WAR CUSTOMS OF THE NAHUAS.
IMPORTANCE OF THE MILITARY PROFESSION--INDICATIONS OF
RANK--EDUCATION OF WARRIORS--REWARDS FOR VALOR--MILITARY
ORDERS AND THEIR DRESS--GORGEOUS WAR-DRESSES OF MONTEZUMA
AND THE AZTEC NOBILITY--DRESS OF THE COMMON SOLDIERS--ARMOR
AND DEFENSIVE WEAPONS--OFFENSIVE WEAPONS--STANDARDS--AMBASSADORS
AND COURIERS--FORTIFICATIONS--THE MILITARY COUNCIL--ARTICLES OF
WAR--DECLARATION OF WAR--SPIES--ORDER OF MARCH AND
BATTLE--WAR CUSTOMS OF THE TLASCALTECS AND TARASCOS--RETURN
OF THE CONQUERING ARMY--CELEBRATION OF FEATS OF ARMS.
[Sidenote: THE MILITARY PROFESSION.]
As might be expected from a people so warlike and ambitious as the
Nahuas, the profession of arms ranked high above all other callings,
save that of the priests. This was especially the case in the later
days, under the Aztec kings, whose unscrupulous ambition and passion
for conquest could only be gratified by their warriors.
Huitzilopochtli, god of war, protector of the empire, was glorified
and honored above all other gods; his altars must be red with blood,
for blood alone could extort his favor, and wars were frequently waged
solely for his propitiation; valor was the loftiest virtue, the
highest honors were paid to those who distinguished themselves in
battle; no dignities, positions, or decorations, under the government,
were given to any but approved soldiers. Children were taught by
parent and priest the chivalrous deeds of their ancestors, whom they
were urged to emulate in daring; titles, rewards, and posts of honor
were offered to stimulate the ambition of the young men. The king
might not receive his crown until with his own hand he had taken
captives to be sacrificed at the feast of his coronation. The priests
were the foremost inciters to war and carnage. All wars were religious
crusades. The highest earthly rewards were in store for the victor,
while the soul of him that fell in battle took immediate flight to
heaven. Only defeat and cowardice were to be dreaded.
The Nahua warrior's services were rewarded only by promotion, since no
paid troops were employed. But promotion was sure to follow brilliant
exploits performed by even the humblest soldier, while without such
daring deeds the sons of the highest nobles could hope for no
advancement. Dress and ornaments were the indications of rank, and
were changed in some detail for every new achievement. To escape from
the coarse nequen garments of the common soldier, and to put on
successively the decorative mantles of the higher grades, was deemed a
sufficient reward and incentive. The costume of each warrior indicated
the exact number of prisoners captured by the wearer.
Especial care was taken, however, with the sons of lords intended for
the profession of arms. At an early age their heads were shaved,
except a tuft on the back of the head called _mocuexpaltia_, a
designation changed to _cuexpatchicuepul_ when the boy was fifteen
years old. At this age he was sent to war in charge of veteran
warriors, and if with their aid he took a prisoner, the tuft was cut
off and another given to be worn over the ear with feather plumes; on
his return he was addressed after the following manner by his
grandparents or uncles: "My child, the Sun and the Earth have washed
and renewed thy face, because thou didst dare to attempt the capture
of an enemy in company with others. Lo, now it were better to abandon
thee to the mercies of the enemy than that thou shouldst again take a
prisoner with the aid of others, because, should it so happen, they
will place another tuft over thine other ear and thou wilt appear like
a girl; truly, it were better thou shouldst die than that this should
happen to thee." If after a fair trial the youth failed to take a
captive, he was disgraced, and ceased to be a warrior in the eyes of
his comrades: but if, unaided, he was successful, he was called a
warlike youth, _telpuchtlitaquitlamani_, and was presented to the
king, whose stewards dyed his face red, his temples and body yellow,
and bestowed upon him mantles and maxtlis of the colors and designs
which his achievements gave him the right to wear. If he took two
captives, the honors were of course greater; three entitled him to a
command over others; four made him a captain who might wear long
lip-ornaments, leathern ear-rings, and gaudy tassels. With five
prisoners the young man became a _quauhiacatl_, 'eagle that guides,'
with corresponding insignia, a head-plume with silver threads, the
mantle called _cuechintli_, another called _chicoapalnacazminqui_ of
two colors, and still another decorated with straps. The prisoners
must, however, be from nations of acknowledged prowess, such as those
of Atlixco, the Huexotzincas, or Tlascaltecs; double or triple the
number of Cuextecas or Tenimes must be captured, and no number of
these could entitle a youth to the highest honors.[428]
In the Mexican picture-writings are delineated the successive grades
by which a graduate from the temple school advanced, with the costumes
and defensive armor he was permitted to wear. First we see him leaving
for the war, carrying the _impedimenta_ of the chief priest, who goes
into the field to embolden the troops, enforce orders, and perform
other duties. The pictures that follow portray the devices on the
shields, manner of painting, armor, head-dresses, and ornaments they
were allowed to assume, according to the number of captives each had
taken. The warrior-priests were rewarded, in like manner, with
accoutrements and insignia of peculiar designs, and with important
commands in the army.[429]
[Sidenote: THREE MILITARY ORDERS.]
Three military orders were established by the Aztec monarchs, the
members of which were granted certain privileges, and entitled to wear
badges of distinction; they also had apartments allotted to them in
the royal palace and formed the royal guard. Promotion to the order
was open to all, but could only be won by some notable feat of arms.
The members of the first of these three orders were called Achcauhtin,
or Princes, of the second, Quauhtin, or Eagles, of the third, Ocelome,
or Tigers. The distinctive mark of the Princes was their manner of
dressing the hair, which was tied on the crown of the head with a red
thong, and worked into as many braids, each terminating in a cotton
tassel, as were the deeds of valor performed by the wearer; the Eagles
wore a kind of casque, in the form of an eagle's head; the Tigers wore
a particular armor, spotted like the skin of the animal whose name
they bore. These insignia were only used in war; at court all military
officers wore the _tlachquauhyo_, a dress of many colors. The members
of these three military orders had the privilege of wearing garments
of much finer texture than the common people, as well as such feathers
and jewels as they could afford to buy. An inferior order of
knighthood appears also to have existed, the members of which had
their hair cropped close about their ears, and wore skull-caps and
split collars; these were only armed for defence from the girdle
upwards, whereas their superiors fought in complete armor. All these
privileged warriors were permitted to use painted and gilt vessels,
but the common soldiers might use none but plain earthen ones.[430]
Montezuma, who was a member of the order of Princes, when he went in
person against the enemy, wore upon his legs greaves of gold, and upon
his arms thin plates of the same metal, as well as bracelets; about
his neck were a collar and chains of gold and precious stones; from
his ears and lower lip hung ornaments of gold set with precious
chalchiuites; and from the back of his head to his waist was suspended
the glittering decoration of royalty, only worn by kings, the
_quachictli_. This was an ornament of exquisite workmanship, wrought
with great labor of costly feathers and jewels, and shaped somewhat
like a butterfly. In addition to this he was distinguished from his
retinue by a shield upon which was displayed the royal coat of arms in
feather-work; and he carried also a small drum, upon which he beat the
signal for battle.[431]
[Sidenote: MILITARY DRESS AND ORNAMENTS.]
