CHAPTER VIII.

THE LAST YEARS OF HIS LIFE.

The representation of _Cato_ on the stage was a turning point in the

political fortunes of the Whigs. In the same month the Queen announced, on

the meeting of Parliament, the signature of the Treaty of Utrecht.

Whatever were the merits or demerits of the policy embodied in this

instrument, it offered many points of attack to a compact and vigorous

Opposition. The most salient of these was, perhaps, the alleged sacrifice

of British commercial interests through the incompetence or corruption of

the negotiators, and on this question the Whigs accordingly raised

vehement and reiterated debates. Addison aided his political friends with

an ingenious pamphlet on the subject, called _The late Trial and

Conviction of Count Tariff_, containing a narrative of the lawsuit between

the Count and Goodman Fact, which is written with much spirit and

pleasantry. It is said that he also took the field in answer to the

Address to the Queen from the magistrates of Dunkirk, wherein Her Majesty

was requested to waive the execution of the article in the Treaty

providing for the demolition of the harbour and fortifications of that

town; but if he wrote on the subject the pamphlet has not been preserved

by Tickell. His old friend Steele was meanwhile involving himself in

difficulties through the heat and impetuosity of his party passions.

After the painful abstinence from partizanship imposed on him by the

scheme of the _Tatler_ and _Spectator_ he had founded the _Guardian_ on

similar lines, and had carried it on in a nonpolitical spirit up to the

128th number, when his Whig feelings could restrain themselves no longer,

and he inserted a letter signed by "An English Tory," demanding the

immediate demolition of Dunkirk. Soon afterwards he published a pamphlet

called _The Crisis_, to excite the apprehensions of the nation with regard

to the Protestant succession, and, dropping the _Guardian_, started the

_Englishman_, a political paper of extreme Whig views. He further

irritated the Tory majority in Parliament by supporting the proposal of

Sir Thomas Hanmer, as Speaker of the House of Commons, in a speech

violently reflecting on the rejected Bill for a Treaty of Commerce with

France. A complaint was brought before the House against the _Crisis_, and

two numbers of the _Englishman_, and Steele was ordered to attend and

answer for his conduct. After the charge had been preferred against him,

he asked for time to arrange his defence; and this being granted him,

after a warm debate, he reappeared in his place a few days later, and made

a long and able speech, which is said to have been prepared for him by

Addison, acting under the instructions of the Kit-Kat Club. It did not,

however, save him from being expelled from the House.

Addison himself stood aloof, as far as was possible, from the heated

atmosphere of party, occupying his time chiefly with the execution of

literary designs. In 1713 he began a work on the Evidences of

Christianity, which he never finished, and in the last half of the year

1714 he completed the eighth volume of the _Spectator_. So moderate was

his political attitude that Bolingbroke was not without hopes of bringing

him over to the Tory side; an interview, however, convinced him that it

was useless to dream of converting Addison's steady constitutional

principle to his own ambitious schemes.

The condition of the Tory party was indeed rapidly becoming desperate. Its

leaders were at open variance with each other. Oxford, a veteran

intriguer, was desirous of combining with the Whigs; the more daring and

brilliant Bolingbroke aimed at the restoration of the exiled Stuarts. His

influence, joined to natural family affection, prevailed with the Queen,

who was persuaded to deprive Oxford of the Treasurer's staff. But her

health was undermined, and a furious and indecent dispute between the two

Tory leaders in her own presence completely prostrated her. She was

carried from the Council, and sinking into a state of unconsciousness from

which she never recovered, died on the 1st of August, 1714.

Meantime the Whigs were united and prepared. On the meeting of the

Council, George I. was proclaimed King without opposition: Lord-Justices

were authorised to administer affairs provisionally, and Addison was

appointed their Secretary. It is said, though on no good authority, that

having, in discharge of his office, to announce to George I. the death of

the Queen, Addison was embarrassed in his choice of phrases for the

occasion, and that the duty to which the best writer in the _Spectator_

proved unequal was performed by a common clerk. Had Addison been quite

unfamiliar with public life this story would have been more credible, but

his experience in Ireland must have made him acquainted with the

peculiarities of official English; and some surviving specimens of his

public correspondence prove him to have been a sufficient master in the

art of saying nothing in a magnificent way.

