MAYA ARTS, CALENDAR, AND HIEROGLYPHICS.
SCARCITY OF INFORMATION--USE OF METALS--GOLD AND PRECIOUS
STONES--IMPLEMENTS OF STONE--SCULPTURE--POTTERY--MANUFACTURE
OF CLOTH--DYEING--SYSTEM OF NUMERATION--MAYA CALENDAR IN
YUCATAN--DAYS, WEEKS, MONTHS, AND YEARS--INDICTIONS AND
KATUNES--PEREZ' SYSTEM OF AHAU KATUNES--STATEMENTS OF LANDA
AND COGOLLUDO--INTERCALARY DAYS AND YEARS--DAYS AND MONTHS
IN GUATEMALA, CHIAPAS, AND SOCONUSCO--MAYA HIEROGLYPHIC
SYSTEM--TESTIMONY OF EARLY WRITERS ON THE USE OF
PICTURE-WRITING--DESTRUCTION OF DOCUMENTS--SPECIMENS WHICH
HAVE SURVIVED--THE DRESDEN CODEX--MANUSCRIPT TROANO--TABLETS
OF PALENQUE, COPAN, AND YUCATAN--BISHOP LANDA'S
KEY--BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG'S INTERPRETATION.
Our knowledge of Maya arts and manufactures, so far as it depends on
the statements of the early Spanish writers is very slight, and may be
expressed in few words; especially as most of these arts seem to have
been very nearly identical with those of the Nahuas, although many of
them, at the time of the Conquest at least, were not carried to so
high a grade of perfection as in the north. Some branches of
mechanical art have indeed left material relics, which, examined in
modern times, have extended our knowledge on the subject very far
beyond what may be gleaned from sixteenth-century observations. But a
volume of this work is set apart for the consideration of material
relics with numerous illustrative plates, and although the temptation
to use both information and plates from modern sources is particularly
strong in some of the topics of this chapter and the following, a
regard for the symmetry of the work, and the necessity of avoiding all
repetition, cause me to confine myself here almost exclusively to the
old authors, as I have done in describing the Nahua arts.
[Sidenote: KNOWLEDGE OF METALS.]
Iron was not known to the Mayas, and it is not quite certain that
copper was mined or worked by them. The boat so often mentioned as
having been met by Columbus off the coast, and supposed to have come
from Yucatan, had on board crucibles for melting copper, and a large
number of copper hatchets. Similar hatchets together with bells,
ornaments, and spear and arrow points of the same metal were seen at
various points, and were doubtless used to a considerable extent
throughout Yucatan, Chiapas, and Guatemala. But there are no metallic
deposits on the peninsula, and the copper instruments used there, or
at least the material, must have been brought from the north, as it is
indeed stated by several authors that they were. No metallic relics
whatever have been found among the ruins of Yucatan, and only very few
in other Maya regions. Copper implements are not mentioned by the
early visitors to Nicaragua, and although that country abounds in ore
of a variety easily worked, yet there is no evidence that it was used,
and Squier's statement that the Nicaraguans were skillful workers in
this metal, probably rests on no stronger basis than the reported
discovery of a copper mask at Ometepec. Godoi speaks of copper in
Chiapas, and also of a metallic composition called _cacao_!
Small articles of gold, intended chiefly for ornamental purposes, were
found everywhere in greater or less abundance by the Spaniards, the
gold being generally described as of a low grade. Cortés speaks of the
gold in Yucatan as alloyed with copper, and the same alloy is
mentioned in Guatemala by Herrera, and in Nicaragua by Benzoni. The
latter author says that gold was abundant in Nicaragua but was all
brought from other provinces. He also states that there were no mines
of any kind, but Oviedo, on the contrary, speaks of 'good mines of
gold.' Articles of gold took the form of animals, fishes, birds,
bells, small kettles and vases, beads, rings, bracelets, hatchets,
small idols, bars, plates for covering armor, gilding or plating of
wooden masks and clay beads, and settings for precious stones. Peter
Martyr speaks of gold as formed in bars and stamped in Nicaragua, and
Villagutierre of silver 'rosillas' in use among the Itzas. We have but
slight information respecting the use of precious stones. Oviedo saw
in Nicaragua a sun-dial of pearl set on jasper, and also speaks of
wooden masks covered with stone mosaic and gold plates in Tabasco.
Martyr tells us that the natives of Yucatan attached no value to
Spanish counterfeited jewels, because they could take from their mines
better ones of genuine worth.[1096]
[Sidenote: STONE CARVING.]
The few implements in common use among the Mayas, such as knives,
chisels, hatchets, and metates, together with the spear and arrow
heads already mentioned, were of flint, porphyry, or other hard stone.
There is but little doubt that most of their elaborate sculpture on
temples and idols was executed with stone implements, since the
material employed was for the most part soft and easily worked. The
carvings in the hard sapote-wood in Yucatan must have presented great
difficulties to workmen without iron tools; but the fact remains that
stone implements, with a few probably of hardened copper, sufficed
with native skill and patience for all purposes. Villagutierre informs
us that the Lacandones cut wood with stone hatchets. Cogolludo speaks
of the remarkable facility which the natives displayed in learning the
mechanical arts introduced by Spaniards, in using new and strange
tools or adapting the native implements to new uses. All implements
whether of the temple or the household, seem to have been ceremonially
consecrated to their respective uses. Oviedo speaks of deer-bone combs
used in Guatemala, and of another kind of combs the teeth of which
were made of black wood and set in a composition like baked clay but
which became soft on exposure to heat.
The early writers speak in general terms of idols of various human and
animal forms, cut from all kinds of stone, and also from wood; Martyr
also mentions an immense serpent in what he supposed to be a place of
punishment in Yucatan, which was 'compacted of bitumen and small
stones.' The Itzas constructed of stone and mortar the image of a
horse, modeled on an animal left among them by Cortés. The Spanish
authors say little or nothing of the sculpture of either idols or
architectural decorations, except that it was elaborate, and often
demon-like; but their observations on the subject would have had but
little value, even had they been more extended, and fortunately
architectural remains are sufficiently numerous and complete, at least
in Yucatan, Honduras, and Chiapas, to supply information that, if not
entirely satisfactory, is far more so than what we possess respecting
other branches of Maya art. Brasseur de Bourbourg speaks of vases
exquisitely worked from alabaster and agate in Yucatan; there is some
authority for this in modern discoveries, but little or none, so far
as I know, in the writings of the conquerors. Earthenware, shells, and
the rind of the gourd were the material of Maya dishes. All speak of
the native pottery as most excellent in workmanship, material, and
painting, but give no details of its manufacture. Herrera, however,
mentions a province of Guatemala, where very fine pottery was made by
the women, and Palacio tells us that this branch of manufactures was
one of the chief industries of Aguachapa, a town of the Pipiles.
All that is known of cloths and textile fabrics has been given in
enumerating the various articles of dress; of any differences that may
have existed between the Nahua and Maya methods of spinning and
weaving cotton we know nothing. It is probable that the native methods
have not been modified essentially in modern times among the same
peoples. We are told that in Yucatan the wife of a god invented
weaving, and was worshiped under the name of Ixazalvoh; while another
who improved the invention by the use of colored threads was
Yxchebelyax, also a goddess. Spinning and weaving was for the most
part women's work, and they are spoken of as industrious and skillful
in the avocation. Bark and maguey-fibre were made into cloth by the
Cakchiquels, and Oviedo mentions several plants whose fibre was worked
into nets and ropes by the Nicaraguans. The numerous dye-woods which
are still among the richest productions of the country in many parts,
furnished the means of imparting to woven fabrics the bright hues of
which the natives were so fond. Bright-colored feathers were highly
prized and extensively used for decorative purposes. Garments of
feathers are spoken of, which were probably made as they were in
Mexico by pasting the plumage in various ornamental figures on cotton
fabric.[1097]
[Sidenote: SYSTEM OF NUMERATION.]