On the occasion when the sovereigns and nobility of Mexico, Tezcuco,
and Tlacopan came out to receive Cortés, there was little, so far as
dress was concerned, by which king might be distinguished from
subject; the only difference was that the monarchs wore crowns of
gold and precious stones, bejeweled sandals with golden soles, and
tassels at the end of the ribbon with which their hair was bound.[432]
A prince of the blood-royal, on his début upon the battle-field, was
clad in plain white; his behavior was closely watched, and after the
action such insignia and colors as he had merited by his conduct were
bestowed upon him.
Sahagun gives an extended description of the gorgeous war-costumes of
the noble Aztec warriors, with the native name for each fraction of
the equipments. Here are described head-dresses composed of rich
feathers, prominent among which were the quetzal; corselets of red and
green feathers, worked with gold thread; head-dresses of green
feathers set in gold bands, or of tiger-skin; helmets of silver; a
garment called _tocivitl_ reaching to the knees, made of yellow
macaw-feathers, embroidered with gold, and worn with a golden casque
plumed with quetzal-feathers; and other equally gorgeous attire. As a
means of directing their men some officers bore small drums, painted
and ornamented with feathers so as to correspond with their dress, in
a net at their backs; others carried little flags made of feathers
held together with bands of gold or silver. Many noble warriors had
their armorial bearings, devils, monsters, and what not, painted or
embroidered upon their backs. Truly such _spolia opima_ were worthy of
a hero's toil.[433]
The rank and file of the Aztec army wore no clothing but the maxtli in
battle, but by painting their faces and bodies in grotesque patterns
with brilliant colors, and covering their heads with raw cotton, they
presented a sufficiently fierce and gaudy appearance.[434]
The Tlascaltec leaders wore a quilted cotton tunic two fingers in
thickness that fitted closely to the body and also protected the
shoulders and thighs; the wealthier class wore over the tunic a
cuirass of thin gold or silver plates, and over all they threw a rich
mantle of feather-work elegantly embroidered; to protect their legs
they put on leathern boots or wooden greaves ornamented with gold. On
their heads they wore a morion made of hide or wood representing the
head of some animal, bird, or serpent. From the crown waved a
magnificent tuft of richly variegated plumes, a conspicuous mark, that
served to denote the warrior's rank.
[Sidenote: ARMOR AND DEFENSIVE WEAPONS.]
The armor and defensive weapons of the Nahua knights, though of little
service against the firearms and swordsmanship of the Spaniards, yet
were admirably suited for protection from the weapons in use among
themselves. The _chimalli_, or Mexican shield, was made of various
materials and in divers forms; sometimes it was round, sometimes oval,
sometimes rounded only on the lower side; it was commonly constructed
of flexible bamboo canes, bound firmly together, and covered with
hide. The face of the shield was ornamented according to the rank and
taste of the bearer; that of a noble was generally covered with thin
plates of gold, with a heavy boss in the centre. In Tabasco, and along
the coast, tortoise-shells, inlaid with gold, silver, or copper, were
commonly used as shields. Reed-grass, hides, or nequen-cloth, coated
with India-rubber, served to protect an Aztec common soldier. Some
shields were of an ordinary size, others were intended to cover the
entire body, and were so constructed that when not in use they could
be folded up and carried under the arm. The body-armor of the nobles
and higher grades of warriors consisted of a breast-piece made of
quilted cotton, one or two fingers in thickness, called
_ichcahuepilli_; over this was a thick cotton coat, which covered part
of the arms and thighs, made in one piece, fastened behind, and
decorated with feathers of whatever colors the uniform of the company
to which the wearer belonged might be. This cotton armor was
completely arrow-proof, and was of great service to the Spanish
Conquerors, who lost no time in adopting it in place of their heavy
steel armor. Arm and leg guards made of wood covered with leather or
gold plates and trimmed with feathers, and morions of the same
material shaped and painted to represent the head of a tiger, serpent,
or monster, with mouth open and teeth bared, complete the defensive
equipment. Over a cuirass of gold and silver plates some lords wore a
garment of feathers which is said to have been proof against arrows
and javelins. Nobles and officers also wore lofty plumes so as to
present the appearance of increased stature.[435]
The shields used by the Toltecs were made of skins ornamented with
feathers of various colors; on their heads they wore helmets of gold,
silver, or skins. The body-armor worn by the principal warriors was
made of double cloth padded with cotton; it differed from that of the
Aztecs inasmuch as it reached down to the ankles and was worn over a
thin white tunic. The private soldiers, like those of the Aztec army,
also painted the upper part of the body to represent armor, but from
the waist to the thighs they wore short drawers and over them,
fastened round the waist, a kind of kilt that reached to the knees and
availed them somewhat for defence. Across the body was a sash made of
feathers that passed from the right shoulder to the left side of the
waist. They wore sandals on their feet and had feather-ornaments upon
their heads, more or less rich according to the quality of the
warrior. When going to battle they adorned their necks, breasts, arms,
and legs with their most valuable trinkets of gold or precious
stones.[436] Tezozomoc mentions that the Tarascos wore steel helmets,
but, as I have already stated, none of these nations were acquainted
with the use of iron in any shape.[437] Some of the armor in use among
the Tabascans must have been exceedingly rich, judging by that which
was presented to Juan de Grijalva by the cacique of that province. It
consisted of greaves for the knees and legs made of wood and covered
with sheets of gold, head-pieces covered with gold plates and precious
stones, among which was a visor, of which the upper half was of jewels
linked together, and the lower half of gold plates; then there were
cuirasses of solid gold, besides a quantity of armor-plates sufficient
to cover the whole body.[438]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: OFFENSIVE WEAPONS.]
The offensive weapons of the Aztecs consisted of bows and arrows,
slings, clubs, spears, light javelins, and swords; and in the use of
all of these the soldiers were well skilled. The bows were made of
tough, elastic wood, and were about five feet in length; for strings
they used the sinews of animals or stags' hair twisted. The arrows
were light canes, with about six inches of oak or other hard wood
inserted in the end; at the extremity a piece of iztli was fastened
with twisted nequen-fibre, and further secured by a paste of resin or
other adhesive substance. Sometimes instead of iztli they used the
bones of animals or fish; the bone of a fish called _libisa_ is said
to have caused by its venomous properties[439] a wound very difficult
to heal. It is well known that none of the Nahua nations used poisoned
arrows; such weapons would have defeated the object for which they
often engaged in war, namely that of taking their enemies alive for
the purpose of immolating them upon the altars of their gods. It is
reasonable to believe that many of them attained to great accuracy in
shooting with the bow, but there is room to doubt the assertion that
some of them were able to shoot with three or four arrows at a time;
or to throw an ear of corn into the air and pierce every kernel before
it reached the ground; or to throw up a coin of the size of half a
dollar, and keep it in the air as long as they pleased with their
arrows.[440] The sling was a braid of pita-thread or other fibre,
broader in the middle than at the ends, with which stones were thrown
with much force and accuracy; the missiles were carried in a pouch
filled with stones and suspended from the waist in front. The _maza_
was a club similar to the Roman _clava_, tapering from the handle
towards the end and terminating in a knotty head, filled with points
of iztli or tempered copper.[441] The _macana_, or _macuahuitl_,
called by the Spaniards _espada_, a sword, was made of tough wood,
about three and a half feet long, with a flat blade four fingers in
width armed upon both sides with sharp pieces of iztli about three
fingers long by three wide, which were inserted into the grooved edge
at intervals, and cemented with some adhesive compound.[442] This
weapon, when not in immediate use, was carried slung to the arm with
a cord. Many of these swords were two-handed and very heavy, and it is
asserted that with them the Aztec warrior could at one blow cut a man
in two or sever a horse's head. The one with which the famous
Tlascaltec commander Tlahuicol fought was so weighty that a man of
ordinary strength could hardly raise it from the ground.[443] The
Mexican spears were very strong, and were pointed with iztli or
copper. Spears were the principal weapon used by the Zapotecs and
other tribes of Oajaca. The _tlacochtli_, or Mexican javelin, was like
a long arrow made of otlatl or bamboo; the point was usually hardened
in the fire or armed with iztli, copper, or bone; many had three
points, thus inflicting a very severe wound; they were hurled with
great force, and had a cord attached, so that when thrown they could
be recovered for another cast. Some writers mention a ballista as
being used with which to launch the javelin, but I do not find any
description of its form or of the manner of using it;[444] certainly
the javelin was projected with great velocity, if it be true, as
asserted, that they would pass through a man's body; they were much
dreaded by the Spanish Conquerors.