On the arrival of the King in England, the Earl of Sunderland was

appointed to succeed the Duke of Shrewsbury as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland,

and he once more offered Addison the post of Chief Secretary. In that

office the latter continued till the Earl's resignation of the

Lord-Lieutenancy in August, 1715. It would appear to have been less

lucrative to him than when he previously held it, and, indeed, than he

himself had expected; the cause of this deficiency being, as he states,

"his Lordship's absence from that kingdom, and his not being qualified to

give out military commissions."[65] He is said, nevertheless, to have

shown the strictest probity and honour in his official dealings, and some

of his extant correspondence (the authenticity of which, however, is

guaranteed only by the unsatisfactory testimony of Curll) shows him to

have declined, in a very high-minded manner, a present of money, evidently

intended to secure his interest on behalf of an applicant. He seems to

have been in London almost as much as in Dublin during his tenure of

office, and he found time in the midst of his public business to compose

another play for the stage.

There appears to be no good reason for doubting that _The Drummer_ was the

work of Addison. It is true that it was not included by Tickell in his

edition of his friend's writings; and Steele, in the letter to Congreve

which he prefixed to the second edition of the play, only says that

Addison sent for him when he was a patentee of Drury Lane Theatre, and

told him "that a gentleman then in the room had written a play which he

was sure I should like, but it was to be a secret; and he knew I would

take as much pains, since he recommended it, as I would for him." But

Steele could, under such circumstances, hardly have been deceived as to

the real authorship of the play, and if confirmatory evidence is required,

it is furnished by Theobald, who tells us that Addison informed him that

he had taken the character of Vellum, the steward, from Fletcher's

_Scornful Lady_. Addison was probably not anxious himself to assert his

right of paternity to the play. It was acted at Drury Lane, and, the name

of the author being unknown, was coldly received; a second performance of

it after Addison's death, when the authorship was proclaimed, was

naturally more successful; but, in fact, the piece is, like _Cato_, a

standing proof of Addison's deficiency in dramatic genius. The plot is

poor and trivial; nor does the dialogue, though it shows in many passages

traces of its author's peculiar vein of humour, make amends by its

brilliancy for the tameness of the dramatic situation.

He was soon, however, called upon to employ his pen on a task better

suited to his powers. In September, 1715, there was a rising in Scotland

and in the North of England on behalf of the Pretender. The rebellion was

put down with little difficulty, but the position of the House of

Brunswick was far more precarious than on the surface it seemed to be. It

could count, no doubt, on the loyalty of a House of Commons elected when

the Tories were momentarily stunned by the death of Queen Anne, on the

faith of the army, and on the support of the moneyed interest. On the

other hand, the two most important classes in the kingdom--the landed

proprietors and the clergy--were generally hostile to the new _régime_,

and the influence exercised by the latter was of course exceedingly great

in days when the pulpit was still the chief instrument in the formation of

public opinion. The weight of some powerful writer was urgently needed on

the Whig side, and Addison--who in the preceding August had been obliged

to vacate his office of Secretary in consequence of the resignation of the

Lord-Lieutenant--was by common consent indicated as the man best qualified

for the task. There were indeed hot political partizans who questioned his

capacity. Steele said that "the Government had made choice of a lute when

they ought to have taken a trumpet." But if by the "trumpet" he was

modestly alluding to himself, it may very well be doubted if the objects

of the Government would have been attained by employing the services of

the author of the _Englishman_. What was wanted was not party invective,

but the calm persuasiveness of reason; a pen that could _prove_ to all

Tory country gentlemen and thoroughgoing High Churchmen that the

Protestant succession was indispensable to the safety of the principles

which each respectively considered to be of vital importance. This was the

task which lay before Addison, and which he accomplished with consummate

skill in the _Freeholder_.

