PIERO DE’ MEDICI’S LATER LIFE. LORENZO’S MARRIAGE.
AFTER the Colleonic war the Republic had peace for a time. For
though she took an auxiliary part in the contest for Rimini, which
broke out in 1469, her affairs were little influenced by it, and her
territory not even touched. Sigismondo Malatesta, who had just been in
negotiation with the _condottiere_ of Bergamo, but had held aloof from
the strife and entered the Papal service, died on October 9, 1468. When
we review the variety of events that followed close upon one another
in this man’s life, and then consider that he only reached the age of
fifty-one, we shall form some idea of the restless character of the
epoch. According to the last stipulation, Pope Paul II. expected the
reversion of Rimini, as Sigismondo had died without legitimate heirs,
but his natural son Roberto, then only six and twenty, succeeded in
taking possession of the city, and formed numerous allies, when the
Pope prepared to expel him by force. When Alessandro Sforza undertook
the siege of Rimini with the Papal army, Naples, Florence, Milan,
and Urbino, came to the assistance of Malatesta, and on August 30,
1469, Sforza suffered a severe defeat, whereas the Pope’s allies, the
Venetians, did not appear till after the event. Paul II. wished at
first to continue the contest, but resolved the following year to come
to terms, a decision confirmed by his conviction that Venice thought
more of extending her own power in Romagna than of supporting him, and
also by the progress of the Turks, which caused serious anxiety, not
only to Venice, whose possessions in the Levant were threatened, but
to all Italian powers. Paul’s successor had, at a critical moment, no
reason to regret that Roberto Malatesta remained in Rimini.
It was a fortunate thing for Florence that peace was concluded, for the
expenses had long been enormous. The allies seemed to think that the
Florentine purse was inexhaustible. When Galeazzo Maria arrived in July
1467 from the camp, he carried an open empty purse at his belt: they
were obliged to pay him a large sum, says a contemporary, to enable
him to return to the camp.[155] At the same time the sum of 1,200,000
gold florins was raised, partly by a property tax, partly by additional
imposts, to which the clergy and those otherwise exempted from
taxation were forced to contribute, while the half of their salaries
was deducted from all officials outside the city. The heavy expenses
of the war did not, however, hinder the expenditure of large sums for
other purposes, as, for example, in February 1468, even before the
peace was ratified, 37,000 gold florins were paid for Sarzana and the
neighbouring castle, which the Genoese Fregosi sold to the Republic, a
bargain which caused violent disputes afterwards. There was no lack of
complaints of the great expenses. Even before the war numerous failures
had taken place, and created a serious panic in the commercial world.
The war had crippled industry and commerce. The government could not
blind itself to the prevailing discontent, and if they sought to amuse
the crowd by festivals in honour of foreign princes, and in other ways,
they only increased the expenses of the city. The Duke of Calabria, who
had his winter quarters in the Pisan territory, was twice in Florence
in the autumn of 1467, where great honour was shown to the son of the
most powerful of the allies. In the following May, after the peace,
he resided in Pisa, and informed Lorenzo de’ Medici, through Luigi
Pulci,[156] that he thought of spending the festival of St. John at
Florence, and recommended him to see that it should be brilliantly
celebrated.