[Sidenote: THE BLOW-PIPE AND STANDARDS.]
When the Chichimecs first settled in the valley of Anáhuac the only
weapons were the bow and arrow and blow-pipe, in the use of which they
were very expert. The blow-pipe was a long hollow tube through which
clay pellets were projected, and it is affirmed that with them the
Chichimecs could kill a man or wild beast at a moderate distance;
afterwards this weapon came to be generally used by other nations, but
was only employed for shooting small birds. Among other things, Cortés
was presented by Montezuma with a dozen blow-pipes beautifully
ornamented and painted with figures of birds and animals; the
mouth-piece of each was made of gold, five or six inches long; they
were also ornamented in the centre with gold, and accompanying them
were gold net-work pouches to carry the pellets.[445] The
Matlaltzincas and Tabascans used weapons similar to those of the
nations of the Anáhuac valley; the former were especially dexterous in
their practice with the sling, which, when not in actual use, was
carried wound about the head.[446] The fighting men among the
Jaliscans were similarly armed, but the lords and captains carried
only long staves with which to urge their men to fight and punish any
who were disorderly or showed symptoms of cowardice.[447]
Each nation had its own particular standard on which were painted or
embroidered the armorial bearings of the state. That of the Mexican
empire, as we have seen, bore an eagle in the act of seizing a tiger,
or jaguar. That of the republic of Tlascala, a bird with its wings
spread as in the act of flying, which some authors call an eagle,
others a white bird or crane. Each of the four lordships of the
republic had also its appropriate ensign; Tizatlan had a crane upon a
rock, Tepeticpac a wolf with a bunch of arrows in his paws, Ocotelulco
a green bird upon a rock, and Quiahuiztlan a parasol made of green
feathers.[448] Each company or command had also a distinct standard,
the colors of which corresponded to that of the armor and plumes of
the chief. The great standard of the Tlascaltec army was carried by
the general commanding, and the smaller banners of the companies by
their respective captains; they were carried on the back and were so
firmly tied there that they could not be detached without great
difficulty.[449] When upon a march and not in presence of the enemy
the standard of the Tlascaltecs was carried in the van, but in action
it was always placed in the rear. The Mexican standard was borne in
the centre of the army. Instruments of music, consisting of drums,
horns, and large sea-shells, were sounded while fighting to encourage
and animate the men.
[Sidenote: AMBASSADORS AND COURIERS.]
The office of ambassador was one of much consequence, and persons of
the highest rank, selected for their courteous manners and oratorical
powers, were appointed to the position. Their persons were held sacred
and they were usually received by those to whom they were sent with
honor and respect, perfumed with incense, presented with flowers, and
well lodged and entertained; in case any insult or indignity was
offered them, it constituted a sufficient cause of war. Such an
instance occurred when the Tepanecs, during the reign of their king
Maxtlaton, invited the Mexican monarch Itzcoatl and his chiefs to
visit their province and partake of their hospitality. Itzcoatl
declined at the advice of his chiefs, but the latter went, carrying
presents. They were accepted by the Tepanecs and the chiefs sent back
in women's apparel, which they were compelled to wear; the indignity
brought about a war between the two nations. The proper courtesy and
protection due to their position was, however, only accorded them when
on the high road that led to their destination; if they deviated from
it they lost their rights and privileges as ambassadors. When on duty
they wore a special garb that denoted their office; it consisted of a
green habit resembling a scapulary, or small cloak; handsome feathers
were twisted in the hair with tufts of divers colors; in the right
hand they carried an arrow with the point towards the ground, and in
the left a shield; a small net containing provisions hung from the
left arm.
A complete courier-system was established throughout the empire; these
couriers were employed to carry messages in peace and war, and fresh
provisions for the king's table; as we have seen in a former chapter,
it is asserted that Montezuma had fresh fish brought to his palace
daily from the gulf coast. They were exceedingly swift runners, being
exercised from childhood and encouraged by rewards to excel in speed.
Stations were fixed at distances of about six miles apart, where small
towers were built, in which dwelt one or more couriers ready at all
times to set out with dispatches. As soon as a courier arrived at one
of these towers, one of those waiting received from him the message he
bore, usually expressed in paintings, and at once started for the
next stage, and thus the tidings were conveyed to the capital in an
incredibly short time. When the dispatches were of an important
nature, the courier wore some badge or was dressed in a manner
indicative of the intelligence entrusted to him. For instance, if it
related to a defeat in battle, he traveled with hair dishevelled,
preserving a strict silence until the message was delivered to the
person to whom it was directed; on the other hand, if he brought news
of a victory, his hair was neatly tied with a colored string, about
his body was wrapped a white cotton cloth, on his left arm he carried
a shield and in his right hand a sword which he brandished as if in
combat, singing at the same time the glorious deeds of the
victors.[450]
[Sidenote: NAHUA FORTIFICATIONS.]
The Mexicans and other Nahua nations, favored by the general features
of the country, adopted a system of fortifications and entrenchments
admirably adapted to secure them from the attacks of internal enemies,
though insufficient as a defense against the superior tactics and
indomitable perseverance of Cortés. The position of the city of
Tenochtitlan, or Mexico, gave it all the advantages of a fortified
town. There was no avenue of approach to it but the causeways, which
were defended by towers and ditches spanned by draw-bridges; it was
the untimely raising of one of these draw-bridges that caused such
destruction to the Spaniards and their allies on the 'noche triste.'
