A few years later Peru became more prosperous through the development
of her rich mineral resources and began pressing for a settlement of
the question. To the arbitration proposition presented by Peru Chile
maintained that there was nothing to arbitrate. In 1905 Peru presented
her side of the question in the form of a written protest against
certain proposed industrial improvements in the disputed territory. The
reply of the Chilean government to the arguments offered in the protest
was an able statement of the case, which left little doubt in the minds
of those familiar with the subject that it was Chile’s intention to
retain possession of the territory in question.
In June 1905 diplomatic relations between the two republics were
resumed, and Peru sent Don Manuel Alvarez Calderon as Envoy
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Santiago, where he was
warmly received by President Riesco and his Cabinet Ministers. In
his address in presenting his credentials to the President of Chile,
on November 4, 1905, Señor Calderon stated that he was charged with
the task of settling outstanding questions in conformity with treaty
stipulations, meaning, it was understood, the Tacna and Arica question.
In February 1906 the Chilean government named Don Rafael Balmaceda as
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Peru.
The more amicable relations resulting from the appointment of
diplomatic representatives continued until 1909 when Chile proposed the
taking of the plebiscite on certain bases which were then considered
unacceptable by Peru, and diplomatic relations were again broken off by
the latter country. The main points at issue in this instance involved
the questions of who were to constitute the voters, who should preside
at the proceedings of the plebiscite, and at what date the election to
secure an expression of the residents of the disputed territory should
take place.
During the year 1912 an effort was made on the part of the respective
governments to agree upon terms acceptable to both countries for the
celebration of the plebiscite provided for in the treaty of Ancon, to
determine the nationality of the provinces of Tacna and Arica, and the
following general agreement was reached:
Peru agrees that all inhabitants, whether Chilean or Peruvian, shall
have the right to vote, provided that they enjoy electoral rights
under the constitutions of their respective governments. This is the
proposition made by Chile in 1909, except that she was willing to
include foreigners amongst the voters, while Peru insisted on their
exclusion. Chile assuming that the plebiscite would then take place
at once, proposed six months’ residence as a necessary condition for
voters, and Peru demanded that the time be extended to three years.
The plebiscite under the latest arrangement is to be postponed for
twenty-one years, during which interval it is hoped and believed that
the prejudices engendered by the war, and the ill-feeling existing
on the part of the citizens of both republics living in the disputed
territory will greatly change for the better, and lessen the chances
of a conflict in the final settlement of a difficult question of long
standing.
Peru is willing to accede the claim to preside at the taking of the
plebiscite, and the president of the Supreme Court of Chile will
preside. The rest of the board will be composed of two Chileans and two
Peruvians, and final decision will be reached by the majority.
The most important feature of the arrangements, however, is the
contemplated treaty of commerce and navigation, by which both countries
hope to create such a powerful influence for peace that the question
which for so many years has proven an insuperable difficulty to the
best efforts of the statesmen of both countries will play a secondary
and unimportant part in the relations between the two republics.
Chile is no longer disposed to treat with Peru in a conciliatory
manner, or submit to arbitration a question in which she has the
right of possession. Having settled peacefully the long standing
boundary dispute with the Argentine Republic, which for a quarter
of a century hung like a war cloud over the Cordilleras, and got
possession of Bolivia “tregua” (tentatively), by means of a treaty of
peace and amity, Chile is no longer afraid of a triple alliance with
the Argentine, Bolivia and Peru, which once menaced her security and
national life.
When the Spanish-American colonies united to secure their independence
from Spain it was mutually agreed that there should be no “no man’s
land.” To attain this end it was covenanted that the boundaries of the
new Republics should be those assigned to each as a colony. In many
instances those boundaries were ill defined, and in others conjectural
or imaginary. As explorations proceeded these errors were discovered
and naturally gave rise to territorial questions between neighboring
nations.
Chile had but two neighbors and she had boundary disputes with both.
The dispute with the Argentine led to the erection of a fort and the
founding of a settlement in the Strait of Magellan by Chile in 1843.