Pleasure-making and expensive pursuits were certainly ill-adapted to
the frame of mind which prevailed in Florence in the latter times of
the war, and to the general condition of affairs. ‘The whole city,’
wrote Niccolò Roberti, the Ferrarese ambassador, to Duke Borso, on
January 12, 1468,[157] ‘is discontented and in the worst humour. Not
only enemies, but even most friends, agree in the opinion, that if
peace be not soon concluded, all must emigrate, or something new be
resolved on, for it is no longer possible to bear the burdens. Few
people work, and shops are daily closed. The one consolation is, that
peace cannot be far distant. Three days ago a meeting of the council
took place, and it was determined to collect money for the equipment
of twenty galleys, as it is said the Duke of Milan and King Ferrante
intend to put a powerful fleet to sea, and attack Venice in the gulf,
if she does not agree to peace. It is certainly whispered by some
that if the money were to be had, Piero de’ Medici would take it for
himself.’ So little satisfactory was the state of affairs, and so
great the discontent. When peace was concluded after long uncertainty,
a contagious illness tormented the citizens. ‘The pestilence is in
many houses here,’—thus writes the ambassador from Ferrara on August
12—‘and although, on account of the imperfection of the statistical
reports, the number of deaths cannot be ascertained, they are estimated
at from six or eight daily. Piero de’ Medici shuts himself up, and, it
is said, will go to Careggi next week.’ Public festivals were rather
out of place.
Lorenzo was then nineteen years old. As his father was hindered by
ill-health from appearing in public, or taking an active share in
civic festivities, the gifted young man, who had shown in the Pitti
conspiracy how ripe was his understanding, and how he could combine
forethought with prompt action, naturally was brought prominently
before the public. In festivities he took the foremost place, as became
the position of his family and his own inclinations. On February 7,
1469, a festival took place at Florence, which forms a brilliant page,
not only in the history of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s life, but also in
the history of Italian poetry of the time closely connected with it.
Niccolò Machiavelli, in describing this tournament, accuses Lorenzo of
having sought to amuse the people in order to avert their attention
from his politics. Savonarola had expressed the same opinion long
before. But it is unfair to ascribe the splendid tourneys of Lorenzo,
the spirited amusements then common to high-born and vivacious youths,
to indirect political motives. When in 1467 Braccio Martelli, the
son of a distinguished family allied by friendship with the Medici,
celebrated his marriage, there was a tournament, in which Lorenzo de’
Medici took part. Among the young ladies present was Lucrezia Donati.
The name of the ancient and ambitious race from which she sprang was
mentioned in the first ranks of those who in the days of Guelphs and
Ghibellines, and afterwards in those of the White and Black factions,
filled the city with sanguinary quarrels. Dante Alighieri, who allied
himself in marriage to that family without making peace with them, has
bestowed on Piccarda, a daughter of the Donati—of whom he makes her
brother Forese say, he knows not whether her beauty or her goodness is
her greatest ornament—a crown whose glory far outshines historical
fame.[158] In the introduction to one of his youthful poems, which will
be mentioned afterwards, Lorenzo has described the object of his early
love, whose name, never mentioned by him, has been made known by his
friends and admirers. The story of the rise of his love is a mixture
of truth and fiction, as he connects it with the death of a young girl
who was beloved by Lorenzo’s brother, a circumstance which belonged,
however, to a later time. We know nothing of Lucrezia Donati but what
is said of her by the young poet—who at this tournament begged for
a wreath of violets which she held in her hand, and promised to give
a similar entertainment in her honour—and what his friends say of
her, one of whom puts a verse into her mouth, in the pompous style
of the stilted poetry of the fifteenth century which Lorenzo mainly
contributed to do away with; while another seeks to persuade her to
return the young man’s love.
Nearly two years passed before Lorenzo could fulfil his promise at
the wedding of Braccio Martelli. The times were not favourable for
festivities. At length the Piazza Sta. Croce witnessed the brilliant
spectacle. The Piazza differed from the present one in the appearance
of the surrounding buildings, but its form was the same, and well
suited for such purposes, so that many a grand pageant had been
displayed here. Tournaments were in vogue then and at a much later
period. And though they were mostly free from danger, they yet afforded
opportunity to exhibit and to try knightly skill, while they led to
a not ignoble expenditure of money, to the display of costly weapons
and beautiful horses, and to an ingenious though sometimes affected
invention of devices and emblems. Numerous were the distinguished
young men who took part in the chivalrous games. Besides two stranger
knights, Lorenzo’s brother-in-law, Guglielmo Pazzi, and his brother
Francesco, two Pitti, Donigi Pucci, Salvestro Benci, Benedetto
Salutati, Braccio de’ Medici, Carlo Borromeo, Piero Vespucci, and
Jacopo Bracciolini, figured there. Who could have dreamed then that
more than one of the combatants would be victims to a plot against that
very Medici with whom all seemed to be at peace!