Besides this, the inhabitants prepared themselves to defend their city
by means of boats, and were frequently exercised in sham naval
engagements. The temples of Mexico served all the purposes of
citadels, especially the great temple built by the Emperor Tizoc. It
occupied the centre of the city and was surrounded by a stone wall
eight feet high and very thick, having turrets and stone figures upon
it; the wall was pierced by four principal entrances, over each of
which were fortified apartments, well stocked with weapons, offensive
and defensive, ready for immediate service; here, in case of a revolt
or sudden alarm, the garrison went and armed themselves.[451] One of
the royal palaces also contained a large armory where great quantities
of arms were kept and armorers employed in their manufacture. The
peculiar architecture of the temple rendered the ascent to its top
very slow and difficult; during the battles of the Mexicans with
Cortés' troops after Montezuma's death, five hundred Mexican nobles
took possession of this summit, whence they hurled darts, arrows, and
stones against the Spaniards, many of whom lost their lives during the
assault before the position was taken by Cortés in person. In his
dispatch to the Emperor Charles the Fifth he says: "so arduous was the
attempt to take this tower that if God had not broken their spirits,
twenty of them would have been sufficient to resist the ascent of a
thousand men, although they fought with the greatest valor even unto
death."[452]
Besides the arsenal and general rendezvous there were many turreted
towers and strong buildings throughout the city, from the top of which
men could shoot their arrows and hurl darts and stones with great
effect. The lofty teocalli served as watch-towers, whence the
movements of the enemy could be observed. Naturally impregnable
localities, such as the vicinity of impassable rivers or ravines were
selected as sites for cities, which they further strengthened with
forts or surrounded with stone walls. The city of Guacachula, taken by
Cortés shortly after his retreat from Mexico on the 'noche triste,' is
thus described by him in his letter to Charles the Fifth: "This city
of Guacachula is situated upon a plain bounded upon one side by some
very lofty and craggy hills; encircling the plain, on the other sides,
about two cross-bow shots apart, are two rivers that run through large
and deep ravines. There are but few means of entrance to the city, and
those extremely difficult both in the ascent and descent so that they
can hardly be passed on horseback. The whole city is surrounded by a
very strong wall of stone and lime about twenty-two feet high on the
outside and almost level with the ground upon the inside. Around the
whole wall runs a battlement, half the height of a man, as a
protection when fighting; it has four entrances of sufficient width to
admit a man on horseback, and in each entrance are three or four
curves in the wall that lap one over the other and in the course of
the curves, on the top of the wall are parapets for fighting. In the
whole circuit of the wall is a large quantity of stones large and
small and of different shapes for use in action." Four leagues distant
from Guacachula was another city called Izucan, also strongly
fortified with breastworks, towers, and a deep river that encircled a
great part of the city.[453]
One of the most celebrated structures built for defence was the stone
wall erected by the Tlascaltecs to secure themselves from the
incursions of the Mexicans. This wall was six miles long, extending
across a valley from one mountain to another; it was nearly nine feet
high and twenty feet thick, surmounted along its whole length by a
breastwork that enabled its defenders to fight in comparative security
from the top. There was only one entrance, about ten paces wide, where
one part of the wall overlapped the other in curvilinear form in the
manner of a ravelin for a distance of forty paces. Bernal Diaz and
Cortés differ as to the materials of which the wall was built. The
former affirms that it was built of stones cemented together with lime
and a bitumen so strongly that it was necessary to use pick-axes to
separate them, while the latter says it was built of dry stone.
Cortés, describing the residence of the cacique of Iztacmaxtitlan, a
garrison of the Mexicans, says it was situated on a lofty eminence,
with a better fortress than there was in half Spain, defended by a
wall, barbican, and moats.[454] In many other parts of the country
were stone fortifications, wooden stockades and intrenchments. A short
distance from the village of Molcaxac stood a strong fortress built on
the top of a mountain; it was surrounded by four walls, erected at
certain intervals between the base of the mountain and the top.
Twenty-five miles from Córdova was the fortress of Quauhtochco, now
Guatusco, encircled by high stone walls in which were no entrance
gates; the interior could only be gained by means of steep narrow
steps, a method commonly adopted in the country.[455] The nations of
Michoacan and Jalisco employed heavy tree-trunks in fortifying their
positions against the Spanish invaders, or cut deep intrenchments in
which they fixed sharpened stakes. Previous to an attack led by Pedro
Alvarado against the inhabitants of Jalisco, the latter took up a
strong position on a hill which they fortified by placing large stones
in such a manner, that upon cutting the cords that held them they
would be precipitated upon the assailants; in the assault many
Spaniards were killed and Alvarado was thrown from his horse with
such violence that he died two days afterwards.[456]
* * * * *
Under the tripartite treaty made by the kingdoms of Mexico, Tezcuco,
and Tlacopan, a military council was established consisting of a
president and twenty-one members. During the reign of the emperor
Nezahualcoyotl their deliberations were held in a hall of his palace
in Tezcuco. The president belonged to the highest rank of the nobility
and commanders of the army, the other members were composed of six of
the principal men of Tezcuco, three nobles and three commoners, and
fifteen selected from the other chief provinces. All were veteran
officers of recognized courage and good conduct. To this court were
referred all matters relating to war. The council assembled when
required, to discuss and decide all affairs of the service, whether
for the punishment of offenses subversive of military discipline, or
to transact the business relative to a declaration of war against
other powers. In the latter case the consultation always took place in
presence of the sovereign, or of the three heads of the empire. All
ambassadors and soldiers were subject to this tribunal, which meted
out reward as well as punishment. The following were the articles of
war:
[Sidenote: ARTICLES OF WAR.]
First: any general or other military officer who, accompanying the
king on a campaign, should forsake him, or leave him in the power of
the enemy, thereby failing in his duty, which was to bring back his
sovereign dead or alive, suffered death by decapitation.
Second: any officer who formed the prince's guard and deserted his
trust, suffered death by decapitation.
Third: any soldier who disobeyed his superior officer, or abandoned
his post, or turned his back upon the enemy, or showed them favor,
suffered death by decapitation.
Fourth: any officer or soldier who usurped the captive or spoil of
another, or who ceded to another the prisoner he himself had taken,
suffered death by hanging.
Fifth: any soldier who in war caused injury to the enemy without
permission of his officer, or who attacked before the signal was
given, or who abandoned the standard or headquarters, or broke or
violated any order issued by his captain, suffered death by
decapitation.
Sixth: the traitor who revealed to the enemy the secrets of the army
or orders communicated for the success thereof, suffered death by
being torn to pieces; his property was forfeited to the crown and all
his children and relations were made slaves in perpetuity.
Seventh: any person who protected or concealed an enemy in time of
war, whether noble or plebeian, suffered death by being torn to pieces
in the middle of the public square, and his limbs were given to the
populace to be treated as objects of derision and contempt.
Eighth: any noble or person of distinction who, in action, or at any
dance or festival, exhibited the insignia or badges of the kings of
Mexico, Tezcuco, or Tlacopan, suffered death and forfeiture of
property.
Ninth: any nobleman who, being captured by the enemy fled from prison
and returned to his country suffered death by decapitation; but, if he
fought and vanquished seven soldiers in gladiatorial combat previous
to return, he was free and was rewarded as a brave man. The private
soldier who fled from an enemy's prison and returned to his country
was well received.