From that time until the boundary award by King Edward in 1903, the
two republics were in a continual controversy over territorial limits,
which on more than one occasion led them to the brink of war. With her
other neighbor, Bolivia, Chile had a boundary dispute which has had
far-reaching consequences. A _modus vivendi_ which seemed to promise
lasting peace was agreed upon. Contrary to expectation, however, the
agreement produced war, procuring for Chile another neighbor and still
another territorial dispute. Previous to the war of the Pacific, the
province of Antofagasta, which was Bolivian territory, separated Chile
and Peru, but as a result of that war Chile came into possession of
the province of Antofagasta and consequently became a neighbor to
Peru. Surrounded as she was then with three Republics individually
and collectively maintaining a hostile attitude to her independent
and aggressive policy, Chile was placed in a peculiarly delicate and
dangerous political position. If one of her three neighbors made a move
in its boundary question the other two pressed for a settlement of
similar claims.
During the civil conflict in Chile her three neighbors took advantage
of the internal disturbance to urge settlement of their boundary
questions. And when the relations between Argentina and Chile became
so strained as to make war imminent, Bolivia and Peru assumed a most
aggressive attitude in demanding a settlement of the questions growing
out of the war of ’79. Chile has not forgotten these acts of her
neighbors, but her attitude is not one of resentment. Her desire is for
peace, as has been demonstrated by her generous and amicable adjustment
of differences with Bolivia and Argentina; peace at home and abroad,
but peace with honor. She governs her sword in accordance with the
motto of the Castilian Hidalgo: “No me desenvainas sin causa; no me
envainas sin honor.” (I do not unsheath my sword without cause; I do
not sheath it without honor.)
The territorial questions of Chile with Argentina and Bolivia have been
definitely settled, and the three countries have been greatly benefited
thereby. Chile and the Argentine have been relieved of the enormous
drain upon their resources in the purchase of ships and preparations
for war, and under treaty arrangements capital is seeking investment
in Bolivia in the development of its natural resources. The only
outstanding territorial question that Chile now has to deal with is
that relating to Tacna and Arica.
Bolivia’s loss in the war with Chile was irreparable, depriving it
of all coast territory and an outlet to the sea. It now occupies the
unique position of being one of two inland countries in the sisterhood
of South American Republics. After the war Chile took possession of
the long strip of desert bordering on the Pacific, which furnished
Bolivia access to the ocean and direct communication with the outside
world. The territory is a rainless region, devoid of vegetation, but
beneath its surface are nitrate deposits sufficient to supply the
world, and its acquisition made Chile the richest country on the globe,
in proportion to its population. It derives from that source about
90,000,000 pesos, equal to $30,000,000 United States currency, or $8.50
per capita, annually. The source of this enormous revenue has become
the permanent possession of Chile. Bolivia has apparently abandoned
the idea of pressing further claims for readjustment of questions
growing out of the war, and is endeavoring to make the best of a bad
situation by developing the resources of her remaining territory and
promoting her industrial interests. In 1905 she celebrated a treaty of
commerce and amity with Chile, which provides among other things for
the building of a system of railroads through the provinces of Tacna
and Arica, thereby giving to Bolivia access to Pacific ports, providing
means of communication and facilities for transporting her products to
the coast, as well as to ports of entry.
Bolivia also has a large scheme of railway-building of her own, some
of the more important branches of which will connect with the lines
built by Chile, extending from the coast across the pampa. It was the
announcement of this treaty agreement that caused the last vigorous
protest by Peru against Chile’s course in the Tacna and Arica question.
During the administration of the phlegmatic but conscientious Domingo
Santa Maria, who was president from 1881 to 1886, Chile passed through
an important epoch, the pivotal point in her national history.
It includes the war with Peru and Bolivia, and an international
complication with the Argentine Republic in which war was averted only
by a diplomatic handling of the question.