The name of the new paper was selected by him in order to suggest that

property was the basis of liberty; and his main argument, which he

introduces under constantly varying forms, is that there could be no

safety for property under a line of monarchs who claimed the dispensing

power, and no security for the liberties of the Church under kings of an

alien religion. In order to secure variety of treatment, the exact social

position of the _Freeholder_ is not defined:

"At the same time that I declare I am a freeholder I do not exclude

myself from any other title. A freeholder may be either a voter or a

knight of the shire, a wit or a fox-hunter, a scholar or a soldier, an

alderman or a courtier, a patriot or a stock-jobber. But I choose to

be distinguished by this denomination, as the freeholder is the basis

of all other titles. Dignities may be grafted upon it, but this is the

substantial stock that conveys to them their life, taste, and beauty,

and without which they are blossoms that would fall away with every

shake of wind."[66]

By this means he was able to impart liveliness to his theme, which he

diversifies by philosophical disquisition; by good-natured satire on the

prejudices of the country gentlemen; by frequent papers on his favourite

subject, "the fair sex;" and by occasional glances at literature. Though

his avowed object was to prove the superiority of the Whig over the Tory

theory of the Constitution, his "native moderation" never deserts him, and

he often lets his disgust at the stupidity of faction, and his preference

for social over political writing, appear in the midst of his argument.

The best papers in the series are undoubtedly the "Memoirs of a Preston

Rebel" and the "Tory Foxhunter," both of which are full of the exquisite

humour that distinguishes the sketches of Sir Roger de Coverley. The

_Freeholder_ was only continued for six months (December 23, 1715, to June

9, 1716), being published every Friday and Monday, and being completed in

fifty-five numbers. In the last number the essayist described the nature

of his work, and gave his reasons for discontinuing it:

"It would not be difficult to continue a paper of this kind if one

were disposed to resume the same subjects and weary out the reader

with the same thoughts in a different phrase, or to ramble through the

cause of Whig and Tory without any certain aim or method in every

particular discourse. Such a practice in political writers is like

that of some preachers taken notice of by Dr. South, who, being

prepared only upon two or three points of doctrine, run the same round

with their audience from one end of the year to the other, and are

always forced to tell them, by way of preface, 'These are particulars

of so great importance that they cannot be sufficiently inculcated.'

To avoid this method of tautology, I have endeavoured to make every

paper a distinct essay upon some particular subject, without deviating

into points foreign to the tenor of each discourse. They are, indeed,

most of them essays upon Government, but with a view to the present

situation of affairs in Great Britain, so that, if they have the good

fortune to live longer than works of this nature generally do, future

readers may see in them the complexion of the times in which they were

written. However, as there is no employment so irksome as that of

transcribing out of one's self next to that of transcribing out of

others, I shall let drop the work, since there do not occur to me any

material points arising from our present situation which I have not

already touched upon."

It was probably in reward for his services in publishing the _Freeholder_

that he was made one of the Commissioners for Trade and Colonies. Soon

after his appointment to this office he married Charlotte, Countess of

Warwick, daughter of Sir Thomas Myddleton, of Chirk Castle, Denbighshire.

His attachment to the Countess is said to have begun years before; and

this seems not unlikely, for, though the story of his having been tutor to

the young Earl is obviously groundless, two charming letters of his to the

latter are in existence which show that as early as 1708 he took a strong

interest in the family. These letters, which are written entirely on the

subject of birds, may, of course, have been inspired merely by an

affection for the boy himself; but it is not unreasonable to suppose that

the writer felt a yet stronger interest in the mother, though her

indifference, or his natural diffidence, led him to disguise his feelings;

perhaps, indeed, the episode of Sir Roger de Coverley's love passage with

the cruel widow may be founded on personal experience. We have seen him in

1711 reporting to a friend that the loss of his place had involved that of

his mistress. Possibly the same hard-hearted mistress condescended to

relent when she saw her former lover once more on the road to high State

preferment.