Tenth: any ambassador who failed to discharge his trust in accordance
with the orders and instructions given to him or who returned without
an answer, suffered death by decapitation.[457]
As I have already stated, the primary object of most wars was to
procure victims for sacrifices to Huitzilopochtli and other gods, and
the Mexicans were never at a loss for an excuse to pick a quarrel. The
refusal of a neighboring power to receive in its temple one of the
Mexican gods, neglect to pay tribute demanded, insults offered to
ambassadors or traveling merchants, or symptoms of rebellion in a city
or a province, furnished sufficient pretext to take up arms. The
rulers of Mexico, however, always endeavored to justify their conduct
before they made war, and never commenced hostilities without sending
due notice of their intention to the adversary. Before an actual
challenge was sent or war declared against any nation, the council met
in presence of the three heads of the empire, and gravely discussed
the equity of the case. If the difficulty lay with a province subject
to the empire, secret emissaries were sent to inquire whether the
fault originated solely with the governor or if he was sustained by
his subjects. If it appeared that the whole blame rested with the
governor, a force was sent to arrest him, and he was publicly
punished, together with all others implicated; but if the rising was
with the consent of the people, they were summoned to submit and place
themselves in obedience to the king whose vassals they were, and a
fine, proportionate to the magnitude of the case, was imposed. It was
customary for the rulers of Mexico or Tezcuco to send messengers to
distant provinces with a demand that they should receive one or more
of their gods and worship them in their temples. If the messenger was
killed or the proposed god rejected, a war ensued.
[Sidenote: DECLARATION OF WAR.]
As I have said, it was a breach of international etiquette to proceed
to war without giving due notice to the enemy, and military law
prescribed that three embassies should be despatched before
commencing hostilities. The number of ambassadors varied according to
the circumstances and rank of the princes against whom war was to be
made, for the higher his rank the fewer in number were the envoys. If
he was a great king only one was sent, and he was generally of the
blood-royal or a famous general. Sometimes the ambassadors were
instructed to deliver their message directly to the hostile prince, at
other times to the people of the province. In the first case upon
entering into the prince's presence they paid their respects with
reverence, and having seated themselves in the centre of the
audience-hall, waited till permission was given them to speak. The
signal made, the principal among them delivered his message in a low
tone of voice and with a studied address, the audience preserving a
decorous silence, and listening attentively. As a general thing, in
all embassies an interchange of presents was made, and if the message
was from one friendly power to another, a refusal of such gifts was a
serious affront. If, however, it was to an enemy, the ambassador could
not receive a present without express orders from his master. When the
three powers of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan acted in unison, in the
event of a difficulty with another nation, the first ambassadors sent
were of the Mexican nation and were called _quaquauhnochtzin_. Upon
arriving at the capital of the kingdom or province they proceeded at
once to the public square and summoned before them the ministers and
aged men, to whom they made known the several circumstances of the
case, warning them that, in case their lord refused to accede to their
propositions, upon them and their families would fall the evils and
hardships produced by war, and exhorting them to counsel and persuade
their lord to maintain the good will and protection of the empire; for
this purpose they granted twenty days, within which time they would
expect an answer, and in order that there might be no complaint of
being surprised and taken unprepared they left a supply of weapons
and then retired outside the town to await the answer. If within the
twenty days it was decided to accept the terms of the ambassadors, the
ministers went to the place where they were in waiting and conducted
them into the city, where they were received with every mark of
respect, and in a short time were sent back to their own country,
accompanied by other ambassadors, bearing costly presents in token of
friendship and esteem. If, however, twenty days passed without a
satisfactory adjustment of the difficulty, a second set of
ambassadors, held in readiness for the occasion, who had to be of the
kingdom of Tezcuco and were called _achcacauhtzin_, were sent into the
city. These carried with them a quantity of arms, some feathers of a
bird called _tecpilotl_, and a small earthenware jar containing a
certain balsamic and aromatic ointment, compounded of various herbs
and gums. They went directly to the palace of the prince and in
presence of the gentlemen of his court delivered their message. They
then represented to him the miseries of war, and warned him, that if
within the space of twenty days he did not agree to their terms, in
the event of his being taken captive during the war which would ensue
he would be put to death under the penalty of the law, which sentenced
him to have his head smashed with a club, and that his vassals would
be chastised in proportion to the offence each had committed. If the
refractory prince or noble refused immediate compliance, the
ambassadors anointed his right arm and his head with the ointment
brought with them, telling him to be strong and of good courage and to
fight bravely against the troops of the empire, whose valor in war
they greatly extolled. They then tied the tecpilotl-plumes at the back
of his head with red strings, handed him the weapons they had brought
with them, and retired to the place where the first ambassadors were,
to await the expiration of the twenty days. If he surrendered within
the time, he was required to pay a stipulated annual tribute of small
amount, but if he refused to surrender, there came a third set of
ambassadors, who were of the kingdom of Tlacopan; they appeared before
the lord in the presence of his ministers and court, and delivered
their message with stronger threats and warnings, to the effect that
if he did not surrender at the expiration of a further twenty days,
the army of the empire would march against his territory and punish
the inhabitants regardless of age or sex, and that although they might
implore its clemency they would not be heard; they then gave them a
larger supply of arms than on the preceding occasions, telling them to
avail themselves of them and not to say at a future time that they had
been assailed unprepared. If the lord of the province surrendered
within the last twenty days, he was punished according to the pleasure
of the three powers, but not with death nor with the confiscation of
his rank or property; he was usually condemned to pay an extraordinary
tribute out of his own revenues; should he continue rebellious, war
broke out, and the army of the empire, already prepared on the
frontiers, commenced its operations.[458]
It was usual to send a formal challenge or declaration of war,
accompanied by some presents, either of arms, clothing, or food, as it
was held to be a discreditable act to attack any unarmed or
defenseless people. A notable instance of this spirit was shown by the
Tlascaltecs when they confronted the army of Cortés; their general is
reported to have exclaimed: "Who are these presumptuous men, so few in
number that they attempt to enter our country in spite of us? Lest
they think we want to take them by hunger rather than by force of
arms, let us send them food, that we may find them savory after the
sacrifice, for they come starved and worn out." Before the battle they
sent three hundred turkeys and two hundred baskets of centli or
tamales, each basket weighing about twenty-five pounds, a gift most
acceptable to the Castilians.[459]
When war against another nation was decided upon, the first care of
the Mexicans was to investigate the character and resources of the
region they were about to invade. Certain spies called _quimichtin_,
who were selected for their knowledge of the language and customs of
the enemy's country, were sent thither, dressed after the manner of
the inhabitants. These spies were directed to prepare maps of the
districts they passed through, showing the plains, rivers, mountains,
and dangerous passes as well as the most practicable routes, and were
to take notice of all means of defense possessed by the enemy. The
sketches and information thus obtained were given to the chiefs of the
army to guide them in their march and enable them to make the best
disposition of their forces. Such spies as brought valuable news were
rewarded with the grant of a piece of land, and if one came over from
the enemy's side and gave advice of their preparations and force, he
was well paid and given presents of mantles.[460] When a war was to be
conducted jointly by the three allied powers, proclamation was made by
heralds in the public thoroughfares of the capital cities.
Commissariat officers called _calpixques_ collected the necessary
stores and provisions for the campaign, and distributed weapons and
coarse mantles of nequen to the army. The troops then went to the
temple and performed the ceremony of scarifying their bodies, while
the customary sacrifices were offered by the priests to
Huitzilopochtli.
[Sidenote: ORDER OF MARCH AND BATTLE.]
If the expedition was an important one and the army large, it was
composed of several divisions, called _xiquipilli_, each consisting of
eight thousand men under their respective commanders. When all was in
readiness the order of march was thus formed: the priests with their
idols started one day's march in advance; next came the captains and
flower of the army, followed by the soldiers of Mexico; after them the
Tezcucans, and then those of Tlacopan, the rear being closed by the
troops of other provinces; one day's march separated each division.