The costumes and state of all who took part in this tournament were
exceedingly splendid, and especially gorgeous was the array of
Lorenzo himself.[159] Before him rode nine trumpeters, and a page
bearing a red and white banner, and accompanied by two others. Next
came two squires in full armour, whom the Count of Urbino and Roberto
Sanseverino had placed at Lorenzo’s disposition; twelve young noblemen
on horseback, Giuliano de’ Medici in a tabard of silver brocade with
a silk doublet embroidered in pearls and silver, and a black velvet
baret cap, adorned with three feathers made of gold thread, set with
large pearls and rubies. The youth’s attire was estimated at eight
thousand ducats. Now came five mounted pages with fifers and drummers,
and then Lorenzo himself. He wore a surcoat with a shoulder-piece of
red and white silk, and across it a silk scarf embroidered with fresh
and withered roses, and the device ‘Le temps revient’ in large pearls.
On the velvet baret cap, adorned with a great number of pearls, he
wore a feather made of gold thread, set with rubies and diamonds,
and having in the centre a pearl of five hundred ducats value. The
diamond on his shield, called ‘Il Libro,’ was estimated at more than
two thousand ducats. The horse, a present of King Ferrante, which he
afterwards exchanged for one sent him by Borso d’Este, wore red and
white velvet housings, embroidered with pearls. When the tournament
began he laid aside the velvet surcoat, and attired himself in another
of Alexandrian velvet with gold fringes, and the golden lilies of
France in an azure field, which he wore also on the shield; while he
put on a helmet with three blue feathers, instead of the baret cap.
Ten young men on horseback and sixty-four on foot, armed and helmeted,
concluded the splendid procession, which, as we need not say, formed
the climax of this brilliant tournament. Lorenzo has made the following
note of the festivity and its result: ‘In order to do as others, I
appointed a tournament on the Piazza Santa Croce, with great splendour
and at great expense, so that it cost about ten thousand gold florins.
Although I was young and of no great skill, the first prize was awarded
to me, namely, a helmet inlaid with silver and surmounted by a figure
of Mars.’ We see that it was only a step from citizen to prince.
The court poet was not wanting. A long poem in eight-lined stanzas
describes the festival and those who took part in it, with all the
details and profuse display of mythological learning, and not without
allusions to a yet more glorious future. Whether it is by Luca Pulci
or by his more famous and talented brother, the poet of the Morgante,
remains undecided. It is hardly worthy of the latter, although it
is not wanting in poetical beauty; its chief fault lies, not in the
poverty of separate parts, but in the trivial subject and the fulsome
multiplication of details. Comparison with a later poem on a similar
subject throws into relief the deficiencies of this.[160]
Long after the tournament at Sta. Croce had taken place, poets
continued to celebrate the love of Lorenzo for Lucrezia Donati, and
Lorenzo did not cease to record his feelings of joy and sorrow, hope
and fear, as they rose and fell, in a series of sonnets and canzonets
which have procured one of the foremost and honoured places among the
poets of the fifteenth century for him in whose hand the fate of his
native country lay for years. But while the poet occupied himself
thus with the lady of his thoughts, the fortune of the man who was
to be the head of his family and his state took a decisive turn.
When he held the tournament he had been already betrothed for some
time; indeed, the tournament was intended to celebrate his betrothal!