The following table will give the reader a clear idea of the Maya
system of numeration as it existed in Yucatan; the definitions of some
of the names are taken from the Maya dictionary, and may or may not
have any application to the subject:
1 hun, 'paper'
2 ca, 'calabash'
3 ox, 'shelled corn'
4 can, 'serpent' or 'count'
5 ho, 'entry'
6 uac
7 uuc
8 uaxac, 'something standing erect'
9 bolon, _bol_, 'to roll or turn'
10 lahun, _lah_, 'a stone'
11 buluc, 'drowned'
12 lachá, (lahun-ca), 10 + 2
13 oxlahun, 3 + 10
14 canlahun, 4 + 10
15 holhun, (ho-lahun), 5 + 10
16 uaclahun, 6 + 10, etc.
20 hunkal, _kal_, 'neck,' or a measure, 1 × 20
21 huntukal, 1 + 20
22 catukal, 2 + 20, etc.
28 uaxactukal, or hunkal catac uaxac, 8 + 20, or 20 + 8
_catac_, 'and'
30 luhucakal, 2 × 20 - 10 (?)
31 buluctukal, 11 + 20
32 lahcatukal, 12 + 20
33 oxlahutukal, 13 + 20, etc.
40 cakal, 2 × 20
41 huntuyoxkal
42 catuyoxkal
50 lahuyoxkal
51 buluctuyoxkal
60 oxhal, 3 × 20
61 huntucankal
70 lahucankal
71 buluctucankal
80 cankal, 4 × 20
81 hutuyokal
82 catuyokal
90 lahuyokal
100 ho-kal, 5 × 20
101 huntu uackal
102 catu uackal
110 lahu uackal
115 holhu uackal
120 uackal, 6 × 20
130 lahu uuckal
131 buluc tu uuckal
140 uuckal, 7 × 20
141 huntu uaxackal
160 uaxackal, 8 × 20, etc.
200 lahuncal, 10 × 20
300 holhukal, 15 × 20
400 hunbak, 1 × 400
500 hotubak
600 lahutubak
800 cabak, 2 × 400
900 hotu yoxbak
1,000 lahuyoxbak or hunpic (modern)
1,200 oxbak, 3 × 400
1,250 oxbak catac lahuyoxkal, 3 × 400 + 50
2,000 capic (modern)
8,000 hunpic (ancient)
16,000 ca pic (ancient)
160,000 calab
1,000,000 kinchil or huntzotzceh
64,000,000 hunalau
Thus the Mayas seem to have had uncompounded names for the numerals
from 1 to 11, 20, 400, and 8,000, and to have formed all numbers by
the addition or multiplication of these. The manner in which the
combinations were made seems clear up to the number 40. Thus we have
10 and 2, 10 and 3, etc., up to 19; 20 is _hun-kal_, 21 is
_hun-tu-kal_, etc., indicating that _tu_, which I do not find in any
dictionary, is simply 'and' or a sign of addition. The composition of
_lahu-ca-kal_ is clear only in the sense of _ten_ from _twice twenty_;
40 is two twenties, 60 is three twenties, and so on regularly by
twenties up to 400, for which a new word _bak_ is introduced; after
which the numbers proceed, twice 400, thrice 400, etc., to 8,000,
_pic_, corresponding to the Nahua _xiquipilli_. But while the
composition is intelligible so far as the multiples of 20 and 400 are
concerned, it is far from clear in the case of the intermediate
numbers. For instance, 40 is _ca-kal_, and forming 41, 42, etc., as 21
was formed from 20, we should have _hun-tu-ca-kal_, _ca-tu-ca-kal_,
etc., instead of the names given, _hun-tu-yox-kal_, etc., or,
interpreting this last name as the former were interpreted we should
have 61 instead of 41. The same observation may be made respecting
every number, not a multiple of 20, up to 400; that is, each number is
less by 20 than the composition of its name would seem to indicate. If
we gave to _tu_ the meaning 'towards,' then _hun-tu-yox-kal_ might be
interpreted '1 (from 40) towards 60,' or 41; but in such a case the
word for 21, _hun-tu-kal_, must be supposed to be a contraction of
_hun-tu-ca-kal_, '1 (from 20) towards 40.' Other irregularities will
be noticed by the reader in the numbers above 400. I have thought it
best to call attention to what appears a strange inconsistency in this
system of numeration, but which may present less difficulties to one
better acquainted than I with the Maya language.[1098]
[Sidenote: THE MAYA CALENDAR.]
Authorities on the Maya calendar of Yucatan, the only one of which any
details are known, are Bishop Landa and Don Juan Pio Perez. The latter
was a modern writer who devoted much study to the subject, was
perfectly familiar with the Maya language, and had in his possession
or consulted elsewhere many ancient manuscripts. There are also a few
scattered remarks on the subject in the works of other writers.[1099]
The Maya day was called _kin_, or 'sun'; _malik ocok kin_ was the time
just preceding sunrise; _hatzcab_ was the time from sunrise to noon,
which was called _chunkin_ or 'middle of the day'; _tzelep kin_ was
the declining sun, or about three o'clock P. M.; _oc na kin_ was
sunset. The night was _akab_, and midnight was _chumuc akab_. Other
hours were indicated by the position of the sun in the daytime, and by
that of some star--the morning star, the Pleiades, and the Gemini as
Landa says--during the night.
[Illustration: Days of the Maya Calendar.]
The following table shows the names of the twenty days with the
orthography of different writers, and the meaning of the names so far
as known:
Kan 'henequen string,' 'yellow,' 'serpent.'
Chicchán _chichan_ would be 'small,' a thing that grows or
increases slowly.
Cimi (Quimi,
Cimij) preterite of _cimil_, 'to die.'
Manik possibly 'passing wind.'
Lamat possibly 'abyss of water,' found as _lambat_ in
Oajaca calendar.
Muluc possibly 'reunion,' also in Chiapas calendar.
Oc 'what may be held in the palm of the hand,' 'foot,'
'leg.'
Chuen 'board,' or name of a tree, perhaps _chouen_ of
Quiché calendar.
Eb 'stairway' or 'ladder.'
Ben (Been) perhaps Been, an ancient prince, or 'to spend with
economy.'
Ix (Hix, Gix) possibly 'roughness.' The Quiché _itz_ is
'sorcerer.'
Men 'builder.'
Cib (Quib) 'wax' or 'copal.'
Caban
Ezanab (Ecnab,
Edznab)
Cauac
Ahau (Ajau) 'king,' beginning of the period of 24 (or 20)
years.
Ymix _Imox_, in Quiché calendar is the Mexican Cipactli.
Ik (Yk) 'wind' or 'breath.'
Akbal In Quiché, 'vase.'
The hieroglyphics by which the names of the days were expressed are
shown in the accompanying cut in their proper order of succession,--Kan,
Chicchan, etc., to Akbal; but it is to be noted that although this
order was invariable, yet the month might begin with any one of the
four days Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac.
The month, made up as I have said of twenty days, was called _u_, or
'moon,' indicating perhaps that time was originally computed by lunar
calculations. It was also called _uinal_, a word whose signification
is not satisfactorily given. The year contained eighteen months, whose
names with the hieroglyphics by which they were written, are shown in
the cut on the opposite page, in their order, Pop, Uo, Zip, etc., to
Cumhu.
Not only did the months succeed each other always in the same order,
but Pop was always the first month of the year, which began on a date
corresponding to July 16 of our calendar, a date which varies only
forty-eight hours from the time when the sun passes the zenith--an
approximation as accurate as could be expected from observations made
without instruments.
[Sidenote: MONTHS OF THE MAYA CALENDAR.]
[Illustration: Months of the Maya Calendar.]
The following table shows the names of the months, their meaning, and
the day on which each began, according to our calendar:
Pop (Poop, Popp) 'mat' July 16
Uo (Woo, Voo) 'Frog' Aug. 5
Zip (Cijp) name of a tree, 'defect,' 'swollen' Aug. 25
Tzoz (Zoc, Zotz) 'bat' Sept. 14
Tzec (Zeec) possibly 'discourse,' 'skull' Oct. 4
Xul 'end' Oct. 24
Yaxkin (Dze-Yaxkin, Tze Yaxkin) 'beginning of summer' Nov. 13
Mol (Mool) 'to reunite'. Dec. 3
Chen (Cheen) 'well' Dec. 23
Yax (Yaax) 'green' or 'blue' or 'first' Jan. 12
Zac (Zak) 'clear,' 'white' Feb. 1
Ceh (Qeh, Quej, Queh) 'deer' Feb. 21
Mac, 'to close,' 'lid,' a measure Mar. 13
Kankin, 'yellow sun' Apr. 2
Muan (Moan) 'showery day,' the bird called 'ara' Apr. 22
Pax (Paax) a musical instrument May 12
Kayab, 'singing' June 1
Cumhu (Cumkú) noise of an explosion, as of thunder June 21
[1100]
[Sidenote: INTERCALARY DAYS.]