Perfect order was maintained on the route, and when near the enemy's
country the chiefs traced out the camping-ground each division should
occupy, and directed all to entrench and fortify their positions.[461]
The battle was sometimes fought on a piece of neutral ground lying
between the confines of two territories. Such a place was known by the
name _yauhtlalli_, and was especially reserved for the purpose, and
always left uncultivated.[462] Before the action commenced each
soldier received from the royal magazine a handful of pinole and a
kind of cake called _tlaxcaltotopochtli_; afterwards the high-priest
or chief addressed the troops, reminding them of the glory to be
gained by victory, and the eternal bliss in store for those who fell,
and concluded by counseling them to place their trust in
Huitzilopochtli and fight valiantly. If the king was present on the
field the signal for attack was given by him. The Mexican monarch
issued his orders to commence the action by sounding on a large shell
making a noise like a trumpet; the lords of Tezcuco beat upon a small
drum, and lords of other provinces struck two bones together. The
signals for retreat were given upon similar instruments. When the
battle commenced, the shrieking of musical instruments, the clashing
of swords against bucklers, and shouting of the combatants made a
noise so great as to strike terror into those unused to it. While
fighting the warriors shouted the names of their respective towns or
districts to enable them to recognize each other and prevent
confusion.[463]
In fighting there appears to have been no special tactics; the
commanders of divisions and the captains used every effort to keep
their men together, and were very careful to protect the standard, as,
if that was taken, the battle was considered lost and all fled. They
observed the wise policy of keeping a number of men in reserve to
replace any who were wearied or had exhausted their weapons. The
archers, slingers, and javelin men commenced the action at a distance
and gradually drew nearer, until they came to close quarters, when
they took to their swords and spears. All movements, both in advance
and retreat, were rapidly executed; sometimes a retreat was feigned in
order to draw the enemy into an ambuscade which had been prepared
beforehand. The chief object was to take prisoners and not to slay;
when an enemy refused to surrender, they endeavored to wound them in
the foot or leg so as to prevent escape, but they never accepted a
ransom for a prisoner. Certain men were attached to the army whose
duty it was to remove the killed and wounded during the action, so
that the enemy might not know the losses and take fresh heart.[464]
[Sidenote: TLASCALTECS AND TARASCOS.]
The Tlascaltecs formed their army into battalions, each having its
appointed chief, the whole being under the command of a
general-in-chief, who was elected from among those of the four
seigniories into which the republic was divided. Their mode of
fighting differed little from that of the Mexicans, with the exception
of a certain practice which they observed upon first coming in contact
with the enemy. This consisted in carrying with them two darts which
they believed would presage victory or defeat according to the result
of their delivery into the hostile ranks. According to Motolinia the
tradition among them in regard to this belief was, that their
ancestors came from the north-west, and that in order to reach the
land they navigated eight or ten days; from the oldest among them they
then received two darts which they guarded as precious relics, and
regarded as an infallible augury by which to know whether they would
gain a victory or ought to retreat in time.[465] When a victory was
won the great standard was brought to the front and placed upon a
rising ground or in some conspicuous position, and all were obliged to
assemble around it; he who neglected to do so was punished.
The Tarascos fought with great courage to the sound of numerous horns
and sea-shells, and carried to battle banners made of feathers of many
colors. Their skill and valor is best proven by the fact that the
Mexicans were never able to subdue them. They showed especial strategy
in luring the foe into ambush. Like the Mexicans their chief object in
battle was to take prisoners to sacrifice to their gods.[466]
Among the Mexicans, when the battle was over, the first prisoners
taken were given to the priests to be sacrificed before the idols they
carried with them. An account was taken of the losses sustained and of
the number of prisoners and other booty gained. Rewards were
distributed to all who had distinguished themselves and punishment
inflicted on any who had misbehaved. All disputes relative to the
capture of prisoners were inquired into and adjusted. If a case arose
where neither of the disputants could prove their title, the prisoner
was taken from them and given to the priests to be sacrificed. Those
inhabitants of the conquered province who could prove that they had
taken no active part in the war were punished at the discretion of
their conqueror; usually they were condemned to pay a certain annual
tribute, or to construct public works; meantime, the vanquished
province was supplied with a governor and officers, appointed from
among the conquerors.[467]
When the king or a feudatory lord captured a prisoner for the first
time, his success was made the occasion of much rejoicing. The
captive, dressed in showy apparel and mounted on a litter, was borne
to the town in great triumph, accompanied by a host of warriors
shouting and singing; at the outskirts of the city the procession was
met by the inhabitants, some playing on musical instruments, others
dancing and singing songs composed for the occasion. The prisoner was
saluted with mimic honors, and his captor greatly extolled and
congratulated. Numbers of people arrived from the adjoining towns and
villages to assist in the general hilarity, bringing with them
presents of gold, jewels, and rich dresses. Upon the day appointed for
the sacrifice a grand festival was held, previous to and after which
the lord fasted and performed certain prescribed ceremonies. The
victim was usually dressed for the occasion in the robes of the god
of the sun, and sacrificed in the usual manner. With some of the blood
that flowed, the priest sprinkled the four sides of the temple; the
remainder was collected in a vessel and sent to the noble captor, who
with it sprinkled all the gods in the court yard of the temple as a
thank-offering for the victory he had gained. After the heart was
taken out the body was rolled down the steps and received below; the
head was then cut off and placed upon a high pole, afterwards the body
was flayed, and the skin stuffed with cotton and hung up in the
captor's house as a memento of his prowess.[468]
[Sidenote: GLADIATORIAL COMBAT.]
When a renowned captain or noble was made prisoner, the right of
fighting for his liberty was granted him--an honor not permitted to
warriors of an inferior rank. Near the temple was an open space
capable of containing a large multitude; in the middle was a circular
mound built of stone and mortar, about eight feet high, with steps
leading to the top, where was fixed a large round stone, three feet
high, smooth, and adorned with figures. This stone was called the
_temalacatl_; upon it the prisoner was placed, tied at the ankle with
a cord, which passed through a hole in the centre of the stone. His
weapons consisted of a shield and macana.[469] He who had taken him
prisoner then mounted the stone, better armed, to combat with him.
Both the combatants were animated with the strongest motives to fight
desperately. The prisoner fought for his life and liberty, and his
adversary to sustain his reputation. If the former was conquered, a
priest, called _chalchiuhtepehua_, immediately seized him, hurried him
dead or alive to the sacrificial stone and tore out his heart. The
victor was then publicly congratulated and rewarded with military
honors. If, however, the prisoner vanquished his first opponent and
six others, by whom, in succession, he was attacked, he was granted
his freedom, all spoil taken from him in battle was restored to him,
and he returned to his country covered with glory. A notable violation
of this law is recorded of the Huexotzincas. In a battle between them
and the Cholultecs, the leader of the latter nation became separated
from his own people during the heat of battle, and was, after a
gallant resistance, made prisoner and conducted to the capital. Being
placed on the gladiatorial stone he conquered the seven adversaries
that were brought against him, but the Huexotzincas, dreading to
liberate so famous a warrior, contrary to their universal law, put him
to death, and thereby covered themselves with ignominy.[470]
[Sidenote: PRISONERS OF WAR.]
