Mr. Wallace objects to this statement in the following terms:--

"Not having been able to find any clue in Professor Huxley's writings to

the steps by which he passes from those vital phenomena, which consist

only, in their last analysis, of movements by particles of matter, to those

other phenomena which we term thought, sensation, or consciousness; but,

knowing that so positive an expression of opinion from him will have great

weight with many persons, I shall endeavour to show, with as much brevity

as is compatible with clearness, that this theory is not only incapable of

proof, but is also, as it appears to me, inconsistent with accurate

conceptions of molecular physics."

With all respect for Mr. Wallace, it appears to me that his remarks are

entirely beside the question. I really know nothing whatever, and never

hope to know anything, of the steps by which the passage from molecular

movement to states of consciousness is effected; and I entirely agree with

the sense of the passage which he quotes from Professor Tyndall, apparently

imagining that it is in opposition to the view I hold.

All that I have to say is, that, in my belief, consciousness and molecular

action are capable of being expressed by one another, just as heat and

mechanical action are capable of being expressed in terms of one another.

Whether we shall ever be able to express consciousness in foot-pounds, or

not, is more than I will venture to say; but that there is evidence of the

existence of some correlation between mechanical motion and consciousness,

is as plain as anything can be. Suppose the poles of an electric battery to

be connected by a platinum wire. A certain intensity of the current gives

rise in the mind of a bystander to that state of consciousness we call a

"dull red light"--a little greater intensity to another which we call a

"bright red light;" increase the intensity, and the light becomes white;

and, finally, it dazzles, and a new state of consciousness arises, which we

term pain. Given the same wire and the same nervous apparatus, and the

amount of electric force required to give rise to these several states of

consciousness will be the same, however often the experiment is repeated.

And as the electric force, the light waves, and the nerve-vibrations caused

by the impact of the light-waves on the retina, are all expressions of the

molecular changes which are taking place in the elements of the battery; so

consciousness is, in the same sense, an expression of the molecular changes

which take place in that nervous matter, which is the organ of

consciousness.

And, since this, and any number of similar examples that may be required,

prove that one form of consciousness, at any rate, is, in the strictest

sense, the expression of molecular change, it really is not worth while to

pursue the inquiry, whether a fact so easily established is consistent with

any particular system of molecular physics or not.

Mr. Wallace, in fact, appears to me to have mixed up two very distinct

propositions: the one, the indisputable truth that consciousness is

correlated with molecular changes in the organ of consciousness; the other,

that the nature of that correlation is known, or can be conceived, which is

quite another matter. Mr. Wallace, presumably, believes in that correlation

of phenomena which we call cause and effect as firmly as I do. But if he

has ever been able to form the faintest notion how a cause gives rise to

its effect, all I can say is that I envy him. Take the simplest case

imaginable--suppose a ball in motion to impinge upon another ball at rest.

I know very well, as a matter of fact, that the ball in motion will

communicate some of its motion to the ball at rest, and that the motion of

the two balls, after collision, is precisely correlated with the masses of

both balls and the amount of motion of the first. But how does this come

about? In what manner can we conceive that the _vis viva_ of the first

ball passes into the second? I confess I can no more form any conception of

what happens in this case, than I can of what takes place when the motion

of particles of my nervous matter, caused by the impact of a similar ball

gives rise to the state of consciousness I call pain. In ultimate analysis

everything is incomprehensible, and the whole object of science is simply

to reduce the fundamental incomprehensibilities to the smallest possible

number.

But to return to the Quarterly Reviewer. He admits that animals have

"mental images of sensible objects, combined in all degrees of complexity,

as governed by the laws of association." Presumably, by this confused and

imperfect statement the Reviewer means to admit more than the words imply.

For mental images of sensible objects, even though "combined in all degrees

of complexity," are, and can be, nothing more than mental images of

sensible objects. But judgments, emotions, and volitions cannot by any

possibility be included under the head of "mental images of sensible

objects." If the greyhound had no better mental endowment than the Reviewer

allows him, he might have the "mental image" of the "sensible object"--the

hare--and that might be combined with the mental images of other sensible

objects, to any degree of complexity, but he would have no power of judging

it to be at a certain distance from him; no power of perceiving its

similarity to his memory of a hare; and no desire to get at it.