The year was called _haab_, and consisted of the eighteen months
already named,--which would make 360 days,--and of five supplementary,
or intercalary days, to complete the full number of 365. These
intercalary days were called _xma kaba kin_, or 'nameless days,' and
also _uayab_ or _nayeb haab_, _u na haab_, _nayab chab_, _u yail kin_,
_u yail haab_, _u tuz kin_, or _u lobol kin_, which may mean 'bed' or
'chamber' of the year, 'mother of the year,' 'bed of creation,'
'travail of the year,' 'lying days,' or 'bad days,' etc. They were
added at the end of each year, after the last day of Cumhu, and
although they are called nameless, and were perhaps never spoken of by
name, yet they were actually reckoned like the rest;--that is, if the
last day of Cumhu was Akbal, the five intercalary days would be
reckoned as Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, Manik, and Lamat, so that the new
year, or the month of Pop, would begin with the day Muluc.
Besides this division of time into years, months, and days, there was
another division carried along simultaneously with the first, into
twenty-eight periods of thirteen days each,[1101] which may for
convenience be termed weeks, although the natives did not apply any
name to the period of thirteen days, and perhaps did not regard it as
a definite period at all, but used the number thirteen as a sacred
number from some superstitious motives;[1102] yet its use produces
some curious complications in the calendar, of which it is a most
peculiar feature. The name of each day was preceded by a numeral
showing its position in the week, and these numerals proceeded
regularly from one to thirteen and then began again at one. Thus 1 Kan
meant 'Kan, the first day of the week'; 12 Cauac, 'Cauac, the twelfth
day of the week,' etc. It is probable also that the days of the month
were numbered regularly from 1 to 20, as events are spoken of as
occurring on the 18th of Zip, etc., but the numeral relating to the
week was the most prominent. The table shows the succession of days
and weeks for several months:
=========================================
| 1 | | | 2 | |
a | POP. | b | a | UO. | b |
---+----------+----+----+----------+----+
1 | Kan | 1 | 8 | Kan | 1 |
2 | Chicchán | 2 | 9 | Chicchán | 2 |
3 | Cimi | 3 | 10 | Cimi | 3 |
4 | Manik | 4 | 11 | Manik | 4 |
5 | Lamat | 5 | 12 | Lamat | 5 |
6 | Muluc | 6 | 13 | Muluc | 6 |
7 | Oc | 7 | 1 | Oc | 7 |
8 | Chuen | 8 | 2 | Chuen | 8 |
9 | Eb | 9 | 3 | Eb | 9 |
10 | Ben | 10 | 4 | Ben | 10 |
11 | Ix | 11 | 5 | Ix | 11 |
12 | Men | 12 | 6 | Men | 12 |
13 | Cib | 13 | 7 | Cib | 13 |
1 | Caban | 14 | 8 | Caban | 14 |
2 | Ezanab | 15 | 9 | Ezanab | 15 |
3 | Cauac | 16 | 10 | Cauac | 16 |
4 | Ahau | 17 | 11 | Ahau | 17 |
5 | Ymix | 18 | 12 | Ymix | 18 |
6 | Ik | 19 | 13 | Ik | 19 |
7 | Akbal | 20 | 1 | Akbal | 20 |
=========================================
a: Day of Week. b: Day of Month.
=========================================
| 3 | | | 4 | |
a | ZIP. | b | a | TZOZ. | b |
---+----------+----+----+----------+----+
2 | Kan | 1 | 9 | Kan | 1 |
3 | Chicchán | 2 | 10 | Chicchán | 2 |
4 | Cimi | 3 | 11 | Cimi | 3 |
5 | Manik | 4 | 12 | Manik | 4 |
6 | Lamat | 5 | 13 | Lamat | 5 |
7 | Muluc | 6 | 1 | Muluc | 6 |
8 | Oc | 7 | 2 | Oc | 7 |
9 | Chuen | 8 | 3 | Chuen | 8 |
10 | Eb | 9 | 4 | Eb | 9 |
11 | Ben | 10 | 5 | Ben | 10 |
12 | Ix | 11 | 6 | Ix | 11 |
13 | Men | 12 | 7 | Men | 12 |
1 | Cib | 13 | 8 | Cib | 13 |
2 | Caban | 14 | 9 | Caban | 14 |
3 | Ezanab | 15 | 10 | Ezanab | 15 |
4 | Cauac | 16 | 11 | Cauac | 16 |
5 | Ahau | 17 | 12 | Ahau | 17 |
6 | Ymix | 18 | 13 | Ymix | 18 |
7 | Ik | 19 | 1 | Ik | 19 |
8 | Akbal | 20 | 2 | Akbal | 20 |
=========================================
Of the twenty days only four,--Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac--could begin
either a month or a year. Whatever the name of the first day of the
first month, every month in the year began with the same day,
accompanied, however, by a different numeral. The numeral of the first
day for the first month being 1, that of the second would be 8, and so
on for the other months in the following order: 2, 9, 3, 10, 4, 11, 5,
12, 6, 13, 7, 1, 8, 2, 9, 3. To ascertain the numeral for any month 7
must be added to that of the preceding month, and 13 subtracted from
the sum if it be more than 13.
[Sidenote: SUCCESSION OF THE YEARS.]
By extending the table of days and months over a period of years,--an
extension which my space does not permit me to make in these
pages,--the reader will observe that by reason of the intercalary
days, and of the fact that 28 weeks of 13 days each make only 364
instead of 365 days, if the first year began with the day 1 Kan, the
second would begin with 2 Muluc, the third with 3 Ix, the fourth with
4 Cauac, the fifth with 5 Kan, and so on in regular order; therefore
the years were named by the day on which they began, 1 Kan, 2 Muluc, 3
Ix, etc., since the year would begin with any one of these
combinations only once in 52 years. Thus the four names of the days
Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac served as signs for the years, precisely as
the signs _tochtli_, _calli_, _tecpatl_, and _acatl_ with their
numerals served among the Aztecs. In the circle in which the Mayas are
said to have inscribed their calendar, these four signs are located in
the east, north, west, and south respectively, and are considered the
'carriers of the years.'
It will be seen that, starting from 1 Kan, although every fifth year
began with the day, or sign, Kan, yet the numeral 1 did not occur
again in connection with any first day until thirteen years had passed
away; so that 1 Kan or Kan alone not only named the year which it
began, but also a period of thirteen years, which is spoken of as a
'week of years' or an 'indiction.' The first indiction of thirteen
years beginning with 1 Kan, the second began with 1 Muluc, the third
with 1 Ix, and the fourth with 1 Cauac.
After the indiction whose sign was 1 Cauac, the next would begin again
with 1 Kan; that is 52 years would have elapsed, and this period of 52
years was called a Katun, corresponding with the Aztec cycle, as
explained in a preceding chapter.
Thus we see that the four signs Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac served to
name certain days of the month; they also named the years of the
indiction, since in connection with certain numerals they were the
first days of these years; they further named the indictions of the
Katun, of which with the numeral 1 they were also the first days; and
finally they named, or may have named, the Katun itself which they
begun, also in connection with the numeral 1. How the Katuns were
actually named we are not informed. The completion of each Katun was
regarded by the Mayas as a most critical and important epoch, and was
celebrated with most imposing religious ceremonies. Also a monument is
said to have been raised, on which a large stone was placed crosswise,
also called _katun_ as a memorial of the cycle that had passed. It is
unfortunate that some of these monuments cannot be discovered and
identified among the ruins. Thus far the Maya calendar is, after a
certain amount of study, sufficiently intelligible; and is, except in
its system of nomenclature, essentially identical with that of the
Nahuas. The calendars of the Quichés, Cakchiquels, Chiapanecs, and the
natives of Soconusco, are also the same so far as their details are
known. The names of months and days in some of these calendars will be
given in this chapter.
[Sidenote: THE AHAU KATUNES.]