Piero de’ Medici did not follow Cosimo’s principle of choosing for
his son and heir a bride among the daughters of the land. He seems to
have been indifferent to the aversion with which intermarriages with
foreign baronial families were generally regarded at Florence. Corso
Donati, the brother of Piccarda, had once aroused a rebellion against
himself which cost him his life, by proposing to offer his hand to
a daughter of Uguccione della Fagginola, the powerful partisan and
friend of Dante. The news that Lorenzo de’ Medici intended to enter
into an alliance with one of Rome’s oldest and greatest families was
heard with displeasure at Florence, because the people suspected
that the object was to raise himself above the ordinary position of
a citizen, and to seek foreign support. Clarice degli Orsini[161]
was the daughter of Jacopo, lord of Monterondo, and of his second
wife, Maddalena, daughter of Carlo, lord of Bracciano, and sister of
Napoleon, who gave this castle its present grand form, and of Latino,
one of the most influential cardinals of his time, whom Pope Nicholas
V. adorned with the purple. Orso, Clarice’s grandfather, had met his
death at the battle of Zagonara, 1424, which was so disastrous for
the Florentines, and in which he had fought under Carlo Malatesta
for the Republic against the Visconti. Of her father, who possessed
in common with a brother the castle of Monte Rotondo, which stands
on a low hill, fifteen miles from Rome, commanding the Salarian road
leading to the Sabine hills, there is little to tell, except that he
founded a Minorite convent at this place, in Pope Nicholas V.’s reign.
In the beginning of 1467, when Lorenzo was only eighteen years old,
the negotiations had already begun between the two families; after the
youth had seen Clarice, probably on the occasion of the journey to
Naples as his father’s representative, and, apparently, without her or
her mother’s previous knowledge. The plan of the union had undoubtedly
originated with a maternal uncle of the bride, Roberto, who took part
in the Colleonic war, and fought at La Molinella. In March of the same
year, Lucrezia de’ Medici repaired to Rome, to conclude the affair
with her brother Giovanni Tornabuoni, who seems to have conducted
the preliminary proceedings. The letter which she addressed to her
husband on her first meeting with her future daughter-in-law and her
family[162] is a characteristic example of the manners of the time,
as well as of the views of a family which combined the positions of
citizen and prince in so exceptional a manner:
‘I have repeatedly written to you on my way, and informed you of the
state of the roads. On Thursday I arrived here, and was received by
Giovanni with a joy which you may imagine. I have received your letter
of the 21st, and it made me happy to learn your pain has entirely
ceased. But each day seems a year to me till I am again with you, to
your joy and mine.
‘As I was going to St. Peter’s on Thursday, I met Madonna Maddalena
Orsini, the cardinal’s sister, with her daughter, fifteen or sixteen
years old. The latter was attired in the Roman style, with the
handkerchief on her head, and appeared to me very beautiful in this
costume, of fair complexion and tall; but as she was veiled, I could
not see her so well as I wished. Yesterday I went to see the aforesaid
Monsignore Orsini, who was at his sister’s house, adjoining his own.
When I had spoken to him in your name, his sister entered with the
daughter, who wore a closely-fitting dress, such as the Roman women
wear, and was without kerchief on the head. Our conversation lasted
for some time, so that I had opportunity of looking at her. The girl
is, as I have said, above the middle height, of fair complexion and
pleasant manners, and, if less beautiful than our daughters, of great
modesty; so that it will be easy to teach her our manners. She is not
blonde, for no one is so here, and her thick hair has a reddish tinge.
Her face is round in shape, but does not displease me. The neck is
beautiful, but rather thin, or, more properly, delicately shaped: the
bosom I could not see, as they cover it entirely here, but it seems to
me well-formed. She does not bear her head so proudly as our girls do,
but inclining a little forwards, which I ascribe to the timidity that
seems to predominate in her. Her hands are long and delicate. On the
whole, the girl seems to be far above the ordinary type, but she is not
to be compared to Maria, Lucrezia, and Bianca. Lorenzo has seen her
himself, and you can hear from him whether she pleases him. I am sure
that whatever he and you decide will be good. May God rule it for the
best.
