MISS GRANT:

I have not often written to "incog." correspondents, nor should I have

the presumption now to address you, unknown to me (unless by

reputation), but that peculiar circumstances have so combined as to

induce the experiment. Your Aunt, Mrs. Tompkins, has been prostrated by

illness for many days, and, for a while, closely confined to her couch;

thus rendering it at least inconvenient to respond to your elaborate

epistle, and, having permitted me the pleasure (?) of its perusal, she

requested me to act as her Amanuensis. In compliance, then, with her

desire I shall proceed "ex abrupto" to discuss the various points you

have presented; hoping you will pardon whatever of presumption there

attaches to me in taking up a gauntlet thrown _not directly_ at my own

feet.

First, then, you deplore the deep distress that pervades our land, in

anticipation of a conflict such as the civilized world never witnessed,

and even the annals of barbarous history scarce re^cd; together with

the inevitable consequence, that, our once (though _many years ago_)

happy Union must be _for ever dissolved_. Viewing it from our

standpoint I unite my voice of lamentation with yours; for it seems

truly a mournful sight to behold, spread out to the gaze of the world,

the history of a nation's folly, written in letters of blood. But I

look at the brighter side of this distorted photograph. With the eye of

_faith_ at least I can discern the hand of _Providence_ shifting the

scenes. This may seem strange, that a partition wall should be erected

in the Temple of Liberty, once an asylum for an oppressed world. That

the "Stars and Stripes"--the (once) badge of freedom, gracing the bosom

of every sea--should be riddled from its staff and another substituted

in its stead. Not less strange, however, did thousands of good

Englishmen deem it, to behold the proud "British Lion" quail before his

foe of "the wilderness," and the "Magna Charta" rent in twain. We must

look upon it then as an exercise of God's retributive justice for our

Sins as a people, or, that He designs that He shall ultimately be the

more glorified by the separation. In the former case of course I take

it that the _North_ will receive the awful visitation, for although

offences must needs come, yet, woe be unto him through whom they come!

In the latter condition the South is destined to become what (& indeed

far more than) the whole America _once_ was to the world. This

Government was far too large to prosper well for many years; or at

least comp^d to England (prosper), France and Spain, & Russia itself;

but especially should we be divided into 2 great gov's since we have

_virtually been so_, as to our domestic institutions, and many of our

social customs, for many, many years. It is true we did exist many

years also in commercial and social prosperity, & might have continued

to maintain such a happy condition had not the "green-eyed monster,

jealousy, reared his horrid front." Yes, it was in great part

_jealousy_. You yourself have admitted (& rightly) that our great

Ancestors were wiser than we. Well when they formed the _Original

Confed^y_ they were the Rep's[3] of _Slave States_, with _one

exception_. They did not deem it _wrong_ in itself, or they would have

abolished it--at least would not have made the "Fugitive S. Law" _for

its protection_. After a while, however, it _did not pay_ to keep

Slavery in Northern climates, & it was abolished _instanter_. Why then

was it that it became such a monstrous crime in their eyes? Wherein was

the consistency? Partisans became jealous of the wealth & power of

Southern planters & South^n politicians, elevated to their power

_through their wealth_--a thing _unavoidable_ in a Republican

government. Thus, through demagogues at the North an animosity was

aroused. It slumbered long in the germ, but being assiduously cherished

from year to year it at last budded and bloomed in a clime congenial to

its nature, & is now bringing forth its venomous fruit, even to a

"hundred fold." It was the consuming of this pernicious fruit that

brought death upon our "Body Politic" and produced all our woe. Would

to God that woe should fall upon none but those who "planted & watered"