Another division of time not found in the Nahua calendar, was that
into the Ahau Katunes. The system according to which this division was
made is clear enough if we may accept the statements of Sr Perez;
several of which rest on authorities that are unknown to all but
himself. According to this writer, the Ahau Katun was a period of 24
years, divided into two parts; the first part of 20 years was enclosed
in the native writings by a square and called _amaytun_, _lamayte_, or
_lamaytun_; and the second, of the other four years, was placed as a
'pedestal' to the others, and therefore called _chek oc katun_, or
_lath oc katun_. These four years were considered as intercalary and
unfortunate, like the five supplementary days of the year, and were
sometimes called _a yail haab_, 'years of pain.' This Katun of 24
years was called Ahau from its first day, and the natives began to
reckon from 13 Ahau Katun, because it began on the day 13 Ahau, on
which day some great event probably took place in their history. The
day Ahau at which these periods began was the second day of such years
as began with Cauac; and 13 Ahau, the first day of the first period,
was the second of the year 12 Cauac; 2 Ahau was the second day of the
year 1 Cauac, etc. If we construct a table of the years from 12 Cauac
in regular order, we shall find that if the first period was 13 Ahau
Katun because it began with 13 Ahau, the second, 24 years later, was
11 Ahau Katun, beginning with 11 Ahau; the third was 9 Ahau Katun,
etc. That is, the Ahau Katunes, instead of being numbered 1, 2, 3,
etc., in regular order was preceded by the numerals 13, 11, 9, 7, 5,
3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, and 2. 13 of these Ahau Katunes, making 312
years, constituted a great cycle, and we are told that it was by means
of the Ahau Katunes and great cycles of 312 years that historical
events were generally recorded.
Sr Perez states that the year 1392 of our era was the Maya year 7
Cauac, 'according to all sources of information, confirmed by the
testimony of Don Cosme de Burgos, one of the conquerors, and a writer
(but whose observations have been lost).' Therefore the 8 Ahau Katun
began on the second day of that year; the 6 Ahau Katun, 24 years
later, in 1416; the 4 Ahau in 1440; the 2, in 1464; the 13, in 1488;
the 11, in 1512; the 9, in 1536; the 7, in 1560; the 5, in 1584; the
3, in 1608, etc. As a test of the accuracy of his system of Ahau
Katunes, the author says that he found in a certain manuscript the
death of a distinguished individual, Ahpulá, mentioned as having taken
place in the 6th year of Ahau Katun, when the first day of the year
was 4 Kan, on the day of 9 Ix, the 18th day of the month Zip. Now the
13 Ahau began in the year 12 Cauac, or 1488; the 6th year from 1488
was 1493, or 4 Kan; if the month of Pop began with 4 Kan, then the 3d
month, Zip, began with 5 Kan, and the 18th of that month fell on 9 Ix,
or Sept. 11. All this may be readily verified by filling out the table
in regular order.
On the other hand we have Landa's statement that the Ahau Katun was a
period of 20 years; he gives however the same order of the numerals as
Perez,--that is 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2. He also
states that the year 1541 was the beginning of 11 Ahau; but if 11 Ahau
was the second day of 1541, that year must have been 10 Cauac, and
1561, 20 years later, would have been 4 Cauac, the second day of which
would have been 5 Ahau; which does not agree at all with the order of
numerals. In fact no other number of years than 24 for each Ahau Katun
will produce this order of numerals, which fact is perhaps the
strongest argument in favor of Sr Perez' system. Cogolludo also says
that the Mayas counted their time by periods of 20 years called
Katunes, each divided into 5 sub-periods of four years each. Sr Perez
admits that other writers reckon the Ahau Katun as 20 years, but
claims that they have fallen into error through disregarding the _chek
oc katun_, or 4 unlucky years of the period. A Maya manuscript
furnished and translated by Perez is published by Stephens and in
Landa's work, and repeatedly speaks of the Ahau Katun as a period of
20 years. Again, this is the very manuscript in which the death of
Ahpulá was announced, and the date of that event is given as 6 years
_before the completion of 13 Ahau_, instead of the sixth year of that
period as stated in the calculations of Sr Perez; and besides, the
date is distinctly given as 1536, instead of 1403, which dates will in
nowise agree with the system explained, or with the date of 1392 given
as the beginning of 8 Ahau. Moreover, as I have already said, several
of the statements on which Perez bases his computations are
unsupported by any authority save manuscripts unknown to all but
himself. Such are the statements that the Ahau Katun began on the 2d
day of a year Cauac; that 13 Ahau was reckoned as the first; and that
8 Ahau began in 1392. These facts, together with various other
inaccuracies in the writings of Sr Perez are sufficient to weaken our
faith in his system of the Ahau Katunes; and since the other writers
give no explanations, this part of the Maya calendar must remain
shrouded in doubt until new sources of information shall be
found.[1103] The following quotation made by Sr Perez from a
manuscript, contains all that is known respecting what was possibly
another method of reckoning time. "There was another number which they
called _Ua Katun_, and which served them as a key to find the Katunes,
according to the order of its march, it falls on the days of the
_uayeb haab_, and revolves to the end of certain years: Katunes 13, 9,
5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4."
[Sidenote: BISSEXTILE ADDITIONS.]
We have seen that the Maya year by means of intercalary days added at
the end of the month Cumhu was made to include 365 days. How the
additional six hours necessary to make the length of the year agree
with the solar movements were intercalated without disturbing the
complicated order already described, is altogether a matter of
conjecture. The most plausible theory is perhaps that a day was added
at the end of every four years, this day being called by the same name
and numeral as the one preceding it, or, in other words, no account
being made of this day in the almanac, although it was perhaps
indicated by some sign in the hieroglyphics of these days. The
Nicaraguan calendar was practically identical with that of the Aztecs,
even in nomenclature although there were naturally some slight
variations in orthography. The following table shows the names of the
months in several other Maya calendars, whose system so far as known
is the same as that in Yucatan.
Chiapas
Quiché.[1104] Cakchiquel.[1104] and
Soconusco.[1105]
------------------------+---------------------------+--------------
1 Nabe Tzih '1st word' | I Bota 'rolls of mats' | Tzun
2 U Cab Tzih '2d word' | Qatic 'common seed' | Batzul
3 Rox Tzih '3d word' | Izcal 'sprouts' | Sisac
4 Che 'tree' | Pariche 'firewood' | Muetasac
5 Tecoxepual | Tocaxequal 'seeding time' | Moc
6 Tzibe Pop | Nabey Tumuzuz | Olati
'painted mat' | '1st flying ants' |
| Rucab Tumuzuz | Ulol
7 Zak 'white' | '2d flying ants' |
8 Chab 'bow' | Cibixic 'time of smoke' | Oquinajual
9 Huno Bix Gih | Uchum 'resowing time' | Veh
'1st song of sun' | |
10 Nabe Mam | Nabey Mam '1st old man' | Elech
'1st old man' | |
11 U Cab Mam | Ru Cab Mam '2d old man' | Nichqum
'2d old man' | |
12 Nabe Ligin Ga | Ligin Ka 'soft hand' | Sbanvinquil
'1st soft hand' | |
13 U Cab Ligin Ga | Nabey Togic '1st harvest' | Xchibalvinquil
'2d soft hand' | |
14 Nabe Pach | Ru Cab Togic '2d harvest' | Yoxibalvinquil
'1st generation' | |
15 U Cab Pach | Nabey Pach | Xchanibalvinquil
'2d generation' | '1st generation' |
16 Tziquin Gih | Ru Cab Pach | Poin
'time of birds' | '2d generation' |
17 Tzizi Lagan | Tziquin Gih | Mux
'to sew the standard'| 'time of birds' |
18 Cakam 'time of | Cakam | Yaxquin
red flowers' | 'time of red flowers' |
[Sidenote: DAYS IN GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.]
The names of the days in the same calendars are as follows:
Quiché and Cakchiquel.[1106] Chiapas (Tzendal?)
