempts, the
success would be more certain. Should there be a necessity of seeking
shelter or refreshments, I have it from the Swedish Ambassador here,
that we shall find both in their ports. I only hinted to him, that it
was possible some of our adventurers might explore those seas in
search of plunder.
This is the rough outline of a plan, which the honorable Congress may,
should it in any shape be approved, digest into form. I would stake my
life on the success of the greatest part of it, if inviolable secrecy
is preserved, and the execution is trusted to persons who have not
only wealth but glory in view. If prompted by a heated and indignant
imagination, this plan should appear dangerous and impracticable, I
hope it will be imputed to the desire of retorting our injuries on
that country, which has in some measure been the cause, and is at
present endeavoring, with the rancor of private animosity, to
accumulate our distress. I entreated Mr Deane to propose some part of
it to the consideration of Congress sometime ago, and I have the
pleasure to find his opinion corresponds with my own on the subject.
The resentment, which it is said the honorable Congress have shown, on
the conduct of the King of Portugal towards us, has been attended with
a very good effect, and should a manifesto be published by that
honorable body, hinting only the necessity of taking similar measures
with all those who denied them the common rights of mankind, I am
persuaded it would be to our advantage. It was the dread of such a
blow to their trade, that was one of the strongest arguments made use
of by the merchants of this country, in their petition to the States.
I need not mention to you anything respecting what is like to take
place in Europe another year, for of that ere this, you, I hope, have
information. I will only say, that the greater part contemplates with
pleasure the gloomy prospect for England; there is not an Envoy of the
most petty State in Italy, but exults at it. The want of intelligence
from America, hurts the cause prodigiously in Europe, and the anxiety
of those who have its interest at heart, is from that circumstance,
inconceivable. I hope I need not offer assurances to convince the
honorable Congress of the zeal with which I wish to serve them. To be
directed by that honorable body in what manner to do it most
effectually, will be the happiest circumstance of my life.
I have the honor to be, &c.
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
_P. S._ I cannot seal this letter without recommending Colonel Prevet,
should the fortune of war put him into our hands, to all the
indulgence, to himself and family, his situation will possibly admit
of. Mr Grand, his wife's father, an eminent merchant here, animated
with that love of liberty which distinguishes his country,
(Switzerland) offers all the services in his power to the public, and
a thousand civilities to its individuals. If by the same fortune, Mr
Dowdswell, of the first regiment of guards, should fall into our
hands, his father's merits and his own reluctance, will give him the
same indulgence.
Since I wrote the above, Mr Grand has assured me, that should the
honorable Congress determine to negotiate loans in Europe, and would
draw bills accepted by the principal merchants in America, payable at
two, three, and five years' sight, and send them to their house, they
should be discounted by them at five per cent interest. This was the
manner in which money was raised for the city of Leipsic during the
last war. The gentlemen of the committee will please to observe, that
this is to be kept very secret, for no loan can be publicly negotiated
here as yet. The firm of this house is Messrs Horneca, Fizeaux & Co.
and is one of the most capital in this city. Should any cargoes be
consigned here on public account, perhaps it may be thought proper to
address them to these gentlemen. I can assure you, gentlemen, and that
from my own knowledge, that many bills remitted from America, and
supposed to be drawn on account of Congress, have been refused payment
by the English Ministry knowing beforehand when they would be
presented for payment, and by that means, having an opportunity of
bribing, threatening, or flattering the parties on whom they were
drawn, either to refuse payment absolutely, or at least noting them
for protest, in order to hurt the credit of our merchants in Europe. I
do think that the less connexion, for this and other reasons, we have
in future with houses whose principal business depends on Great
Britain, the better. I beg pardon for giving my opinion thus freely,
but it is the effect of my zeal.
W. C.
* * * * *
TO WILLIAM BINGHAM AT MARTINIQUE.
Paris, June 25th to July 6th, 1777.