it! I am perfectly conscious and cognizant of the manner in which this

spirit of enmity has been fostered. I am a _Northern_ by _birth_ and

_education_, & can testify to that which I know. I have also been in

the _South_ sufficiently long to _know_ the sentiments of the people

here, and how they coincide (or rather disagree) with the _Northern

conceptions_ of them. I have spent almost 8 years here--certainly long

enough to learn the _character_ of the "peculiar institution" as well

as its _practical workings & effect_ on society. And as I came with

somewhat of prejudice against it, you must be frank enough to

acknowledge me a fair judge in the matter. Among the first books put

into my youthful library, was a work called _Charles Ball_, or _The

Trials of a Run-Away Slave_. This was a horrid thing, and formed an

impression on my young mind that has only with the utmost _difficulty_

been eradicated. I am conscious that its contents are false. About the

same time, & repeatedly, I was taken to witness a panorama of _Uncle

Tom's Cabin_--another book whose leaves have furnished much fuel to

infernal flames. At the same time, & ever since, I have had my ears

grated with the harsh jargon of fanatical tirades against the

institutions & people of the South. Of course then my mind was

_poisoned & prejudiced_. And this has not been _my_ political training

alone but that of a majority of your youth at the North--_no further_

North too than _Penna_. How then is it possible that the North can

entertain amicable feelings toward the South? Add to this, what you

rightly remark, that the popular mind is continually influenced by the

issues of the _Press_--an instrument that has scattered the seeds of

discord broadcast over the land. And here you either ignorantly or

designedly intimate a slander against the South. You say "all papers

have free issue at the _North & not_ so at the _South_." Now do you not

know enough of Southern affairs to see that the South by their _very

Constitution_ cannot admit _incendiary_ documents to be cast into their

midst--it were suicidal. If the South should publish papers uttering

sentiments detrimental to Northern manufactories (_in general_) & in

favor of foreign manufac's, how long would the North permit such papers

to pass into their territory? Again, just as you say you "wish that

North^n. papers could circulate South," so also _do I wish_ that I

need not _bar my doors of nights_. And both our desires could be

accomplished if _all men were honest_. But, first, as I can't expect

robbers to pass by my unbarred treasury, so I can't expect to receive

Northern papers uncrammed with _incendiary items_. Again, however, the

South^n papers have _virtually_ no circulation at the North. I have

heard men, reputable for their knowledge & conservatism even, denounce

such Publi^ns.[4] as "unworthy to be touched." In the Reading Room of

Princeton Theo. Seminary there were taken, last winter, 12 weekly

papers, and about 8 periodicals from the South & scarcely 3 of these

were touched by _any but Southern Students_ during the Session, unless

some exciting discussion were going on in their columns. Thus much as

to newspapers. I confess they have been the cause of many erroneous

impressions on both sides, but the North is no purer from crimination

on this score than the South;--one stubborn evidence of this is the

numerical dif. in pop^ln.[5]

You next remark that Abolitionism does not predominate at the North. I

admit that for many years it _did not_, but lately it has acquired an

ascendency & is now wielding its baneful influence on the minds of the

masses. It is true there are many good people there whose minds are too

pure to be tainted by such an almost infidel spirit as pervades the

breasts of Abolitionists; yet the party in power has been elevated by

such vast majorities of the people, _in that section_, that, to one

investigating the matter, it seems the public sentiment at the North

has greatly changed in the last few years. In such a country as ours--a

democratic one--the masses are governed by a few great leaders; these

leaders, whether in power or not, are still the almost despots who rule

us. Their actions give fruit and coloring to the character of the

sections over which they sway their autocratic sceptres. Who then can

doubt the Aboli^n propensities of the N. when such men as _Beecher,

Greeley, Webb, Phillips, Sumner_, & a host of kindred spirits, are the

giant levers in the machinery of their society? It will not do to say

that these are disregarded by sensible people there, for I know too

well their power for evil. I know that _Dr. Hodge_--a man whom I love

next to my Father--stated, in his article on "the state of the

Country," that he did not know of 12 abolitionists "within the circle

of his acquaintance." But the Dr. was either woefully mistaken or he

didn't consider his _pupils as belonging to that circle_; for to my

certain knowledge there were twice that number within the walls of

"Princeton" at the time he made the assertion, and many of these

avowedly such--men who, I was astonished to see, withheld their names

when the same Dr. H. came round with a petition to Congress for "the

restoration of the Mis. Comp." & the repeal of the "Personal Liberty

Bills." These young men were embryo Ministers--men whose moral

influence _must_ be _powerful_ for _good_ or for _evil_. How is it then

you can assert that the North don't want the extinction of slavery when

such men as I have mentioned exert every effort to prevent its

extension & not that only, but the _operation_ of the _fugitive S.

law?_ I am aware that you stated the _contrary_ in your letter--that

the North are ever "rigorous" in its execution; nor am I so ungallant

as to doubt your veracity; but I think you have not fully informed

yourself on this point, else you would have learned that in scarcely an

isolated case has the Master ever recovered his property without being

put to more expense & trouble than the negro was worth; although I am

free to admit, that at the same time it cost the U.S. gov. an equal if

not greater Amount. Of course I refer to those negroes who have _not

merely_ crossed the _limits_ of a Slave State, & thus been caught, but

gone some distance North. Now the obligation to restore a fugitive

Slave is a _constitu^l. & moral obligation;_ and those laws designed to

prevent such restoration are unconst^l & criminal--and worthy of all

condem^n.--and unbecoming the dignity of any Sov^n. State. If people of

any State can't conscientiously submit to the Constitution there are

only 2 courses: they should endeavor to have it peaceably altered, or

should _move out of the Country_. This is the opinion of the most

learned and liberal men. _They have no right_ to live under the

protec^n. of a Const^n. & yet _refuse_ to submit to its _stipulations_.