Soconusco.[1107]
---------------------------------+------------------------------------
1 Imox 'sword-fish' | Imox or Mox
2 Ig 'spirit' or 'breath' | Igh or Ygh
3 Akbal 'chaos' | Votan
4 Qat 'lizard' | Chanan or Ghanan
5 Can 'snake' | Abah or Abagh
6 Camey 'death' | Tox
7 Quieh 'deer' | Moxic
8 Ganel 'rabbit' | Lambat
9 Toh 'shower' | Molo or Mulu
10 Tzy 'dog' | Elab or Elah
11 Batz 'monkey' | Batz
12 Ci or Balam, 'broom,' 'tiger' | Evob or Enob
13 Ah 'cane' | Been
14 Yiz or Itz 'sorcerer' | Hix
15 Tziquin 'bird' | Tziquin
16 Ahmak 'fisher,' 'owl' | Chabin or Chahin
17 Noh 'temperature' | Chic or Chiue
18 Tihax 'obsidian' | Chinax
19 Caok 'rain' | Cahogh or Cabogh
20 Hunahpu 'shooter of blowpipe' | Aghual
I shall treat of the Maya hieroglyphics by giving first the testimony
of the early writers respecting the existence of a system of writing
in the sixteenth century; then an account of the very few manuscripts
that have been preserved, together with illustrative plates from both
manuscripts and sculptured stone tablets; to be followed by Bishop
Landa's alphabet, a mention of Brasseur de Bourbourg's attempted
interpretation of the native writings, and a few speculations of other
modern writers on the subject. The statements of the early writers,
although conclusive, are not numerous, and I will consequently
translate them literally.
Landa says that "the sciences which they taught were--to read and
write with their books and characters with which they wrote, and with
the figures which signified (explained, or took the place of?)
writings. They wrote their books on a large leaf, doubled in folds,
and inclosed between two boards which they made very fine (decorated);
and they wrote on both sides in columns, according to the folds; the
paper they made of the roots of a tree, and gave it a white varnish on
which one could write well; these sciences were known by certain men
of high rank (only), who were therefore more esteemed although they
did not use the art in public." "These people also used certain
characters or letters with which they wrote in their books their
antiquities and their sciences; and by means of these and of figures
and of certain signs in their figures they understood their things,
and made them understood, and taught them. We found among them a great
number of books of these letters of theirs, and because they had
nothing in which there were not superstitions and falsities of the
devil, we burned them all, at which they were exceedingly sorrowful
and troubled."[1108] According to Cogolludo, "in the time of their
infidelity the Indians of Yucatan had books, made of the bark of
trees, with a white and durable varnish, ten or twelve yards long,
which by folding were reduced to a span. In these they painted with
colors the account of their years, wars, floods, hurricanes, famines,
and other events." "The son of the only god, of whose existence, as I
have said, they were aware, and whom they called Ytzamná, was the man,
as I believe, who first invented the characters which served the
Indians as letters, because they called the latter also Ytzamná."[1109]
The Itzas, as Villagutierre tells us, had "characters and figures
painted on the bark of trees, each leaf, or tablet, being about a span
long, as thick as a real de à ocho (a coin), folded both ways like a
screen, which they called _analtees_."[1110] Mendieta states that the
Mexicans had no letters, "although in the land of Champoton it is
said that such were found, and that they understood each other by
means of them, as we do by means of ours."[1111] Acosta says that in
Yucatan "there were books of leaves, bound or folded after their
manner, in which the learned Indians had their division of their time,
knowledge of plants and animals and other natural objects, and their
antiquities; a thing of great curiosity and diligence."[1112] The Maya
priests "were occupied in teaching their sciences and in writing books
upon them."[1113] In Guatemala, according to Benzoni, "the thing of
all others at which the Indians have been most surprised has been our
reading and writing.... Nor could they imagine among themselves in
what way white paper painted with black, could speak."[1114] Peter
Martyr gives quite a long description of the native wood-bound books,
which he does not refer particularly to Yucatan, although Brasseur,
apparently with much reason, believes they were the Maya _analtés_
rather than the regular Aztec picture writings. The description is as
follows in the quaint English of the translator. "They make not their
books square leafe by leafe, but extend the matter and substance
thereof into many cubites. They reduce them into square peeces, not
loose, but with binding, and flexible Bitumen so conioyned, that being
compact of wooden table bookes, they may seeme to haue passed the
hands of some curious workman that ioyned them together. Which way
soeuer the book bee opened, two written sides offer themselues to the
view, two pages appeare and as many lye vnder, vnlesse you stretch
them in length: for there are many leaues ioyned together vnder one
leafe. The Characters are very vnlike ours, written after our manner,
lyne after lyne, with characters like small dice, fishookes, snares,
files, starres, & other such like formes and shapes. Wherein they
immitate almost the Egyptian manner of writing, and betweene the lines
they paint the shapes of men, & beasts, especially of their kings &
nobles.... They make the former wooden table bookes also with art to
content and delight the beholder. Being shut, they seeme to differ
nothing from our bookes, in these they set downe in writing the rites,
and the customes of their laws, sacrifices, ceremonies, their
computations, etc."[1115]
[Sidenote: MAYA HIEROGLYPHIC SYSTEM.]
Respecting hieroglyphic records in Chiapas and Guatemala, we have the
statement of Ordoñez that "Votan wrote a work upon the origin of the
Indians," and that he, Ordoñez, had a copy of the book in his
possession; a complaint in the Quiché annals known as the Popol Vuh,
that the 'national book' containing the ancient records of their
people had been lost; and finally the reported discovery and
destruction in Soconusco of archives on stone by Nuñez de la Vega in
1691. All this amounts to little save as indicating the ancient use of
hieroglyphics by the followers of Votan, a fact sufficiently proven,
as we shall see, by the engraved tablets of Palenque and Copan.[1116]
The Nicaraguans at the time of the conquest had records painted in
colors upon skin and paper, undoubtedly identical in their figures
with those of the Nahuas, to whom the civilized people of Nicaragua
were nearly related in blood and language. No specimens of these
southern hieroglyphics have, however, been preserved. Oviedo and
Herrera slightly describe the paintings and later writers have
followed them.[1117]
[Sidenote: MAYA MANUSCRIPTS.]
Of the aboriginal Maya manuscripts three specimens only, so far as I
know, have been preserved. These are the _Mexican Manuscript, No. 2_,
of the Imperial Library at Paris; the _Dresden Codex_; and the
_Manuscript Troano_. Concerning the first we only know of its
existence and the similarity of its characters to those of the other
two and of the sculptured tablets. The document was photographed in
1864 by order of the French government, but I am not aware that the
photographs have ever been given to the public. The _Dresden Codex_ is
preserved in the Royal Library of Dresden. A complete copy was
published in Lord Kingsborough's collection of Mexican antiquities,
and fragments were also reproduced by Humboldt. It was purchased in
Vienna by the librarian Götz in 1739, but beyond this nothing whatever
is known of its history and origin. It was published by Kingsborough
as an Aztec picture-writing, although its characters present little if
any resemblance to those of its companion documents in the collection.
Its form was also different from all the rest, since it is written on
both sides of five leaves of maguey-paper. At the time of its
publication, however, the existence of any but Aztec hieroglyphics in
America was unknown. Mr Stephens in his antiquarian exploration of
Central America, at once noticed the similarity of its figures to
those of the sculptured hieroglyphics found there, but he used this
similarity to prove the identity of the northern and southern nations,
since it did not occur to him that the Aztec origin of the Dresden
document was a mere supposition. Mr Brantz Mayer, fully aware of the
differences between this and other reputed Mexican picture-writings,
went so far as to pronounce it the only genuine Aztec document that he
had seen. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, at this day, that
the Maya and Nahua (or Maya and Aztec, since some authors will not
agree with my use of the term Nahua) hieroglyphic systems were
practically distinct, although it would be hardly wise to decide that
they are absolutely without affinities in some of their details. The
accompanying cut from Stephens' work shows a small fragment of the
Dresden Codex.[1118]
[Illustration: Fragment of the Dresden Codex.]
[Sidenote: THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO.]
The _Manuscript Troano_ was found about the year 1865 in Madrid by the
Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, and was reproduced in fac-simile by a
chromo-lithographic process by the Commission Scientifique du Mexique,
under the auspices of the French Government. Its name comes from that
of its possessor in Madrid, Sr Tro y Ortolano, and nothing whatever is
known of its origin; two or three other old American manuscripts are
reported to have been brought to light in Spain since the publication
of this. The original is written on a strip of maguey-paper about
fourteen feet long and nine inches wide, the surface of which is
covered with a whitish varnish, on which the figures are painted in
black, red, blue, and brown. It is folded fan-like into thirty-five
folds, presenting when shut much the appearance of a modern large
octavo volume. The hieroglyphics cover both sides of the paper, and
the writing is consequently divided into seventy pages, each about
five by nine inches, having been apparently executed after the paper
was folded, so that the folding does not interfere with the written
matter. One of the pages as a specimen is shown in the following
plate, an exact copy, save in size and color, of the original.