Sir,
A letter from a person unknown to you but by name, had need of a long
introduction to apologise for the address, but not being a man of
ceremony myself, and besides having but little time for formality, I
content myself with saying, that engaged in the same cause with
yourself, I have assisted Mr Deane since his arrival in Europe, and
know intimately well our affairs abroad, their situation here, and in
such Courts, where it has been thought necessary to address ourselves
for countenance and assistance. I have of course been no stranger to
your correspondence, and have been sorry to find so punctual a
correspondent should have any reason to complain of the want of
punctuality in others. This is not owing to want of inclination in Mr
Deane, but to the multiplicity of business which occupies his whole
time; for Mr Lee is absent, being at Berlin, where I first broke the
ice last autumn,[1] and the age of Dr Franklin in some measure hinders
him from taking so active a part in the drudgery of business as his
great zeal and abilities would otherwise enable him to execute. He is
the master to whom we children in politics all look up for counsel,
and whose name is everywhere a passport, to be well received. As I
trouble you therefore with forwarding some letters to my friends, I
wish to pay the postage by any European intelligence in my power to
communicate.
I have another motive to incite me, which is, that I think your
situation of singular consequence to bring on a war so necessary to
assure our independence, and which the weak system of this Court seems
studiously to avoid. Either from this weakness, or from a jealousy,
that by a precipitate interference, our independence would be too soon
and too formidably established, the Court shuns everything in Europe
which might appear a glaring violation of their treaties with England.
This line of conduct has delayed the stores so long promised, and at
last sends to Martinique, what ought to have been on the continent in
February at furthest. This occasioned the loss of the Seine, which was
despatched half laden, that such necessary articles as tents and
fusils, might get early to America, the captain having positive orders
to proceed thither without touching at the Islands, and I myself
protested to the ship's owners, that Mr Deane would have no concern in
the risk, if on any account but stress of weather, the vessel
proceeded to the West Indies. As such is their miserable policy, it is
our business to force on a war, in spite of their inclinations to the
contrary, for which purpose, I see nothing so likely as fitting out
privateers from the ports and Islands of France. Here we are too near
the sun and the business is dangerous; with you it may be done more
easily, and indeed has already been attended with happy effects, as
you will see by the enclosed copy of a letter from the Chamber of
Commerce at Liverpool to that of Bristol. The natural antipathy of the
nation is such, that their passions being once fully excited, they
will proceed to such acts of reprisal and mutual violence, as will
occasion clamors and altercations, which no soft words can palliate.
As I pretend to know something of the counsels of both nations, I know
there are strong advocates for war in both. The more reasons they have
to produce in favor of their system, the sooner it will be adopted.
In England, when General Howe's successes in the Jersies, and the
prospect of getting possession of Philadelphia, made the Ministry hope
for a speedy termination of their dispute with us, I know war with
France was nearly determined on. The insolence of apparent success
dictated that Memorial, which Sir Joseph Yorke presented to their High
Mightinesses, and which you have undoubtedly seen. One of a still more
insolent nature was prepared and even sent to Lord Stormont here, and
a refusal and even delay of compliance with the requisitions therein
made, was to have been the harbinger of war, and the immediate
destruction of the French commerce and Islands. Happily for our
enemies, the news of our success at Trenton prevented its delivery.
In France, the nation and some of the Ministers wish to act
vigorously, but are retarded in all their operations by the imbecility
of age, or the more powerful operation of English gold. As the English
Ministry seem convinced of the pacific, or rather undecided, state of
the rulers here, they hasten, by the most vigorous exertions against
us, to end the war, and are less reserved in the treatment of the
French prisoners abroad. Could they be provoked to unequivocal proofs
of violence, it would be a good point gained. This your situation may
bring about, by encouraging the arming of vessels manned by Frenchmen,
and by prompting the captains to provoke unjustifiable reprisals, on
the part of the inhabitants of the English Islands.
To you, filled with liberal ideas, and a high sense of the interest of
the French nation, to give us powerful support, these hints may appear
extraordinary, but from experience I can assure you, that public
councils, at least in Europe, are directed more by caprice, or the
interest of _individuals_, than by a generous concern for the whole.
At a distance, we think more of the wisdom of statesmen than they
merit. The nearer we approach them the less is our reverence. If our
enemies are not successful, they mean to close with us on the best
terms they can, sensible, that if this great effort does not succeed,
they have little to hope in future. This is an animating reason for us
to persevere in the glorious contest. In the meantime, it is our
business to keep up the spirits of our common people to the utmost.
For which reason, what I write you is in confidence, or for the
inspection of the Committee only, if it may be thought to merit their
notice.