True enough, as you say, the North wish _not_ to have the Negroes set

free _in their midst_, to overrun and disturb them--this they declare

by their actions, for they take no care for or interest in the poor

free (almost) brutes in their midst;--yet how soon will they be ready

to _resist_ you most violently should you attempt to take even one of

them back, from his then wretched abode, to his former happier place in

the service of a kind Master? "Oh! consistency, thou art a jewel!" This

then has been _one_ of the _two great causes_ of the present troubles.

The other--the denial of equal rights in the Territories--is still a

_greater_, because it involves a principle; the former was more a

matter of personal interest. The territories being purchased in common,

were the com. pos. of North and South. Each had a Const^l right to

emigrate thither _with their property_ & demand for it the protection

_afforded by_ the Const^n. It became, in course of time, a matter of

dispute whether the South could take their slaves there as _property_.

(As a matter of course this arose from _jealousy_--the N. having no

such prop, to take.) This great quest. was decided, however, by the

_Chief Justice_ in the highest Tribunal in the world, in favor of the

South; viz. that _slaves were property_. I refer to the "Dred Scott"

Case. This should have been sufficient, as it came from the highest

authority in the Gov^t. But some parties and people are _never

satisfied_. Full in the face of this high official the Repub^n Party

declare by their _Platform orators, & Press_, that slavery shall never

enter another foot of territory. Now if the South admit this principle

they acknowledge their inferiority to the North--an act that, even in

the eyes of the North, would not comport with their dignity & honor as

an independent & free people. The South being thus _oppressed_ then I

assert they have a right (not to secede, for no such right exists in my

conception, as it would be an element _subversive_ of any, & especially

of a Repub^ln gov.,) _to revolt_--a right inherent in & beyond the

control of all earthly govern^ts. Yes I coincide with the great Lord

Chatham when he says that "_Rebellion_ against _oppression_ is

_obedience_ to _God_." Our Ancestors rebelled against the tyranny of

British usurpation, & the Texans revolted against a like despotism

exercised by a Mexican Autocrat. Why then are the _Sovereign_ States of

_America_ not justifiable in throwing off the yoke or rather resisting

_to have put upon them_, the yoke, of Northern Tyranny? To make the

argument still clearer, however, as to the Territories, let us

illustrate it: Suppose a Repub^n. Congress decides that slavery shan't

be _protected_ in the _Ter._ as _prop_. I take my slave thither. An

indictment is brought against me. I am tried and condemned by the

territorial court. I appeal from its decision to the Sup. Court of the

U.S. What then? From _analogy_ I conclude that I shall be acquitted,

i.e., recover my property. For one Chief Justice has already decided

thus; and is not his decision final? Here then is an end of the matter;

since the Sup. Court is the Sole Arbiter in determining the

_Constitutionality_ of any of Congress' acts.