The regular lines of written characters are uniformly in black, while
the pictorial portions, or what may perhaps be considered
representative signs, are in red and brown, chiefly the former, and
the blue appears for the most part as a background in some of the
pages. A few of the pages are slightly damaged, and all the
imperfections are, as it is claimed, faithfully reproduced in the
published copy, which with the editor's comments fills two quarto
volumes in the series published by the Commission mentioned.[1119]
[Sidenote: MAYA INSCRIPTIONS IN STONE.]
The plates on the following pages from the works of Stephens and
Waldeck I present as specimens of the Maya writing, as it is found
carved in stone in Yucatan, Honduras, and Chiapas. For particulars
respecting the ruins in connection with which they were discovered, I
refer the reader to volume IV. of this work. Fig. 1 represents the
hieroglyphics sculptured on the top of an altar at Copan, in Honduras,
the thirty-six groups cover a space nearly six feet square. Fig. 2 is
a tablet set in the interior wall of a building in Chichen, Yucatan.
The tablet is placed over the doorways and extends the whole length of
the room, forty-three feet; only a part, however, is shown in the cut.
Fig. 3 is a full-size representation of the carving on a green stone,
or chalchiuite, found at Ococingo, Chiapas. I take it from the English
translation of Morelet's Travels. Many of the monoliths of Copan have
a line of hieroglyphics on their side. Plates representing specimens
of these monuments will be given in Volume IV. Fig. 4 shows a portion
of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the famous 'tablet of the cross'
at Palenque.[1120]
[Illustration: Page of Manuscript Troano.]
[Illustration: Fig. 1.--Altar Inscription from Copan.]
[Illustration: Fig. 2.--Tablet from Chichen.]
[Illustration: Fig. 3.--Chalchiuite from Ococingo.]
[Illustration: Fig. 4.--Tablet from Palenque.]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: BISHOP LANDA'S ALPHABET.]
I have given on a preceding page in this chapter, the signs by which
the natives of Yucatan expressed the names of their days and months,
taken from the work of Bishop Landa. The same author has also
preserved a Maya alphabet. On account of Landa's failure to appreciate
the importance of the native hieroglyphics, or to comprehend the
system, and also very likely on account of his copyist's
carelessness--for the original manuscript of Landa's work has not been
found--the passage relating to the alphabet is very vague,
unsatisfactory, and perhaps fragmentary; but it is of the very highest
importance, since the alphabet here given in connection with the
calendar signs already spoken of, furnish apparently the only ground
for a hope that the veil of mystery which hangs over the Maya
inscriptions may one day be lifted. I therefore give Landa's
description as nearly as possible in his own words, copying also the
original Spanish in a note.
"Of their letters I give here (see alphabet on the next page) an A, B,
C, since their heaviness (number and intricacy?) permits no more;
because they use one character for all the aspirations of the letters,
and another in the pointing of the parts (punctuation), and thus it
goes on to infinity, as may be seen in the following example: _lé_
means 'a snare' or to hunt with it; to write it with their characters,
we having given them to understand (although we gave, etc.) that they
are two letters, they wrote it with three, placing after the
aspiration _l_ the vowel _e_, which it has before it, and in this they
do not err, although they make use, if they wish, of their curious
method. Example:
[Illustration: _e l e lé_]
Then at the end they attach the adjoined part. _Ha_ which means
'water,' because the _haché_ (sound of the letter _h_) has _a_, _h_,
before it, they put it at the beginning with _a_, at the end in this
manner:
[Illustration: _ha_]
They also write it in parts but in both ways. I would not put (all
this) here, nor treat of it, except in order to give a complete
account of the things of this people. _Ma in kati_ means 'I will not';
they write it in parts after this manner."[1121]
[Illustation: _ma i n ka ti_]
[Illustration:
A A A A B B C(q?)
T È H H I CA(?) K
L L M N O O P
PP CU KU X X U(?) U
(dj or dz?)
Z HA MA TO Sign of
(me, mo?) Aspiration.]
Respecting this alphabet Landa adds: "this language lacks the letters
that are missing here; and has others added from ours for other
necessary things; and they already make no use of these characters,
especially the young who have learned ours." It will be noticed that
there are several varying characters for the same letter, and several
syllabic signs.
The characters of Landa's alphabet, and the calendar signs can be
identified more or less accurately and readily with some of those of
the hieroglyphic inscriptions in stone, the Manuscript Troano, and the
Dresden Codex. The resemblance in many cases is clear, in others very
vague and perhaps imaginary, while very many others cannot apparently
be identified. Although Landa's key must be regarded as fragmentary,
I believe there is no reason to doubt its authenticity. But one
attempt has been made to practically apply this key to the work of
deciphering the Maya documents, that of the Abbé Brasseur de
Bourbourg. This writer, after a profound study of the subject, devotes
one hundred and thirty-six quarto pages to a consideration of the Maya
characters and their variations, and fifty-seven pages to the
translation of a part of the Manuscript Troano. The translation must
be pronounced a failure, especially after the confession of the author
in a subsequent work that he had begun his reading at the wrong end of
the document,[1122]--a trifling error perhaps in the opinion of the
enthusiastic Abbé, but a somewhat serious one as it appears to
scientific men. His preliminary examinations doubtless contain much
valuable information which will lighten the labors and facilitate the
investigations of future students; but unfortunately, such is their
nature that condensation is impracticable. A long chapter, if not a
volume, would be required to do them anything like justice, and they
must be omitted here.
Brasseur de Bourbourg devoted his life to the study of American
primitive history. In actual knowledge of matters pertaining to his
chosen subject, no man ever equaled or approached him. Besides being
an indefatigable student he was an elegant writer. In the last decade
of his life he conceived a new and complicated theory respecting the
origin of the American people, or rather the origin of Europeans and
Asiatics from America, made known to the world in his _Quatre
Lettres_. His attempted translation of the Manuscript Troano was made
in support of this theory. By reason of the extraordinary nature of
the views expressed, and the author's well-known tendency to build
magnificent structures on a slight foundation, his later writings were
received for the most part by critics, utterly incompetent to
understand them, with a sneer or, what seems to have grieved the
writer more, in silence. Now that the great _Américaniste_ is dead,
while it is not likely that his theories will ever be received, his
zeal in the cause of antiquarian science and the many valuable works
from his pen will be better appreciated. It will be long ere another
shall undertake with equal devotion and ability the well nigh hopeless
task.
[Sidenote: INTERPRETATION OF MAYA RECORDS.]
I close the chapter with a few quotations from modern writers
respecting the Maya hieroglyphics and their interpretation. Tyler says
"there is even evidence that the Maya nation of Yucatan, the ruins of
whose temples and palaces are so well known from the travels of
Catherwood and Stephens, not only had a system of phonetic writing,
but used it for writing ordinary words and sentences."[1123] Wuttke
suggests that Landa's alphabet originated after the Conquest, a
suggestion, as Schepping observes, excluded by Mendieta's statement,
but "otherwise very probable in consideration of the phoneticism
developed in Mexico shortly after the Conquest."[1124] And finally
Wilson says, "while the recurrence of the same signs, and the
reconstruction of groups out of the detached members of others,
clearly indicate a written language, and not a mere pictorial
suggestion of associated ideas, like the Mexican picture-writing." "In
the most complicated tablets of African hieroglyphics, each object is
distinct, and its representative significance is rarely difficult to
trace. But the majority of the hieroglyphics of Palenque or Copan
appear as if constructed on the same polysynthetic principle which
gives the peculiar and distinctive character to the languages of the
New World. This is still more apparent when we turn to the highly
elaborate inscriptions on the colossal figures of Copan. In these all
ideas of simple phonetic signs utterly disappear. Like the
_bunch-words_, as they have been called, of the American languages,
they seem each to be compounded of a number of parts of the primary
symbols used in picture-writing, while the pictorial origin of the
whole becomes clearly apparent. In comparing these minutely elaborated
characters with those on the tables, it is obvious that a system of
abbreviation is employed in the latter. An analogous process seems
dimly discernible in the abbreviated compound characters of the
Palenque inscription. But if the inference be correct, this of itself
would serve to indicate that the Central American hieroglyphics are
not used as phonetic, or pure alphabetic signs; and this idea receives
confirmation from the rare recurrence of the same group.... The
Palenque inscriptions have all the characteristics of a written
language in a state of development analogous to the Chinese, with its
word-writing; and like it they appear to have been read in columns
from top to bottom. The groups of symbols begin with a large
hieroglyphic on the left-hand corner; and the first column occupies a
double space. It is also noticeable that in the frequent occurrence of
human and animal heads among the sculptured characters they invariably
look toward the left; an indication, as it appears to me, that they
are the graven inscriptions of a lettered people, who were accustomed
to write the same characters from left to right on paper or skins.