If the prisoner was a person of very high rank, he was taken before
the king, who ordered that he should be sumptuously fed and lodged for
forty days. At the end of that time he was accorded the right of
combat, and if conquered, after the usual sacrificial ceremonies the
body was cut into small pieces; these were sent to the relations and
friends of the deceased, who received them as relics of great value
and acknowledged the favor by returning gold, jewels, and rich
plumes.[471] If we are to believe Gomara and others, the number of
victims, chiefly prisoners of war, sacrificed at some of the
festivals, was enormous. The historians relate that in front of the
principal gate of the temple there was a mound built of stone and lime
with innumerable skulls of prisoners inserted between the stones. At
the head and foot of the mound were two towers built entirely of
skulls and lime; on the top of the mound were seventy or more upright
poles, each with many other sticks fastened crossways to it, at
intervals, from top to bottom; on the points of each cross stick were
five skulls. They go on to say that two soldiers of Cortés counted
these skulls and found them to amount to one hundred and thirty-six
thousand. Those that composed the towers they could not count.[472]
The nations contiguous to the Mexicans imitated to a great extent
their manner of disposing of prisoners of war, and kept them to be
sacrificed at their festivals. The first prisoner taken in battle by
the Tlascaltecs was flayed alive and he who captured him dressed
himself in the horrid trophy, and so covered served the god of battles
during a certain number of days. He paraded from one temple to another
followed by a crowd that shrieked for joy; but had, however, to run
from his pursuers, for if they caught him they beat him till he was
nearly dead. This ceremony was called _exquinan_, and was sometimes
observed by two or three at the same time.[473] At one of their
festivals they bound their prisoners to high crosses and shot them to
death with arrows; at other times they killed them with the bastinado.
They had also solemn banquets, at which they ate the flesh of their
prisoners. At the taking of Mexico, the Tlascaltec soldiery feasted
upon the bodies of the slain Mexicans, and Cortés, although shocked at
the revolting practice, was unable to prevent it.[474]
The Mexicans, Tlascaltecs, and neighboring nations always made the
return of a successful army the occasion of great festivity and
rejoicing; the loud sound of drums and musical instruments greeted the
entry of the victorious troops into the capital; triumphal arches were
erected in the streets and the houses decorated with flowers; an
abundance of copal was burned and sumptuous banquets were prepared;
all were dressed in their gayest attire, and the warriors put on all
the insignia of their rank; gifts were distributed to those who had
performed any deed of gallantry, and minstrels sung or recited poems
in their praise. Many went to the temples to observe especial acts of
devotion to the gods, and numbers of the prisoners were then
sacrificed. All these ceremonies tended to inspire the youths with
courage and make them ambitious to gain distinction in war.[475]
FOOTNOTES:
[428] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 329-32.
[429] _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., pl.
lxiv-lxvi. In explanation of plate lxv., No. 19, it is stated that the
warrior was called Quachic by reason of having taken five prisoners in
war. 'Haber cautivado en la guerra cinco, demas de que en otras
guerras a cautivado otros muchos de sus enemigos.' Explanation of
_Id._, vol. v., p. 104; while Purchas says such a one was 'called
Quagchil ... shewing that hee had taken fiue at the Wars of Guexo,
besides that in other Wars he tooke many of his enemies.' _Purchas his
Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1110-11.
[430] Torquemada and Brasseur speak of a yet higher rank among the
princes. 'Vna de las maiores grandeças, à que llegaba, era atarse el
cabello, que era demonstracion de Gran Capitan, y estos se llamaban
Quachictin, que era el mas honroso nombre, que à los Capitanes se los
daba, y pocos lo alcançaban.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,
p. 543. 'Dont les membres se nommaient "Quachictin," c'est-à-dire,
Couronnés. Leurs insignes consistaient dans la courroie écarlate dont
nous avons parlé plus haut, mais dont le bout, avec sa houppe de
plumes, pendait alors jusqu'à la ceinture.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 590-1. Herrera and Acosta both
mention a fourth order: 'Auia otros como caualleros Pardos, que no
eran de tanta cuenta, como estos, los quales tenian vnas coletas
cortadas por encima de la oreja en redondo.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las
Ynd._, pp. 443-4; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap.
xix.; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., p. 99; _Montanus_,
_Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 267-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., p. 140.
[431] The greaves were called _cozehuatl_, the brachials _matemecatl_,
the bracelets _matzopetztli_, the lip ornament _tentetl_, the
ear-rings _nacochtli_, and the collar or necklace _cozcapetlatl_.
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 543; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 595; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 141.
[432] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 295-6.
[433] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 293-7.
[434] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi.; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 593; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 143; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., p. 543.
[435] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 141-3;
_Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in
_Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305.
[436] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 289-90.
[437] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 83.
[438] _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., pp. 17-21; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. i., p. 354; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. iii.,
cap. ii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 37; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. i., p. 519; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, p. 14. For further
reference to defensive weapons and armor, see: _Carbajal Espinosa_,
_Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 608-19; _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 246;
_Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 267; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_,
tom. v., pp. 81-3; _Mexique_, _Études Hist._, p. 8; _Leon y Gama_,
_Dos Piedras_, pt ii., p. 28; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 161;
_Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 133; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 542.
[439] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; _Gage's
New Survey_, pp. 99-100.
[440] 'I Tehuacanesi erano singolarmente rinomati per la lor destrezza
nel tirar tre, o quatro frecce insieme.... La destrezza di quei Popoli
nel tirar le frecce non sarebbe credibile, se non fosse accertata per
la deposizione di centinaja di testimonj oculati. Radunatisi parecchj
frecciatori gettano in sù una pannocchia di frumentone, e si mettono a
saettarla con una tal prontezza, e con una tal desterità, che non la
lasciano venite a terra, finattantochè non le hanno levati tutti i
grani. Gettano similmente una moneta d'argento non più grande d'un
giulio, e saettandola la trattengono in aria, quanto voglioni.'
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 143.
[441] Ixtlilxochitl mentions clubs studded with iron, but it is well
known that the Aztec nations had no knowledge of that mineral,
although it is said they possessed the art of being able to temper
copper to the hardness of steel, 'porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre
y oro.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 332.
[442] According to Gomara it was made of 'cierta rayz que llaman
çacotl, y de teuxalli, que es vna arena rezia, y como de vena de
diamantes, que mezclan y amassan con sangre de morcielagos, y no se
que otras aues.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 110.
[443] In reference to the macana, which all assert to have been a most
formidable weapon, I quote only a few authorities. 'Sus espadas de
palo largas, de un palo muy fuerte, engeridas de pedernales
agudísimos, que de una cuchillada cortaban á cercen el pescuezo de un
caballo.' _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de
Doc._, tom. i., p. 188. Bernal Diaz describing a battle with the
Tlascaltecs where Pedro de Moron was wounded and had his horse killed,
says 'dieron vna cuchillada â la yegua, que le cortaron el pescueço
redondo, y alli quedó muerta.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 44.
'Taglia come vn rasoio di Tolosa. Io viddi che combattendosi vn di,
diede vn Indiano vna cortellata a vn cauallo sopra il qual era vn
caualliero con chi combatteua, nel petto, che glielo aperse fin alle
interiora, et cadde incontanente morto, & il medesimo giorno viddi che
vn'altro cortellata a vn'altro cauallo su il collo che se lo gettò
morto a i piedi.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor
Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305.