As to the North not making use of _slanderous epithets_ against the

South, I know nothing about _your particular section_ of the North, but

I do know that when I have been in Penna. & N.J., I have heard all

classes utter the vilest insinuations against the people of the South

_indiscriminately_. Yes, it often seemed as if they could find no

language too harsh, no comparison too base, no denunciation too bitter

to apply to those whom in their ignorance they deemed their inferiors

in wisdom and sense. Such have I heard from the lips of distinguished

citizens in all departments & professions of life. Even hoary-headed

ministers have entered the sacred desk with their MSS. reeking with

filth from the cesspool of political slander. Dr. Brown, with whom you

are doubtless acqu^td, is now in Phila^d. at the Gen. Assem. of the

Pres. Ch. He wrote home lately that he never saw a mob that made use of

viler language than did the best of citizens there in their denouncings

of the South. I confess, however, that this is not a _one-sided_

affair; for I have heard equally abusive language applied to the North

by the people South. As before, then, let us "strike hands" on this

point also, for both sections are equally culpable. As to the

_strength_ of _individuals_ in the two sections, it must be tested on

the battle-field, and there alone. Our war of words can never decide

anything on this point. I should be sorry to admit the men in the North

could not fight, had they a real enemy to contend against--a war of

"_justice, reason_, or _humanity_" to wage. But to arm themselves

against their brethren, and in such an unholy cause as that in which

they are engaged now, I must confess that their true metal can never be

exhibited. _One_ man whose heart is in the war can always conquer _two_

who are fighting from some _impure motive_. And now let me candidly ask

you to as candidly tell me whether or not you _think_ after _seeing_

the thing progress thus far, and having, as you say, been, & still

continue to be, well-informed as to apper^ns on _both sides_, the North

are engaged in the cause of "Justice." Admitting that some of them are

actuated by pure and lofty motives, do you not acknowledge that the

_vast majority_ are _blinded_ by _prejudice, led on_ by a desire for

_military fame_, prompted by the _prospect_ of _plunder_, or actuated

by the still more ----? but I refrain--my very pen shudders at the

thought of expressing myself further. Yes, I think you must confess

that is the case. I refer, of course, to the Armies of Lincoln _thus

far_ made up. Are they not composed of a _Mercenary horde_, made up

generally of the lowest rabble of the Country, & thousands of those

thrown out of employment in the manufacturing cities--who have resorted

to camp-life for self-sustenance--indeed _their only resource?_ Whether

you admit this or not, it is emphatically true to a great extent, for

the Northern papers themselves have made such statements as would lead

me to believe so, & more, I have correspondents in the North, who

confirm my suspicions on this score. My own Father who does not justify

the attack on Sumter, yet denounces Lin's army as a set of _Murderers!_

He lives in Penna. & this is the opinion of many good citizens there.

And now can such men be justified in their present purposes and

activities? If so, upon what principles? We have sh^n. that it is not

in accordance with sound reason & the "inexorable logic" of the

Constitution, since that noble edifice was attacked in two points

simultaneously by the Repub^cn party: 1°. by abrogating the Fugitive

Slave Law; 2°. by depriving the South of eq^l rights in the

Territories. These are 2 points in which the North has transgressed the

limits of immutable Justice, and nothing which is unjust can be

_reasonable_, for, they (Just. & Reas.) are twin sisters. Moreover, the

Bible justifies no war but that of self-defence. Then are the North

invaded? No, nor never will be, by the South, for all they ask is peace

within their borders. While they hold in one hand the sword of

self-defence, they present the "Olive Branch" with the other; and so

God grant it _may be ever_.

You lament the inconceivable disasters "inaugurated by the attack on

Sumter." True enough they may have been _inaugurated_ by that _act_,

but their unconcealed cause lies _far_ back of that, as we have shown.

That was only a raising of the curtain, or rather a forcing of it to be

raised by the Abolitionists--a beginning of the bloody drama. Who

caused the attack? What meant those _human cargoes_ that approached so

close to its walls the day before the battle? Why did the worthy (?)

Lincoln so long deceive the South^rn Commissioners by promise after

promise not to make war, but to _evacuate_ the fort, & meet them, as a

sensible Pres. would have done, in friendly negotiation for peace? S.C.

was right, and acted nobly in the affair, and was as justifiable

therein, as was _Anderson_ in occupying the Fort _before_ he had a

reason for doing so, declaring by his overt act that the U.S. forces

under him were at _enmity_ with S.C. But then you say S.C. should have

_first tried_ Lincoln before determining to secede. I think she saw

with prophetic vision the end from the beginning. She took Lincoln at

his word--that itself was oppression & tyranny sufficient to burst

asunder the closest ties of Union that could exist in any Country. You

say we sh^d. give everything a fair trial. I disagree. If I saw a

_serpent_ in my path & it sh^d. attempt to make battle, or declare its

hostility by displaying its horrid fangs, do you think I would coolly

stand by & give it a fair trial, & test its friendship? I would be

impelled, even had I never seen or heard of such a creature before, to

crush it immediately, & so S.C. has sensibly said to the Administration

"_Serpent, bite a file!_" As to your Eulogium on Lincoln I have not

much to say. If he pleases you, well enough, you're easily satisfied.