Consequently he would stand stock still, and the noble art of coursing

would have no existence. On the other hand, as that art is largely

practised, it follows that greyhounds alone possess a number of mental

powers, the existence of which, in any animal, is absolutely denied by the

Quarterly Reviewer.

Finally, what are the mental powers which he reserves as the especial

prerogative of man? They are two. First, the recognition of "ourselves by

ourselves as affected and perceiving.--Self-consciousness."

Secondly. "The reflection upon our sensations and perceptions, and asking

what they are and why they are.--Reason."

To the faculty defined in the last sentence, the Reviewer, without

assigning the least ground for thus departing from both common usage and

technical propriety, applies the name of reason. But if man is not to be

considered a reasoning being, unless he asks what his sensations and

perceptions are, and why they are, what is a Hottentot, or an Australian

"black-fellow"; or what the "swinked hedger" of an ordinary agricultural

district? Nay, what becomes of an average country squire or parson? How

many of these worthy persons who, as their wont is, read the _Quarterly

Review_, would do other than stand agape, if you asked them whether they

had ever reflected what their sensations and perceptions are and why they

are?

So that if the Reviewer's new definition of reason be correct, the majority

of men, even among the most civilised nations, are devoid of that supreme

characteristic of manhood. And if it be as absurd as I believe it to be,

then, as reason is certainly not self-consciousness, and since it, as

certainly, is one of the "actions to which the nervous system ministers,"

we must, if the Reviewer's classification is to be adopted, seek it among

those four faculties which he allows animals to possess. And thus, for the

second time, he really surrenders, while seeming to defend, his position.

The Quarterly Reviewer, as we have seen, lectures the evolutionists upon

their want of knowledge of philosophy altogether. Mr. Mivart is not less

pained at Mr. Darwin's ignorance of moral science. It is grievous to him

that Mr. Darwin (and _nous autres_) should not have grasped the

elementary distinction between material and formal morality; and he lays

down as an axiom, of which no tyro ought to be ignorant, the position that

"acts, unaccompanied by mental acts of conscious will directed towards the

fulfilment of duty," are "absolutely destitute of the most incipient degree

of real or formal goodness."

Now this may be Mr. Mivart's opinion, but it is a proposition which really

does not stand on the footing of an undisputed axiom. Mr. Mill denies it in

his work on Utilitarianism. The most influential writer of a totally

opposed school, Mr. Carlyle, is never weary of denying it, and upholding

the merit of that virtue which is unconscious; nay, it is, to my

understanding, extremely hard to reconcile Mr. Mivart's dictum with that

noble summary of the whole duty of man--"Thou shalt love the Lord thy God

with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy strength; and

thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself." According to Mr. Mivart's

definition, the man who loves God and his neighbour, and, out of sheer love

and affection for both, does all he can to please them, is, nevertheless,

destitute of a particle of real goodness.

And it further happens that Mr. Darwin, who is charged by Mr. Mivart with

being ignorant of the distinction between material and formal goodness,

discusses the very question at issue in a passage which is well worth

reading (vol. i. p. 87), and also comes to a conclusion opposed to Mr.

Mivart's axiom. A proposition which has been so much disputed and

repudiated, should, under no circumstances, have been thus confidently

assumed to be true. For myself, I utterly reject it, inasmuch as the

logical consequence of the adoption of any such principle is the denial of

all moral value to sympathy and affection. According to Mr. Mivart's axiom,

the man who, seeing another struggling in the water, leaps in at the risk

of his own life to save him, does that which is "destitute of the most

incipient degree of real goodness," unless, as he strips off his coat, he

says to himself, "Now, mind, I am going to do this because it is my duty

and for no other reason;" and the most beautiful character to which

humanity can attain, that of the man who does good without thinking about

it, because he loves justice and mercy and is repelled by evil, has no

claim on our moral approbation. The denial that a man acts morally because

he does not think whether he does so or not, may be put upon the same

footing as the denial of the title of an arithmetician to the calculating

boy, because he did not know how he worked his sums. If mankind ever

generally accept and act upon Mr. Mivart's axiom, they will simply become a

set of most unendurable prigs; but they never have accepted it, and I

venture to hope that evolution has nothing so terrible in store for the

human race.