Argentina had an unsigned alliance with Peru and Bolivia, and advantage
was taken of Chile’s war engagement to press the question of boundary
limits, and also that of the possession of Patagonia and the Straits
of Magellan. To meet this emergency and to avoid if possible another
war, the government commissioned Jose Manuel Balmaceda, who was then
serving as Minister of Foreign Affairs, to go to the Argentine capital
and save Chile from impending difficulties. Although coldly received
in Buenos Aires, Señor Balmaceda entered upon the task with zeal and
determination, unraveled the tangle of international questions, and
tied the hands of Argentina by withdrawing Chile’s claim to that
portion of Patagonia lying east of the Cordilleras. Previous to that
time all of Patagonia was Chilean territory. It was included in the
Spanish Vice-royalty inherited by the Republic. This concession
precipitated other boundary disputes which were the cause of many years
of international contention, almost resulting in war between the two
nations on several occasions. It was finally settled by arbitration in
May, 1903, when a boundary line, established by a commission appointed
by King Edward VII, was accepted and approved by a treaty agreement
between the two countries.
On his return from the Argentine, Balmaceda was made Prime Minister
and became a most potent political factor and powerful incentive
to material progress and development. From armed conflicts and
international complications Chile emerged triumphant and successful.
Her territorial limits had been extended to include some of the richest
mineral deposits on the continent, her national prestige greatly
increased, her credit unimpaired and her wealth producing resources
multiplied.
From that time Chile made rapid advancement along lines of industrial
development and intellectual progress. For the first time in her
national existence the exports exceeded her imports; the balance of
trade was favorable to her commerce, and the surplus in the national
treasury reached 100,000,000 pesos. A remarkable thing about this
surplus is that it was accumulated while the government was engaged in
building railroads, bridges, public schools and colleges, penal and
correctional institutions, constructing highways and providing better
means of communication throughout the country. The Congress of that
period, 1882-5, was notable in the history of the Republic for its
progressive policies, unity of purpose and patriotic support of the
government.
The administration party, led by Balmaceda, with the encouragement
of President Santa Maria, was marshaling its forces for some radical
departures from former governmental policies. The president issued a
message in which it was declared the intention of the administration
to enact a law providing for the civil registry of births, deaths and
marriages. In the National Congress, September 26, 1885, Balmaceda,
representing the administration, declared the following to be the
government program:
“Reciprocate and counterpoise every arm of public power; sacredly
maintain the independence of constitutional and judicial powers;
protect from abuse the electoral power and liberty of suffrage;
formally reorganize municipalities for honest, harmonious legislation;
separate the church from the state and protect the liberty of thought;
foment progressive public instruction, examine proofs of character
and competency in the exercise of public functions; realize national
administration in the most correct, upright and economical manner.”
Little attention was given to these patriotic sentiments at the
time, but later when Balmaceda became minister of the interior, he
declared in congress that “the Catholic religion marches contrary to
the current of the century, restrains the liberty of State, refuses
modern progress, denies freedom of thought and destroys liberal ideas;
the church condemns culture and fosters ignorance. With the creed of
Catholicism it is difficult to unite the politics of modern State, as
the Catholic religion is an exclusive compulsory factor and beneficiary
in Chilean administrations.”
* * * * *
After a bitter congressional campaign, in which the measure was opposed
by the church element, the civil registry act became a law. History
credits President Santa Maria with giving his country this beneficent
law, but it was the aggressive Balmaceda who led the fight against
all the fortified conservative forces, religious and traditional
prejudices of Chile, inculcating into the minds of the people new and
advanced ideas, and making the passage of the law possible. Inspired by
patriotic motives, and with excessive confidence in others, including
his enemies, Balmaceda committed the common mistake of politicians in
believing the cause he advocated would prevail because it was right.
The war with Peru and Bolivia had left multiform internal and external
questions for settlement. While these international problems were
pressing for solution, requiring the attention of the administration,
the opposition party made a fierce fight in the elections of 1886,
securing a majority in the Congress. Then followed the greatest
political struggle in the history of Chile. The elements opposing the
civil registry law, and other political measures advanced by the
administration, employed every means within their power to arrest the
liberal advance, which had made such rapid progress in the few years
immediately preceding, to embarrass the administration of Santa Maria
and destroy the influence of Balmaceda, who had become a political
power in the Republic.