Report says that the marriage was not a happy one. The tradition, however,

like so many others about the same person, seems to have been derived from

Pope, who, in his _Epistle to Arbuthnot_, congratulates himself--with an

evident glance at Addison--on "not marrying discord with a noble wife." An

innuendo of this kind, and coming from such a quarter, ought not to be

accepted as evidence without some corroboration; and the only

corroboration which is forthcoming is a letter of Lady Mary Wortley

Montagu, who writes from Constantinople in 1717: "I received the news of

Mr. Addison's being declared Secretary of State with the less surprise in

that I know the post was offered to him before. At that time he declined

it; and I really believe he would have done well to decline it now. Such a

post as that and such a wife as the Countess do not seem to be, in

prudence, eligible for a man that is asthmatic, and we may see the day

when he will be glad to resign them both." Lady Mary, however, does not

hint that Addison was _then_ living unhappily with his wife; her

expressions seem to be inspired rather by her own sharp wit and a personal

dislike of the Countess than by any knowledge of discord in the household.

On the other hand, Addison speaks of his wife in a way which is scarcely

consistent with what Johnson calls "uncontradicted report." On March 20th,

1718, he writes to Swift: "Whenever you see England your company will be

the most acceptable in the world at Holland House, where you are highly

esteemed by Lady Warwick and the young Lord." A henpecked husband would

hardly have invited the Dean of St. Patrick's to be the witness of his

domestic discomfort. Nor do the terms of his will, dated only a month

before his death, indicate that he regarded his wife with feelings other

than those of affection and respect: "I do make and ordain my said dear

wife executrix of this my last will; and I do appoint her to be guardian

of my dear child, Charlotte Addison, until she shall attain her age of

one-and-twenty, being well assured that she will take due care of her

education, and provide for her in case she live to be married." On the

whole, it seems reasonable to put positive evidence of this kind against

those vague rumours of domestic unhappiness which, however unsubstantial,

are so easily propagated and so readily believed.

In April, 1717, the dissensions between the two sections of the Whig

Cabinet, led respectively by Townshend and Sunderland, reached a climax,

and Townshend being worsted, Sunderland became Prime Minister. He at once

appointed his old subordinate one of the Secretaries of State, and Addison

filled the office for eleven months. "It is universally confessed," says

Johnson, "that he was unequal to the duties of his place." Here again the

"universal confession" dwindles on examination to something very

different. As far as his conduct in administration required to be defended

in Parliament, his inaptitude for the place was no doubt conspicuous. He

had been elected member of Parliament for Lostwithiel in 1708, and when

that election was set aside he was chosen for Malmesbury, a seat which he

retained for the rest of his life. He made, however, but one effort to

address the House, when, being confused with the cheers which greeted him,

he was unable to complete his sentence, and, resuming his seat, never

again opened his lips.

But in other respects the evidence of his official incapacity seems to

proceed solely from his enemies. "Mr. Addison," said Pope to Spence,

"could not give out a common order in writing from his endeavouring always

to word it too finely. He had too beautiful an imagination to make a man

of business."[67] Copies of official letters and despatches written by

Addison are, however, in existence, and prove him to have been a

sufficient master of a business style, so that, though his lack of ability

as a speaker may well have impaired his efficiency as a member of the

Government, Johnson has little warrant for saying that "_finding by

experience his own inability_, he was forced to solicit his dismission

with a pension of fifteen hundred pounds a year." As a matter of fact,

Addison's own petition to the King and his private correspondence prove

with sufficient clearness that his resignation was caused entirely by his

failing health; while the congratulatory Latin verses addressed to him by

Vincent Bourne, on his recovery from one of his seizures of asthma, show

that his illness was of the most serious nature.

He resigned his post, however, in March, 1718, with cheerful alacrity, and

appears to have looked forward to an active period of literary work, for

we are told that he meditated a tragedy on the death of Socrates, as well

as the completion of his book on the Evidences of Christianity. But this

was not to be; the exigencies of the Ministry in the following year

demanded the services of his pen. A Peerage Bill, introduced by

Sunderland, the effect of which was to cause the sovereign to divest

himself of his prerogative of creating fresh peers, had been vehemently

attacked by Steele in a pamphlet called the _Plebeian_, published March

14, 1719, which Addison undertook to answer in the _Old Whig_ (March 19).

The _Plebeian_ returned to the attack with spirit and with some acrimony

in two numbers published March 29th and 30th, and the _Old Whig_ made a

somewhat contemptuous reply on April 2nd. "Every reader," says Johnson,

"surely must regret that these two illustrious friends, after so many

years passed in confidence and endearment, in unity of interest,

conformity of opinion, and fellowship of study, should finally part in

acrimonious opposition. Such a controversy was 'Bellum plusquam _civile_,'

as Lucan expresses it. Why could not faction find other advocates? But

among the uncertainties of the human state we are doomed to number the

instability of friendship."