_I_ take it that he is a disgrace to the Chair he occupies; and to

judge from his conversations, he is devoid of all sense of refinement &

etiquette; to look at his executive powers as displayed thus far, he

had better be _a Bey_ than helmsman of the "Old Ship"; and what of his

_efforts_ at speeches? In the language of Logan, "I appeal to any white

man" to say if they would not be a disgrace to many a "Country

'Squire"! And yet such a man elevated to the highest position in the

gift of the American people! There was a time when the soundest and

most learned men of the land were made Presidents, now a man's capacity

for the office seems to depend on the meanness of his intellect & the

_number of rails he can split in a day_. And so great were his "maul &

wedge" propensities that he withheld not his hand from splitting the

Tree of Liberty. But let us inquire upon which side "_humanity_" stands

in this contest. You complain much of several (local) depredations

com^td by South on private _boats_ &c. I ask, in candor, if it was not

in retaliation for like outrages com^td by the North. I am certain as

to its being so in several cases. The very 1st boat thus ill-treated

was one belonging to the South on its way down the Miss. & attacked at

Cairo. To retaliate they determined to attack _North^en boats coming up

the river_. And what have your noble _Ohioans_ done lately & repeatedly

with our _Ka._ boats at _Gallipolis_? Thrice have they overhauled the

same boat and twice kept every pound of freight on her timbers. But

this is not all; your _humane Lincoln_ has closed the Southern ports, &

is daily _robbing vessels_ on their way in & out of the same. During

the last week he stole $150,000 worth of Southern Tobacco, & thus the

programme continues. _Very humane indeed!_ Again, he is _no invader!_

No indeed! by no means! yet hundreds of Citizens are now fleeing from

Wheeling, & other towns invaded, for personal safety. Scarce a day

passes but some one stops here who has thus escaped. If they remain on

their own soil and round their proper hearthstone the (very) humane

doom of a murderer awaits them! The North don't intend to make invasion

at all, yet _4000 F^l_ troops are now in _Parkersburg_, breaking up

printing presses, putting innocent people in jail, and doing other

_humane_ acts, "too numerous to mention." According to my letter from

Father I understand they don't have the first principles of _Civilized

warfare_--they intend to _hang_ all their prisoners. Oh! _humanity!_

HUMANITY!

And now that we have seen that neither Reason, Justice, nor Humanity is

on the side of the North, let us look at the subject in the light of

_Expediency_, admitting, for the sake of argument the while, that it

_were_ right or just to wage the war. And viewing it from this

standpoint, we ask, what does the North expect to _gain_ by it? Does

there live a man so lost to reason & common sense as to imagine that

the Union of the seceded States with the N.S. can ever be effected

again? _And if it could be done by force_, how long could a Repub^n

Gov. exist as a military despotism? And who would not prefer

_banishment_ or _death_ to _such_ a _life?_ What Satisfac^n could the

North themselves have in such an event? They would live a life of

misery; provoke the sneers of the civilized world; and draw down upon

their heads the terrible wrath of an offended God.

But this war will _not_ be permitted _thus to terminate_, the South can

_never be conquered_. You yourself know their "_spirit_" too well to

believe otherwise. Rather than be _subjugated_ they will _die_ a

_triple death_. Like their mighty _Henry_ they cry, "Give us liberty or

give us _death!_" And still more _I_ don't think they can be

_exterminated. 8,000,000_ of people, armed in the holy cause of

self-defence; struggling for their _liberties, honor, interests, &

lives_, with a laudable ambition, & an _unyielding perseverance_, are

_invincible_ by any force the North can raise to send against them.

Besides (to continue the sentiments of Henry), the battle is not to the

_strong_ alone, it is to the _vigilant, the active_, the _brave_.

Especially so when, as I said before, the forces of Lincoln are not

composed generally of men of the first rank of Society (except a few

Officers desirous of Fame), but the "offscouring" & rabble of the

land--men who have nothing at stake, not even their own lives we might

say, since they care so little for anything. So that notwithstanding

the immense number (and here let me remind you of the _disparity_ of

_forces_, of which you said so much, at _Sumter_)--"stubborn facts"--of

which you speak, the South has nothing to fear. And, moreover, as

certainly as I believe there exists a God of Justice & Mercy, so

certainly & conscientiously do I believe He will defend the South from

the Vandals of the North. Yes, dark as they seem, the clouds of gloom

do not shut out the star of hope, and they are beginning to be spanned

by a radiant bow of promise; the fall of _Ellsworth_ & the shattered

walls of the _once presumed impreg^ble_ Sumter, abundantly testify that

_God_ is on their side, and "if the Lord be _for_ them, _who can be

against_ them?" So I heartily say "God speed" them--they shall have my

prayers.--But let us take one more glance at the _expediency_ of this

matter. Are not the North fighting for a Patroclus' grave in this

struggle? What matters an _abstract banner?_ especially to the _"matter

of fact" Yankee?_ And then behold the inconsistency of the North in

another point; they have through their Representatives, for many years,

cried "_no more slave_ territory"; and indeed many of them, such as

Seward &c., have declared that slavery _must be abolished_, as both

can't exist under the _same gov.;_ yet, _now_ they are _fighting to the

death_ to _keep_ or _get back slave territory!!!_ "Oh! consistency!"