The English have completed their loan among themselves. No foreigners
have assisted them, although the terms to the lender are better than
any yet offered by that nation, except once. Foreigners know that they
have yet several millions to fund, for which they must offer still
better terms. The Spaniards have refused the mediation of France and
England in their dispute with Portugal, being determined to prosecute
the war until Portugal demands peace, and makes reparation. They have
taken the important Island of St Catharine's, on the coast of Brazil,
without loss, and mean vigorously to prosecute their operations on
Brazil. This I have from undoubted authority, one of the family
Ministers. A report prevails, that the Indians of the east have fallen
on their oppressors, and have taken Madras. India stock has,
consequently, fallen. Both France and Spain continue their armaments
as if preparing for some great event. This obliges England to do the
same. All their naval and army contracts are for five years, and they
employ as many workmen in their dock yards, as they did in the height
of the last war. You will serve us essentially, by pushing the
cruisers who visit you into the European seas, particularly those of
the north, in the months of August, September, and October, directing
them to send their prizes into France or Spain. It would render our
negotiation with Prussia more successful, if a tobacco ship could by
any means be pushed into Emden, which ship might make her returns in
manufactures necessary for us, and fifteen or twenty per cent cheaper
than we can have them here. Urge it to the honorable Committee.
I am, &c.
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
_P. S._ Two vessels with stores are just despatched from different
ports. Forward them, my Dear Sir, immediately to our dear country.
Captains Wickes, Johnson, and Nicholson, have just destroyed sixteen
vessels on the English and Irish coast. I am despatching Conyngham
from hence on the same business in a privateer. I begin to think war
unavoidable.
W. C.
_Dunkirk, July 6th._
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Mr Carmichael's letters from Berlin, if he ever wrote any, are
missing.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Yorktown, June 17th, 1778.
Sir,
Since my arrival here, I have been informed of the honor conferred on
me by Congress, in being appointed Secretary to the Commissioners at
the Court of France, an honor which greatly overpays the feeble
efforts of my zeal, and is more than I could expect, considering the
well founded pretensions of others to their notice.
I beg leave through you, Sir, to express my grateful sensibility of
this proof of their confidence, as well as the ardent desire I have of
meriting it in future.[2]
I have the honor to be, &c.
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
FOOTNOTES:
[2] It does not appear that Mr Carmichael ever accepted this
appointment. He was chosen a delegate to Congress from Maryland, and
joined that body on the 19th of November, 1778.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Off Reedy Island, November 25th, 1779.
Sir,
I received at Chester, the copies of the resolves, you did me the
honor to enclose me, and shall punctually comply with your request, by
forwarding them as soon as I arrive, to Dr Franklin and Mr Johnson. I
am sorry that the business with respect to the latter, is left in its
present state, because there are very few men, who neglect a certain
and profitable occupation, to engage in another where they are sure of
offending, without an equal certainty of an adequate reward for their
trouble and impartiality.
I am much obliged to you for your good wishes, although I must
candidly own they would be still more agreeable accompanied by a ship
of the line, for we are informed that the Romulus and Roebuck, are
waiting for us to intercept us, and were they animated, would, like
the Death and Sin of Milton, bless their lucky stars 'destined to that
good hour.' I beg you to make the proper compliments for me to the
gentlemen of your family.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Martinique, December 27th, 1779.
Sir,
I take the liberty of enclosing to your Excellency, a paper containing
a relation of a late affair, between part of the small squadron
commanded by M. la Motte Piquet, and the English fleet, under the
orders of Sir Peter Parker. It was given me by direction of the French
Admiral, that a true account of this action, which has done him much
honor here, might be published in America.
On the 23d of this month, Admiral Arbuthnot arrived at Barbadoes with
six or seven sail of the line, and sixteen regiments. An attack on the
Grenadas or Dominica, is daily expected. The latter is well fortified
and garrisoned by twelve hundred men. The Marquis de Bouille seems to
have no apprehensions for any of their Islands, except those lately
taken from the enemy.
Mr Jay informs Congress by this opportunity, of the misfortune which
befel us, and the reasons which induced the officers to bring the ship
to this Island.[3] I can only express my regret for the delay, which
this accident will occasion in the execution of the business with
which Congress has done us the honor to intrust us. With the highest
sentiments of respect,
I have the honor to be, &c.
WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
FOOTNOTES:
[3] See _Jay's Correspondence_, Vol. VII. p. 174.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
Madrid, February 18th, 1780.
Dear Sir,