The rupture seems the more painful when we find Steele, in his third and

last _Plebeian_, published April 6th, taunting his opponent with his

tardiness in taking the field, at the very moment when his former friend

and school-fellow--unknown to him of course--was dying. Asthma, the old

enemy that had driven Addison from office, had returned; dropsy

supervened, and he died, 17th June, 1719, at Holland House, at the early

age of forty-seven. We may imagine the grief, contrition, and remorse that

must have torn the affectionate heart of Steele when he had found he had

been vexing the last hours of one whom, in spite of all their differences,

he loved so well. He had always regarded Addison with almost religious

reverence, which did not yield even to acts of severity on his friend's

part that would have estranged the feelings of men of a disposition less

simple and impulsive. Addison had once lent him £1000 to build a house at

Hampton Court, instructing his lawyer to recover the amount when due. On

Steele's failure to repay the money, his friend ordered the house and

furniture to be sold and the balance to be paid to Steele, writing to him

at the same time that he had taken the step to arouse him from his

lethargy. B. Victor, the actor, a friend of Steele, who is the authority

for the story, says that Steele accepted the reproof with "philosophical

composure," and that the incident caused no diminution in their

friendship. Political differences at last produced a coldness between

them, and in 1717 Steele writes to his wife, "I ask no favour of Mr.

Secretary Addison." Great must have been the revulsion of feeling in a man

of his nature when he learned that death had now rendered impossible the

renewal of the old associations. All the love, admiration, and enthusiasm

for Addison, which his heart and memory still preserved, broke out in the

letter to Congreve which he prefixed to _The Drummer_.

Of the closing scene of Addison's life we know little except on rumour. A

report was current in Johnson's time, and reached the antiquary John

Nichols at the close of the last century, that his life was shortened by

over-drinking. But as usual the scandal, when traced to its source, seems

to originate with Pope, who told Spence that he himself was once one of

the circle at Button's, and left it because he found that their prolonged

sittings were injuring his health. It is highly probable that Addison's

phlegmatic temperament required to be aroused by wine into conversational

activity, and that he was able to drink more than most of his companions

without being affected by it; but to suppose that he indulged a sensual

appetite to excess is contrary alike to all that we know of his character

and to the direct evidence of Bishop Berkeley, who, writing of the first

performance of _Cato_, says: "I was present with Mr. Addison and a few

more friends in a side box, where we had a table and two or three flasks

of Burgundy and champagne, with which the author (who is a very sober man)

thought it necessary to support his spirits."

Another story, told on the same questionable authority, represents him as

having sent on his death-bed for Gay, and asked his forgiveness for some

injury which he said he had done him, but which he did not specify. From

the more trustworthy report of Young we learn that he asked to see the

Earl of Warwick, and said to him, "See in what peace a Christian can die:"

words which are supposed to explain the allusion of the lines in Tickell's

elegy--

"He taught us how to live and (oh! too high

The price of knowledge) taught us how to die."

His body, after lying in state in the Jerusalem Chamber, was buried by

night in Westminster Abbey. The service was performed by Atterbury, and

the scene is described by Tickell in a fine passage, probably inspired by

a still finer one written by his own rival and his friend's satirist:

"Can I forget the dismal night that gave

My soul's best part for ever to the grave?

How silent did his old companions tread,

By midnight lamps, the mansions of the dead,

Through breathing statues, then unheeded things,

Through rows of warriors, and through walks of kings!

What awe did the slow solemn march inspire,

The pealing organ, and the pausing choir;

The duties by the lawn-robed prelate paid,

And the last words that dust to dust conveyed!

While speechless o'er the closing grave we bend,

Accept these tears, thou dear departed friend!

Oh gone for ever; take this last adieu,

And sleep in peace next thy loved Montague."[68]

He left by the Countess of Warwick one daughter, who lived in his old

house at Bilton, and died unmarried in 1797.

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