Indeed, the pictorial groups on the Copan statues seem to be the true
hieroglyphic characters; while the Palenque inscriptions show the
abbreviated hieratic writing. To the sculptor the direction of the
characters was a matter of no moment; but if the scribe held his pen,
or style, in his right hand, like the modern clerk, he would as
naturally draw the left profile as we slope our current hand to the
right. Arbitrary signs are also introduced, like those of the phonetic
alphabets of Europe. Among these the T repeatedly occurs: a character
which, it will be remembered, was also stamped on the Mexican metallic
currency."[1125]
FOOTNOTES:
[1096] Two spindles with golden tissue. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 3,
422. Six golden idols, each one span long, in Nicaragua. _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. v. 20 golden hatchets, 14
carats fine, weighing over 20 lbs. _Id._, lib. iv., cap. vi. Houses of
goldsmiths that molded marvellously. _Id._, cap. vii. See also _Id._,
dec. i., lib. v., cap. v. Little fishes and geese of low gold at
Catoche. _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 4. Golden armor and ornaments
at Tabasco River. _Id._, pp. 12-13. Idols of unknown metals among the
Itzas. _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 495, 497. Gilded
wooden mask, gold plates, little golden kettles. _Diaz_, _Itinéraire_,
in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x. pp. 16, 25. Vases of
chiseled gold in Yucatan. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. ii., p. 69; _Id._, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 32; _Benzoni_,
_Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 102; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., pp.
39, 95, tom. i., p. 520; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. i., dec. vi.,
lib. ii., vi.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 354; _Godoi_,
in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 178; _Squier's
Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., p. 346. Respecting a copper mask
from Nicaragua and two copper medals from Guatemala, see vol. iv. of
this work.
[1097] For slight notices of the various mechanical arts of the Mayas
see the following authorities: _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., pp.
276, 350, 521, tom. iv., pp. 33, 36, 105-9; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. i., p. 354, tom. ii., p. 346; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p.
329; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 4, 13, 187, 196; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ix.,
lib. x., cap. ii., xiv.; _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 116, 120, 128-9;
_Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 100, 311-12, 495, 499-501;
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa._, p. 293; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib.
ii., dec. vi., lib. iii.; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 98,
102-3; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, p. 203; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._,
fol. 268; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 489; _Andagoya_, in _Navarrete_,
_Col. de Viajes_, tom. iii., p. 416; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_,
MS., cap. cxxiv.; _Id._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii.,
pp. 147-8; _Palacio_, _Carta_, p. 44; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed.
1856,) vol. ii., pp. 339, 346; _Foster's Pre-Hist. Races_, p. 212;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 69, 172,
563.
[1098] _Beltran de Santa Rosa María_, _Arte_, pp. 195-208; _Id._, in
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, MS. _Troano_, tom. ii., pp. 92-9. 'El modo de
contar de los Indios es de cinco en cinco, y de quatro cincos hazen
veinte.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 206; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
iv., lib. x., cap. iv.
[1099] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 202-316; _Perez_, _Cronologia Antigua
de Yuc._, with French translation, in _Id._, pp. 366-429; English
translation of the same in _Stephens' Yucatan_, vol. i., pp. 434-59;
original Spanish also in the _Registro Yucateco_; _Orozco y Berra_,
_Geografía_, pp. 103-8, 163-4; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i.,
p. 137; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 65-6;
_Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., pp. 104-14;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 462-7;
_Id._, MS. _Troano_, tom. i., pp. 73-97.
[1100] Cogolludo omits the month Tzoz, and inserts a month Vaycab,
Vtuz Kin, or Vlobol Kin, between Cumhu and Pop. He also in one place
puts Cuchhaab in the place of Kan. _Hist. Yuc._, p. 185-6. See also
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 466-7;
_Waldeck_, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 22. The Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his
attempted interpretation of the Manuscript Troano, gives the following
curious etymologies of the names of these months. 'Le vocable _pop_,
que Beltran écrit long, _poop_, signifie la natte, "estera ò petate,"
dit Pio Perez, qui donne encore à _pop_ le sens d'un arbrisseau ou
d'une plante qu'il ne décrit point, mais qui, fort probablement, doit
être de la nature des joncs dont on fait les différentes espèces de
nattes connues au Yucatan. En prenant ce vocable avec l'orthographe de
Beltran, _poop_ se composerait de _po_, primitif inusité, exprimant
l'enflure, la vapeur, l'expansion par la chaleur d'une matière dans
une enveloppe, et de _op_, briser, rompre pour sortir, crevasser par
la force du feu.... Beltran ajoute que _uo_ désigne en outre le
têtard, une sorte de petit crapaud et un fruit indigène, appelé
_pitahaya_ aux Antilles ... _uo_, au rapport du même auteur énonce
l'idée des caractères de l'écriture, en particulier des voyelles....
Cet hiéroglyphe paraît assez difficile à expliquer. Sa section
inférieure renferme un caractère qui semble, en raccourci, celui de la
lettre _h_, et la section supérieure est identique avec le signe que
je crois une variante du _ti_, localité, lieu. Ce qu'on pourrait
interpréter par "le possesseur enfermé du lieu," indice du têtard, de
l'embryon dans son enveloppe. (?) L'ensemble de l'idée géologique, qui
a présidé à la composition du calendrier maya, se poursuit dans les
noms des mois, ainsi que dans ceux des jours. Après le marécage, déjà
crevassé par le chaleur, apparaît le têtard, l'embryon de la
grenouille, laissé au fond de la bourbe, symbole de l'embryon du feu
volcanique couvant sous la terre glacée et qui ne tardera pas à rompre
son enveloppe, ainsi qu'on le verra dans les noms des mois
suivants.... _Zip_, analysé, donne _Zi ip_, bois à brûler qui se
gonfle outre mesure, sens intéressant qui rappelle le grand arbre du
monde, gonflé outre mesure par les gaz et les feux volcaniques, avant
d'éclater.... J'inclinerais à penser que Landa a voulu exprimer par
_tzoz_, non la chauve-souris _zos_, mais _tzotz_, la chevelure,
vocable qui dans toutes les langues du groupe mexico-guatémalien
indique symboliquement la chevelure de l'eau, la surface ondoyante,
remuante de la mer, d'un lac ou d'une rivière: c'est à quoi semblent
correspondre les signes de la glace qui se présentent dans l'image du
mois _Tzoz_. Il s'agirait donc ici de la chevelure, de la surface des
eaux gelées au-dessus de la terre et que la force du feu volcanique
commence à rider, à faire grimacer, ainsi que l'énonce le nom du mois
suivant.... Tzec.... Ce que l'auteur du calendrier a voulu exprimer,
c'est bien probablement une tête de mort de singe, aux dents
grimaçantes, image assez commune dans les fantaisies mythologiques de
l'Amérique centrale et qu'on retrouve sculptée fréquemment dans les
belles ruines de Copan.... Une intention plus profonde encore se
révèle dans ces têtes de singes. Car si les danses et les mouvements
de ces animaux symbolisent, dans le sens mystérieux du _Popol Vuh_, le
soulèvement momentané des montagnes à la surface de la mer des
Caraìbes, leurs têtes, avec l'expression de la mort, ne sauraient
faire allusion, probablement, qu'à la disparition de ces montagnes
sous les eaux, où elles continuèrent à grimacer, dans les récifs et
les _Ronfleurs_, comme elles avaient fait grimacer la glace, en se
soulevant.' As it would occupy too much space to give the Abbé's
explanations of all the months, the above will suffice for specimens.