The Anonymous Conqueror does not say the head was cut off, but that
one horse was killed with a cut on the breast that opened it to the
entrails, and the other from a cut on the neck was laid dead at his
feet. 'Lo que podrán efectuar con aquella espada en el pescuezo del
caballo sera de la herida cuanto entraren los filos en la carne, que
no pasarán de un canto de real de plata, porque todo lo otro es
grueso, por tener el lomo que arriba referimos las navajas.' _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi.; _Hernandez_, _Nova
Plant._, p. 340; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., p. 1129.
[444] It may be that this ballesta was a somewhat similar implement to
that used by the Aleuts and Isthmians. See vol. i., pp. 90, 761.
'Dardi che essi tirano con vn manga no fatto di vn'altro bastone.'
_Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in
_Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 594-5.
[445] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 101; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom.
ii., p. 5; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 299; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 460.
[446] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 128-9.
[447] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 339.
[448] In regard to the armorial ensign of the Tlascaltecs, authors
differ. It is admitted that the general-in-chief carried the standard
of the republic, and important authorities say that the one borne by
Xicotencatl in his battle with Cortés had emblazoned upon it a white
bird resembling an ostrich or heron, but Clavigero and Prescott
incline to the opinion that the emblem was an eagle. In regard to this
we have the following accounts. Bernal Diaz, an actor in the battle,
says the Tlascaltec army was ranged under the banner of Xicotencatl,
'qua era vn aue blanca tendidas las alas, como que queria bolar, que
parece como auestruz.' _Hist. Conq._, fol. 45. 'Lleuaua el estandarte
de la ciudad, que es vna grua de oro con las alas tendidas.' _Gomara_,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 75. 'Esta bandera de Tascaltecle es una grua que
trae por divisa, ó armas al natural, de oro, é tendidas las alas.'
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 499. 'Xicotencatl ... llevaba el
Estandarte de la Republica, que era vn Aguila de Oro, con las Alas
estendidas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 145; _Prescott's
Mex._, vol. i., p. 439; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, p. 234.
[449] 'Ha ogni compagnia il suo Alfiere con la sua insegna inhastata,
& in tal modo ligata sopra le spalle, che non gli da alcun disturbo di
poter combattere ne far ciò che vuole, & la porta cosi ligata bene al
corpo, che se non fanno del suo corpo pezzi, non se gli puo sligare,
ne torgliela mai.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor
Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305.
[450] 'Respetaban à los Embaxadores de sus mortales enemigos, como à
Dioses, teniendo por mejor violar qualquier rito de su Religion, que
pecar contra la fee dada à los Embaxadores.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 535-6. 'Los Correos, ò Mensageros, que se
despachaban de las Guerras, tambien pasaban seguros, por todas
partes.' _Ib._; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp.
118-20.
[451] 'A cada parte y puerta de las cuatro del patio del templo grande
ya dicho habia una gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos y bajos en
rededor. En estos tenian muchas armas, porque como los Templos tengan
por fortalezas de los pueblos tienen en ellos toda su municion.' _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. li.
[452] 'Si Dios no les quebrara las alas.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, p. 132.
See also _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 151-2;
_Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 319.
[453] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 150, 152.
[454] 'Una gran cerca de piedra seca.' _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 59-60.
'Una fuerça bien fuerte hecha de cal y canto, y de otro betun tan
rezio, que con picos de hierro era forçoso deshazerla.' _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Conq._, fol. 43; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp.
418-19; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 229, 232; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 134-5; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 70; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. i.; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150; _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom.
i., p. 241.
[455] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 150.
[456] _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, p. 107; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,
tom. iii., p. 567; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des
Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133.
[457] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 203-4, 422-3;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 384-5, 540; _Las Casas_,
_Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxv.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._,
in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 243, 246; _Mendieta_,
_Hist. Ecles._, p. 132.
[458] Las Casas says that very old women were admitted to war
councils. 'Nunca movian guerra sin dar parte al pueblo, y sin mucho
consejo de los mas ancianos y caballeros ejercitados en la guerra, al
cual consejo se admitian las mujeres muy viejas como personas que
habian visto y oido muchas cosas y asi esperimentadas de lo pasado.'
_Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvi. According to the
Chevalier Boturini the first ambassadors were accredited to the king
or lord of the province, the second were dispatched to the nobility
requiring them to persuade their lord, and the third convoked the
people and advised them of the motives their monarch had for waging
war against them. _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 162-3. See also _Veytia_,
_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 424-7; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist.
Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 246-7;
_Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Id._, pp. 40, 73; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 382-3, 534-5.
[459] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 75; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. vi.
[460] 'A estas Espias, que embiaban delante, llamaban Ratones, que
andan de noche, ò escondidos, y à hurtadillas.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., p. 538.
[461] Camargo says: 'L'armée était divisée par bataillons de cent
hommes.' _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 134. 'Quando l'esercito era numeroso, si contava per
_Xiquipilli_: ed ogni _Xiquipilli_ si componeva d'otto mila uomini.'
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 147.
[462] Also spelt _quiahtlale_, _jaotlalli_, meaning a place for war.
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 147-3; _Gomara_,
_Conq. Mex._, fol. 322; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p.
538.
[463] _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., pp. 31, 41, 50, 147.
[464] For further account of their manner of conducting a war, see:
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 147-9;
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 311-12; _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvii.; _Mendieta_, _Hist.
Ecles._, pp. 129-31; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 322-3; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 598-601; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 537-40; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 313-14; _Klemm_,
_Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 86-8.
[465] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., p. 11; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap.
xvii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 87; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. i., p. 34; _Gage's New Survey_, p. 77; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire
Mex._, p. 230.
[466] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 51, 60-1.
[467] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 313; _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. lxvii.
[468] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 131-4; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 541-2; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., p. 149.
[469] Camargo says the prisoner was given his choice of every kind of
offensive and defensive weapons. _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales
des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 188-9, but all other authors state
that he was only given a short sword and shield. Boturini says a
servant who was under the stone drew the cord and so controlled the
prisoner that he could not move. _Idea_, p. 164. Duran says: 'El modo
que en celebrarlo tenian; que era atar á los Presos con una soga al
pie por un ahugero que aquella piedra tenia por medio, y desnudo en
cueros le daban una rodela y una espada de solo palo emplumado en las
manos, y unas pelotas de palo con que se defendian de los que salian á
combatir con él, que eran cuatro muy bien armados.' _Hist. Indias_,
MS., tom. i., cap. 36.
[470] _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando
Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 305;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 47-8.
[471] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 536.
[472] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 121-2; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las
Ynd._, pp. 333-5; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap.
xviii.; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 242.
[473] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcix., p. 134.
[474] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 51;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 423. For further reference
to treatment of prisoners, see: _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 250-1; _Tezozomoc_,
_Crónica Mex._, in _Id._, p. 164; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom.
v., pp. 102-3; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 634;
_Fossey_, _Mexique_, pp. 215-16; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. viii.
[475] Instances of how the Mexicans received their victorious armies
are given in _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.
Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 39, 61, 177-8; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 321-2. See further, _Camargo_, _Hist.
Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., p. 136;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 574; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp.
489-90.