But if an action, the motive of which is nothing but affection or sympathy,

may be deserving of moral approbation and really good, who that has ever

had a dog of his own will deny that animals are capable of such actions?

Mr. Mivart indeed says:--"It may be safely affirmed, however, that there is

no trace in brutes of any actions simulating morality which are not

explicable by the fear of punishment, by the hope of pleasure, or by

personal affection" (p. 221). But it may be affirmed, with equal truth,

that there is no trace in men of any actions which are not traceable to the

same motives. If a man does anything, he does it either because he fears to

be punished if he does not do it, or because he hopes to obtain pleasure by

doing it, or because he gratifies his affections [Footnote: In separating

pleasure and the gratification of affection, I simply follow Mr. Mivart

without admitting the justice of the separation.] by doing it.

Assuming the position of the absolute moralists, let it be granted that

there is a perception of right and wrong innate in every man. This means,

simply, that when certain ideas are presented to his mind, the feeling of

approbation arises; and when certain others, the feeling of disapprobation.

To do your duty is to earn the approbation of your conscience, or moral

sense; to fail in your duty is to feel its disapprobation, as we all say.

Now, is approbation a pleasure or a pain? Surely a pleasure. And is

disapprobation a pleasure or a pain? Surely a pain. Consequently, all that

is really meant by the absolute moralists is that there is, in the very

nature of man, something which enables him to be conscious of these

particular pleasures and pains. And when they talk of immutable and eternal

principles of morality, the only intelligible sense which I can put upon

the words, is that the nature of man being what it is, he always has been,

and always will be, capable of feeling these particular pleasures and

pains. _À priori,_ I have nothing to say against this proposition.

Admitting its truth, I do not see how the moral faculty is on a different

footing from any of the other faculties of man. If I choose to say that it

is an immutable and eternal law of human nature that "ginger is hot in the

mouth," the assertion has as much foundation of truth as the other, though

I think it would be expressed in needlessly pompous language. I must

confess that I have never been able to understand why there should be such

a bitter quarrel between the intuitionists and the utilitarians. The

intuitionist is, after all, only a utilitarian who believes that a

particular class of pleasures and pains has an especial importance, by

reason of its foundation in the nature of man, and its inseparable

connection with his very existence as a thinking being. And as regards the

motive of personal affection: Love, as Spinoza profoundly says, is the

association of pleasure with that which is loved. [Footnote: "Nempe, Amor

nihil aliud est, quam Lætitia, concomitante idea causæ

externæ."--_Ethices_, III. xiii.] Or, to put it to the common sense of

mankind, is the gratification of affection a pleasure or a pain? Surely a

pleasure. So that whether the motive which leads us to perform an action is

the love of our neighbour, or the love of God, it is undeniable that

pleasure enters into that motive.

Thus much in reply to Mr. Mivart's arguments. I cannot but think that it is

to be regretted that he ekes them out by ascribing to the doctrines of the

philosophers with whom he does not agree, logical consequences which have

been over and over again proved not to flow from them: and when reason

fails him, tries the effect of an injurious nickname. According to the

views of Mr. Spencer, Mr. Mill, and Mr. Darwin, Mr. Mivart tells us,

"_virtue is a mere kind of retrieving:_" and, that we may not miss the

point of the joke, he puts it in italics. But what if it is? Does that make

it less virtue? Suppose I say that sculpture is a "mere way" of

stone-cutting, and painting a "mere way" of daubing canvas, and music a

"mere way" of making a noise, the statements are quite true; but they only

show that I see no other method of depreciating some of the noblest aspects

of humanity than that of using language in an inadequate and misleading

sense about them. And the peculiar inappropriateness of this particular

nickname to the views in question, arises from the circumstance which Mr.

Mivart would doubtless have recollected, if his wish to ridicule had not

for the moment obscured his judgment--that whether the law of evolution

applies to man or not, that of hereditary transmission certainly does. Mr.

Mivart will hardly deny that a man owes a large share of the moral

tendencies which he exhibits to his ancestors; and the man who inherits a

desire to steal from a kleptomaniac, or a tendency to benevolence from a

Howard, is, so far as he illustrates hereditary transmission, comparable to

the dog who inherits the desire to fetch a duck out of the water from his

retrieving sire. So that, evolution, or no evolution, moral qualities are

comparable to a "kind of retrieving;" though the comparison, if meant for

the purposes of casting obloquy on evolution, does not say much for the

fairness of those who make it.