See _MS. Troano_, tom. i., pp. 98-108.
[1101] Landa says, however, 'vingt-sept trezaines et neuf jours, sans
compter les supplémentaires.' _Relacion_, p. 235.
[1102] The number 13 may come from the original reckoning by
lunations, 26 days being about the time the moon is seen above the
horizon in each revolution, 13 days of increase, and 13 of decrease.
_Perez_, in _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 366-8. Or it may have been a
sacred number before the invention of the calendar, being the number
of gods of high rank. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Ib._
[1103] 'Contaban sus eras, y edades, que ponian en sus libros de
veinte en veinte años, y por lustros de quatro en quatro.... Llegando
estos lustros a cinco, que ajustan veinte años, llamaban _Katùn_, y
ponian vna piedra labrada sobre otra labrada, fixada con cal, y arena
en las paredes de sus Templos, y casas de los Sacerdotes, como se vè
oy en los edificios.' _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 186. 'Llaman a
esta cuenta en su lengua Uazlazon Katun que quiere dezir la _gerra_ de
los Katunes.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, p. 313. 'Para cuenta de veintenas
de años en calendarios de los indios yucatecos, lo mismo que las
indicciones nuestras; pero de mas años que estas, eran trece _ahaues_
que contenian 260 años, que era para ellos un siglo.' _Beltran de
Santa Rosa María_, _Arte_, p. 204. Brasseur de Bourbourg is disposed
to reject the system of Sr Perez, but he in his turn makes several
errors in his notes on the subject. In _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp.
402-13, 428. The Maya MS. referred to in the text is found with its
translation in _Id._, pp. 420-9, and _Stephens' Yucatan_, vol. ii.,
pp. 465-9.
[1104] The Quiché year, according to Basseta, began on December 24, of
our calendar. Following an anonymous MS. history of Guatemala, the
Cakchiquel year began on January 31; and the 1st of Parichè in 1707
was on January 21. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
iii., pp. 466-7.
[1105] 'Algunos de estos nombres estan en lengua zotzil, y los demas
se ignora en qué idioma se hallan.' _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog.,
Boletin_, tom. iii., p. 408; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 205-6.
[1106] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp.
462-3.
[1107] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, ubi sup.; _Boturini_, _Idea_, p. 118;
_Humboldt_, _Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 356-7; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno.
Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 104; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p.
105; Veytia, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 137, makes Votan the first
month; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 66;
_Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. iii., p. 344.
[1108] _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 44, 316.
[1109] _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 185, 196. The same author quotes
Fuensalida to the effect that the Itza priests still kept in his time
a record of past events in a book 'like a history which they call
Analte.' _Id._, p. 507.
[1110] _Villagutierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, pp. 393-4. 'Analtehes, ò
Historias, es vna misma cosa.' _Id._, p. 352.
[1111] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 143.
[1112] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 407; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 187.
[1113] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec, iv., lib. x., cap. ii.
[1114] _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, fol. 109-10.
[1115] _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. viii., or Latin edition of
Cologne, 1574, p. 354; also quoted in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, MS.
_Troano_, tom. i., pp. 2-3; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 77. Carli
tells us that the inhabitants of Amatitlan in Guatemala were
especially expert in making palm-leaf paper for writing. _Cartas_, pt
ii., p. 104; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._, tom. vi., p. 470.
References to modern authors who, except possibly Medel, have no other
sources of information than those I have quoted, are as follows: 'Dans
le Yucathan, on m'a montré des espèces de lettres et de caractères
dont se servent les habitants.... Ils employaient au lieu de papier
l'écorce de certaines arbres, dont ils enlevaient des morceaux qui
avaient deux aunes de long et un quart d'aune de large. Cette écorce
était de l'épaisseur d'une peau de veau et se pliait comme un linge.
L'usage de cette écriture n'était pas généralement répandu, et elle
n'était connue que des prêtres et de quelques caciques.' _Medel_, in
_Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 49-50; _Waldeck_,
_Voy. Pitt._, p. 40; _Squier's Cent. Amer._, p. 552; _Morelet_,
_Voyage_, tom. i., p. 191; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, p. 119;
_Carrillo_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da época, tom. iii., pp.
269-70; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 79.
[1116] _Ordoñez_, _Hist. Cielo, etc._, MS., and _Nuñez de la Vega_,
_Constit. Diæces._, quoted by _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. i., pp. 71, 74; _Id._, _Popol Vuh_, p. 5; _Juarros_,
_Hist. Guat._, p. 208; _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom.
iii., pp. 345-6.
[1117] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iv., p. 36; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno.
Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 8; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis de la Géog._,
tom. vi., p. 472; _Squier's Nicaragua_, (Ed. 1856,) vol. ii., pp.
347-8.
[1118] _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. iii., No. 2; _Humboldt_,
_Vues_, tom. ii., pp. 268-71, pl. xvi. Mr Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i.,
pp. 104-5, says that this document bears but little resemblance to
other Aztec MSS., and that it indicates a much higher stage of
civilization; but he also fails to detect any stronger likeness to the
bas-reliefs of Palenque, of which latter, however, he probably had a
very imperfect idea. It cannot be interpreted, for 'even if a Rosetta
stone were discovered in Mexico, there is no Indian tongue to supply
the key or interpreter.' _Mayer_, _Mex. as it Was_, pp. 258-9. 'Le
Codex de Dresde, et un autre de la Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris,
bien qu'offrant quelque rapport avec les Rituels, échappent à toute
interprétation. Ils appartiennent, ainsi que les inscriptions de
Chiappa et du Yucatan à une écriture plus élaborée, comme incrustée et
calculiforme, dont on croit trouver des traces dans toutes les parties
très-anciennement policées des deux Amériques.' _Aubin_, in _Brasseur
de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. lxxi. See _Stephens'
Cent. Amer._, vol. ii., pp. 342, 453-5; _Id._, _Yucatan_, tom. ii.,
pp. 292, 453.
[1119] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _MS. Troano; Études sur le système
graphique et la langue des Mayas_, Paris, 1869-70, 4º, 2 vols., 70
colored plates.
[1120] _Waldeck_, _Palenqué_, pl. 21; _Stephen's Cent. Amer._, vol.
i., pp. 136-7, 140-2; _Id._, _Yucatan_, vol. ii., pp. 300-1;
_Morelet's Trav._, p. 98; Vol. iv., pp. 91-2, 97-9, 234, and chap.
vi., of this work.
[1121] The Spanish text is as follows: 'De sus letras porne aqui un
_a_, _b_, _c_, que no permite su pesadumbre mas porque usan para todas
las aspiraciones de las letras de un caracter, y despues, al puntar de
las partes otro, y assi viene a hazer _in infinitum_, como se podra
ver en el siguiente exemplo. _Lé_, quiere dezir laço y caçar con el;
para escrivirle con sus carateres, haviendoles nosotros hecho entender
que son dos letras, lo escrivian ellos con tres, puniendo a la
aspiracion de la _l_ la vocal _é_, que antes de si trae, y en esto no
hierran, aunque usense, si quisieren ellos de su curiosidad. Exemplo:
_e l e lé_. Despues al cabo le pegan la parte junta. _Ha_ que quiere
dezir agua, porque la _haché_ tiene _a_, _h_, antes de si la ponen
ellos al principio con _a_, y al cabo desta manera: _ha_. Tambien lo
escriven a partes pero de la una y otra manera, yo no pusiera aqui ni
tratara dello sino por dar cuenta entera de las cosas desta gente. _Ma
in kati_ quiere dezir no quiero, ellos lo escriven a partes desta
manera: _ma i n ka ti_.' _Landa_, _Relacion_, pp. 316-22; also in
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _MS. Troano_, tom. i., pp. 37-8.
[1122] _Bibliothèque Mexico-Guatémalienne_, Paris, 1871, p. xvii.
[1123] _Tylor's Researches_, pp. 100-1.
[1124] _Wuttke and Schepping_, in _Spencer's Descriptive Sociology_,
no. 2., div. ii., pt 1-B, p. 51. See note 16 of this chapter.
[1125] _Wilson's Pre-Historic Man_, p. 378, et seq.