And, _finally_, at this point, will it not cost _myriads_ of _lives &

millions_ of _money_ to accomplish their infernal designs, even _could_

they do it? And can the North afford this? Even now it is costing

_Lincoln's Anarchy_ (for I can't call it _gov._) _$1,000,000_ per

day--a _matter_ of _record!_ Suppose then the war sh^d last a year,

what then? Union or dis-union? Alas, _farther separation_. Continue it

then two years more. What then? _Ditto & ditto_ it will _be_ should it

last as long as the "_War of the Roses_," for we have no houses of York

& Lancaster to _unite_, sign and settle the dispute by marriage--_one_

or _both_ annihilated!--And now I ask how, in the name of Reason,

Justice, or Humanity, can you lift up your voice in defence of the

North when they are the cause of all this accumulating misery?--when

they have deprived the South of her Consti^tn rights, driven her to the

necessity of a separation, and now raise their arm against her as an

enemy, declaring either to subjugate her, to overrun her with their

vandal hordes, or exterminate from her soil every living creature?--&

when, "Oh bloodiest picture in the book of time!" they are ready to

repeat with a triple vengeance the untold horrors of the Spanish

Inquisition? They are madly, blindly rushing, they know not where. The

blame of dissolution rests upon her. And the still more awful

responsibility of a civil war will hang as an everlasting incubus upon

her shoulders. Then let her beware ere she "_cross the Rubicon_"--let

her "pause long upon its brink." And shall we all perish by her

fratricidal hand? Shall the blood, shed by brother in deadly war with

brother, flow ignominiously through our rivers to the ocean & be

carried by its waves to stain the shores of Nations that for long years

have been centring their fond hopes on America as the _grand ideal_ of

the gov. they too would some day enjoy? Shall such hopes be blasted as

soon as fondly cherished? and now that Italy has trampled upon the

tyrannical "Mitre"--torn from her long subdued neck the yoke of Papal

bondage--passed from the darkness of superstitious bondage into the

light of religious freedom, shall we sink back to what she was, by

casting ourselves into the whirlpool of civil war? Shall we not only

put out, but shatter, the lamp of liberty, a lamp whose effulgence was

beginning to scatter the shades of despotism from off the earth? Shall

we extinguish the brightest star in the constellation of human freedom?

The united voices of Humanity, Justice, & Reason answer, _No!_ The

cries of myriad free men living, & of millions yet unborn, rend the air

with a universal negative! and from the vaulted canopy of heaven there

swells back the solemn echo, "_God forbid!_" As if augmented by the

mournful strain of 10,000 angels hovering in amazement over the

conflicting scene! _Oh! then let the North beware!_

Mrs. Tompkins says that if _you_ can justify your Bro. Ulysses in

drawing his sword against those connected by the ties of blood, and

even boast of it, you are at liberty to do so, _but she can not_. And

should one of those kindred be stricken down by his sword the awful

judgment of God will be meted out to him, &, if not repented of, the

hot thunderbolts of His wrath will blaze round his soul through

eternity. On the contrary, if the _vice versa_ should occur, she thinks

"those kin" would be justified, because in _self-defence_. As to Mr.

_John Marshall's_ being _promoted_ in the army of Lincoln, she thinks

_that fact explains itself:_ he spent much of his time _previously_

seeking, or at least _expecting, promotion_, & failing in a _laudable

way_,--in defence of his own kindred & the home of his bosom

companion!--he resorted to _Yankeedom_, and sold as it were his

birthright for a mess of Abolition pottage. This helps confirm my view,

that many take positions in Lincoln's Army with the expectation of

military promotion, & the hope of an easy conquest of the South. Oh,

how deluded! But as for many of them, "God forgive them, for they _know

not what they do_."

But I must bring these desultory remarks to a break-off. So, begging

pardon once more for transgressing the limits of formality, and hoping

you may live to see the verification of many of my remarks, I have the

pleasure of signing myself

Letters of Ulysses S. Grant to his father and his youngest sister, 1857-78 · 第 169 / 170 题