The Quarterly Reviewer and Mr. Mivart base their objections to the

evolution of the mental faculties of man from those of some lower animal

form upon what they maintain to be a difference in kind between the mental

and moral faculties of men and brutes; and I have endeavoured to show, by

exposing the utter unsoundness of their philosophical basis, that these

objections are devoid of importance.

The objections which Mr. Wallace brings forward to the doctrine of the

evolution of the mental faculties of man from those of brutes by natural

causes, are of a different order, and require separate consideration.

If I understand him rightly, he by no means doubts that both the bodily and

the mental faculties of man have been evolved from those of some lower

animal; but he is of opinion that some agency beyond that which has been

concerned in the evolution of ordinary animals has been operative in the

case of man. "A superior intelligence has guided the development of man in

a definite direction and for a special purpose, just as man guides the

development of many animal and vegetable forms." [Footnote: "The Limits of

Natural Selection as applied to Man" (_loc. cit._ p. 359).] I

understand this to mean that, just as the rock-pigeon has been produced by

natural causes, while the evolution of the tumbler from the blue rock has

required the special intervention of the intelligence of man, so some

anthropoid form may have been evolved by variation and natural selection;

but it could never have given rise to man, unless some superior

intelligence had played the part of the pigeon-fancier.

According to Mr. Wallace, "whether we compare the savage with the higher

developments of man, or with the brutes around him, we are alike driven to

the conclusion, that, in his large and well-developed brain, he possesses

an organ quite disproportioned to his requirements" (p. 343); and he asks,

"What is there in the life of the savage but the satisfying of the cravings

of appetite in the simplest and easiest way? What thoughts, idea, or

actions are there that raise him many grades above the elephant or the

ape?" (p. 342.) I answer Mr. Wallace by citing a remarkable passage which

occurs in his instructive paper on "Instinct in Man and Animals."

"Savages make long journeys in many directions, and, their whole faculties

being directed to the subject, they gain a wide and accurate knowledge of

the topography, not only of their own district, but of all the regions

round about. Every one who has travelled in a new direction communicates

his knowledge to those who have travelled less, and descriptions of routes

and localities, and minute incidents of travel, form one of the main

staples of conversation around the evening fire. Every wanderer or captive

from another tribe adds to the store of information, and, as the very

existence of individuals and of whole families and tribes depends upon the

completeness of this knowledge, all the acute perceptive faculties of the

adult savage are directed to acquiring and perfecting it. The good hunter

or warrior thus comes to know the bearing of every hill and mountain range,

the directions and junctions of all the streams, the situation of each

tract characterised by peculiar vegetation, not only within the area he has

himself traversed, but perhaps for a hundred miles around it. His acute

observation enables him to detect the slightest undulations of the surface,

the various changes of subsoil and alterations in the character of the

vegetation that would be quite imperceptible to a stranger. His eye is

always open to the direction in which he is going; the mossy side of trees,

the presence of certain plants under the shade of rocks, the morning and

evening flight of birds, are to him indications of direction almost as sure

as the sun in the heavens" (pp. 207, 208).

I have seen enough of savages to be able to declare that nothing can be

more admirable than this description of what a savage has to learn. But it

is incomplete. Add to all this the knowledge which a savage is obliged to

gain of the properties of plants, of the characters and habits of animals,

and of the minute indications by which their course is discoverable:

consider that even an Australian can make excellent baskets and nets, and

neatly fitted and beautifully balanced spears; that he learns to use these

so as to be able to transfix a quartern loaf at sixty yards; and that very

often, as in the case of the American Indians, the language of a savage

exhibits complexities which a well-trained European finds it difficult to

master: consider that every time a savage tracks his game he employs a

minuteness of observation, and an accuracy of inductive and deductive

reasoning which, applied to other matters, would assure some reputation to

a man of science, and I think we need ask no further why he possesses such

a fair supply of brains. In complexity and difficulty, I should say that

the intellectual labour of a "good hunter or warrior" considerably exceeds

that of an ordinary Englishman. The Civil Service Examiners are held in

great terror by young Englishmen; but even their ferocity never tempted

them to require a candidate to possess such a knowledge of a parish as Mr.

Wallace justly points out savages may possess of an area a hundred miles or

more in diameter.

But suppose, for the sake of argument, that a savage has more brains than

seems proportioned to his wants, all that can be said is that the objection

to natural selection, if it be one, applies quite as strongly to the lower

animals. The brain of a porpoise is quite wonderful for its mass, and for

the development of the cerebral convolutions. And yet since we have ceased

to credit the story of Arion, it is hard to believe that porpoises are much

troubled with intellect: and still more difficult is it to imagine that

their big brains are only a preparation for the advent of some accomplished

cetacean of the future. Surely, again, a wolf must have too much brains, or

else how is it that a dog with only the same quantity and form of brain is

able to develop such singular intelligence? The wolf stands to the dog in

the same relation as the savage to the man; and, therefore, if Mr.

Wallace's doctrine holds good, a higher power must have superintended the

breeding up of wolves from some inferior stock, in order to prepare them to

become dogs.

Mr. Wallace further maintains that the origin of some of man's mental

faculties by the preservation of useful variations is not possible. Such,

for example, are "the capacity to form ideal conceptions of space and time,

of eternity and infinity; the capacity for intense artistic feelings of

pleasure in form, colour, and composition; and for those abstract notions

of form and number which render geometry and arithmetic possible." "How,"

he asks, "were all or any of these faculties first developed, when they

could have been of no possible use to man in his early stages of

barbarism?"

Surely the answer is not far to seek. The lowest savages are as devoid of

any such conceptions as the brutes themselves. What sort of conceptions of

space and time, of form and number, can be possessed by a savage who has

not got so far as to be able to count beyond five or six, who does not know

how to draw a triangle or a circle, and has not the remotest notion of

separating the particular quality we call form, from the other qualities of

bodies? None of these capacities are exhibited by men, unless they form

part of a tolerably advanced society. And, in such a society, there are

abundant conditions by which a selective influence is exerted in favour of

those persons who exhibit an approximation towards the possession of these

capacities.

The savage who can amuse his fellows by telling a good story over the

nightly fire, is held by them in esteem and rewarded, in one way or

another, for so doing--in other words, it is an advantage to him to possess

this power. He who can carve a paddle, or the figure-head of a canoe

better, similarly profits beyond his duller neighbour. He who counts a

little better than others, gets most yams when barter is going on, and

forms the shrewdest estimate of the numbers of an opposing tribe. The

experience of daily life shows that the conditions of our present social

existence exercise the most extraordinarily powerful selective influence in

favour of novelists, artists, and strong intellects of all kinds; and it

seems unquestionable that all forms of social existence must have had the

same tendency, if we consider the indisputable facts that even animals

possess the power of distinguishing form and number, and that they are

capable of deriving pleasure from particular forms and sounds. If we admit,

as Mr. Wallace does, that the lowest savages are not raised "many grades

above the elephant and the ape;" and if we further admit, as I contend must

be admitted, that the conditions of social life tend, powerfully, to give

an advantage to those individuals who vary in the direction of intellectual

or æsthetic excellence, what is there to interfere with the belief that

these higher faculties, like the rest, owe their development to natural

selection?

Finally, with respect to the development of the moral sense out of the

simple feelings of pleasure and pain, liking and disliking, with which the

lower animals are provided, I can find nothing in Mr. Wallace's reasonings

which has not already been met by Mr. Mill, Mr. Spencer, or Mr. Darwin.

I do not propose to follow the Quarterly Reviewer and Mr. Mivart through

the long string of objections in matters of detail which they bring against

Mr. Darwin's views. Every one who has considered the matter carefully will

be able to ferret out as many more "difficulties"; but he will also, I

believe, fail as completely as they appear to me to have done, in bringing

forward any fact which is really contradictory of Mr. Darwin's views.

Occasionally, too, their objections and criticisms are based upon errors of

their own. As, for example, when Mr. Mivart and the Quarterly Reviewer

insist upon the resemblances between the eyes of _Cephalopoda_ and

_Vertebrata_, quite forgetting that there are striking and altogether

fundamental differences between them; or when the Quarterly Reviewer

corrects Mr. Darwin for saying that the gibbons, "without having been

taught, can walk or run upright with tolerable quickness, though they move

awkwardly, and much less securely than man." The Quarterly Reviewer says,

"This is a little misleading, inasmuch as it is not stated that this

upright progression is effected by placing the enormously long arms behind

the head, or holding them out backwards as a balance in progression."

Now, before carping at a small statement like this, the Quarterly Reviewer

should have made sure that he was quite right. But he happens to be quite

wrong. I suspect he got his notion of the manner in which a gibbon walks

from a citation in "Man's Place in Nature." But at that time I had not seen

a gibbon walk. Since then I have, and I can testify that nothing can be

more precise than Mr. Darwin's statement. The gibbon I saw walked without

either putting his arms behind his head or holding them out backwards. All

he did was to touch the ground with the outstretched fingers of his long

arms now and then, just as one sees a man who carries a stick, but does not

need one, touch the ground with it as he walks along.

Again, a large number of the objections brought forward by Mr. Mivart and

the Quarterly Reviewer apply to evolution in general, quite as much as to

the particular form of that doctrine advocated by Mr. Darwin; or, to their

notions of Mr. Darwin's views and not to what they really are. An excellent

example of this class of difficulties is to be found in Mr. Mivart's

chapter on "Independent Similarities of Structure." Mr. Mivart says that

these cannot be explained by an "absolute and pure Darwinian," but "that an

innate power and evolutionary law, aided by the corrective action of

natural selection, should have furnished like needs with like aids, is not

at all improbable" (p. 82).

I do not exactly know what Mr. Mivart means by an "absolute and pure

Darwinian;" indeed Mr. Mivart makes that creature hold so many singular

opinions that I doubt if I can ever have seen one alive. But I find nothing

in his statement of the view which he imagines to be originated by himself,

which is really inconsistent with what I understand to be Mr. Darwin's

views.

I apprehend that the foundation of the theory of natural selection is the

fact that living bodies tend incessantly to vary. This variation is neither

indefinite, nor fortuitous, nor does it take place in all directions, in

the strict sense of these words.

Accurately speaking, it is not indefinite, nor does it take place in all

directions, because it is limited by the general characters of the type to

which the organism exhibiting the variation belongs. A whale does not tend

to vary in the direction of producing feathers, nor a bird in the direction

of developing whalebone. In popular language there is no harm in saying

that the waves which break upon the sea-shore are indefinite, fortuitous,

and break in all directions. In scientific language, on the contrary, such

a statement would be a gross error, inasmuch as every particle of foam is

the result of perfectly definite forces, operating according to no less

definite laws. In like manner, every variation of a living form, however

minute, however apparently accidental, is inconceivable except as the

expression of the operation of molecular forces or "powers" resident within

the organism. And, as these forces certainly operate according to definite

laws, their general result is, doubtless, in accordance with some general

law which subsumes them all. And there appears to be no objection to call

this an "evolutionary law." But nobody is the wiser for doing so, or has

thereby contributed, in the least degree, to the advance of the doctrine of

evolution, the great need of which is a theory of variation.

When Mr. Mivart tells us that his "aim has been to support the doctrine

that these species have been evolved by ordinary _natural laws_ (for

the most part unknown), aided by the _subordinate_ action of 'natural

selection'" (pp. 332-3), he seems to be of opinion that his enterprise has

the merit of novelty. All I can say is that I have never had the slightest

notion that Mr. Darwin's aim is in any way different from this. If I affirm

that "species have been evolved by variation [Footnote: Including under

this head hereditary transmission.] (a natural process, the laws of which

are for the most part unknown), aided by the subordinate action of natural

selection," it seems to me that I enunciate a proposition which constitutes

the very pith and marrow of the first edition of the "Origin of Species."

And what the evolutionist stands in need of just now, is not an iteration

of the fundamental principle of Darwinism, but some light upon the

questions, What are the limits of variation? and, If a variety has arisen,

can that variety be perpetuated, or even intensified, when selective

conditions are indifferent, or perhaps unfavourable to its existence? I

cannot find that Mr. Darwin has ever been very dogmatic in answering these

questions. Formerly, he seems to have inclined to reply to them in the

negative, while now his inclination is the other way. Leaving aside those

broad questions of theology, philosophy, and ethics, by the discussion of

which neither the Quarterly Reviewer nor Mr. Mivart can be said to have

damaged Darwinism--whatever else they have injured--this is what their

criticisms come to. They confound a struggle for some rifle-pits with an

assault on the fortress.

In some respects, finally, I can only characterise the Quarterly Reviewer's

treatment of Mr. Darwin as alike unjust and unbecoming. Language of this

strength requires justification, and on that ground I add the remarks which

follow.

The Quarterly Reviewer opens his essay by a careful enumeration of all

those points upon which, during the course of thirteen years of incessant

labour, Mr. Darwin has modified his opinions. It has often and justly been

remarked, that what strikes a candid student of Mr. Darwin's works is not

so much his industry, his knowledge, or even the surprising fertility of

his inventive genius; but that unswerving truthfulness and honesty which

never permit him to hide a weak place, or gloss over a difficulty, but lead

him, on all occasions, to point out the weak places in his own armour, and

even sometimes, it appears to me, to make admissions against himself which

are quite unnecessary. A critic who desires to attack Mr. Darwin has only

to read his works with a desire to observe, not their merits, but their

defects, and he will find, ready to hand, more adverse suggestions than are

likely ever to have suggested themselves to his own sharpness, without Mr.

Darwin's self-denying aid.

Now this quality of scientific candour is not so common that it needs to be

discouraged; and it appears to me to deserve other treatment than that

adopted by the Quarterly Reviewer, who deals with Mr. Darwin as an Old

Bailey barrister deals with a man against whom he wishes to obtain a

conviction, _per fas aut nefas_, and opens his case by endeavouring to

create a prejudice against the prisoner in the minds of the jury. In his

eagerness to carry out this laudable design, the Quarterly Reviewer cannot

even state the history of the doctrine of natural selection without an

oblique and entirely unjustifiable attempt to depreciate Mr. Darwin. "To

Mr. Darwin," says he, "and (through Mr. Wallace's reticence) to Mr. Darwin

alone, is due the credit of having first brought it prominently forward and

demonstrated its truth." No one can less desire than I do, to throw a doubt

upon Mr. Wallace's originality, or to question his claim to the honour of

being one of the originators of the doctrine of natural selection; but the

statement that Mr. Darwin has the sole credit of originating the doctrine

because of Mr. Wallace's reticence is simply ridiculous. The proof of this

is, in the first place, afforded by Mr. Wallace himself, whose noble

freedom from petty jealousy in this matter smaller folk would do well to

imitate, and who writes thus:--"I have felt all my life, and I still feel,

the most sincere satisfaction that Mr. Darwin had been at work long before

me and that it was not left for me to attempt to write the 'Origin of

Species.' I have long since measured my own strength, and know well that it

would be quite unequal to that task." So that if there was any reticence at

all in the matter, it was Mr. Darwin's reticence during the long twenty

years of study which intervened between the conception and the publication

of his theory, which gave Mr. Wallace the chance of being an independent

discoverer of the importance of natural selection. And, finally, if it be

recollected that Mr. Darwin's and Mr. Wallace's essays were published

simultaneously in the "Journal of the Linnæan Society" for 1858, it follows

that the Reviewer, while obliquely depreciating Mr. Darwin's deserts, has

in reality awarded to him a priority which, in legal strictness, does not

exist.

Mr. Mivart, whose opinions so often concur with those of the Quarterly

Reviewer, puts the case in a way, which I much regret to be obliged to say,

is, in my judgment, quite as incorrect; though the injustice may be less

glaring. He says that the theory of natural selection is, in general,

exclusively associated with the name of Mr. Darwin, "on account of the

noble self-abnegation of Mr. Wallace." As I have said, no one can honour

Mr. Wallace more than I do, both for what he has done and for what he has

not done, in his relation to Mr. Darwin. And perhaps nothing is more

creditable to him than his frank declaration that he could not have written

such a work as the "Origin of Species." But, by this declaration, the

person most directly interested in the matter repudiates, by anticipation,

Mr. Mivart's suggestion that Mr. Darwin's eminence is more or less due to

Mr. Wallace's modesty.

Darwiniana : Essays — Volume 02 · 第 31 / 51 题