‘The girl’s father is Signor Jacopo Orsini of Monterotondo, her mother
the cardinal’s sister. She has two brothers: one has devoted himself
to arms, and stands in good repute with the lord Orso; the other is
priest and Papal sub-deacon. They possess the half of Monterotondo,
the other half of which belongs to their uncle, who has two sons and
three daughters. Besides this, three castles belong to them—that is
to say, to the brothers of the girl, and, as far as I hear, they are
rich, and likely to be richer. For, not to mention that they are on
their mother’s side nephews of the cardinal, the archbishop, Napoleon,
and the knight, they are on the father’s side cousins in the second
degree to these lords, who have a great affection for them. This is
about all that I have learned. If you decide to await our return before
proceeding to other measures, do what seems good to you. I think of
leaving on Monday week, and will write to you on the way. We shall
be there at the time fixed. May God’s grace lead us safely home, and
preserve you in health. I do not write to Madonna Contessina because
it seems unnecessary. Recommend me to her, and greet the girls and
Lorenzo and Giuliano.—Your
‘LUCREZIA.[163]
‘ROME, March 28, 1467.’
In a letter addressed to Piero shortly before the departure she says,
‘If you will hear my opinion at my return, I believe you will be
satisfied, especially as the girl pleases Lorenzo. We have not seen
her again, and I know not if we shall; but that does not signify. You
say I express myself coldly; I do so in order to attain the end more
certainly, and believe that there is here no marriageable girl more
beautiful.’
The remainder of the year 1467, and the greater part of the following,
was occupied in treaties. In November 1468 Filippo de’ Medici,
Archbishop of Pisa, a distant relative of Cosimo’s line, went to Rome,
in order to proceed to a conclusion, and the choice of a high prelate
shows in itself what position the Medici took and meant to maintain
towards the distinguished Romans. Piero’s brother-in-law at last came
to an agreement with the Orsini with respect to the conditions. On
November 27, the bride’s uncle, Cardinal Latino, wrote as follows
to Piero de’ Medici:[164] ‘Magnifice vir, affinis tanquam frater
carissime, salutem. With great joy have we ratified what Giovanni
Tornabuoni conveyed to us on your behalf. Thank God, I hope it is
concluded for the welfare of your house and ours, for it is a joy to
us old people as well as to the women and young folks. At Christmas
we hope to see our nephew Lorenzo, or at least his brother. We shall
organise festivities, brilliant, or modest, or simple, just as you like
and will inform us, as all our thoughts will only be directed towards
carrying out your wishes. Be assured all that we are and have is at
your disposal. Take care, therefore, to preserve yourselves in health
and joy, for you, like us, can need nothing else.’ On the same day the
Archbishop of Pisa wrote to Piero, to announce to him the conclusion of
the contract:[165] Clarice’s dowry was to amount to six thousand Roman
scudi in gold and trousseau. Should she die childless and without a
will, the dowry was to revert to her family. Otherwise the conditions
were drawn up, half according to Roman and half according to Florentine
customs. ‘I was present at the conclusion, and the compact seems to
me honourable and reasonable. You do not need the possessions of
others, and yours remain to you. Illustrious Piero, I esteem the new
relationship very highly, much more that these (the Orsini) have shown
themselves so willing and ready to ally themselves with you. This must
be a great satisfaction to you, which, with God’s permission, will
increase every day for you and us. With a hundred tongues I should not
be able to express my joy to you.’ At the same time the Archbishop
begged him to send the mandate of proxy for the marriage speedily, if
Lorenzo could not come to Rome personally. No announcement had yet been
made to the Pope, but the matter could not long remain a secret, as
many, the Pazzi among others, knew of it.
Neither Lorenzo nor Giuliano went to Rome, and Filippo de’ Medici
represented the former at the marriage. ‘I know not,’ he wrote to
him,[166] ‘where I shall begin in order to inform your Magnificence
that I have to-day espoused the noble and illustrious Madonna Clarice
degli Orsini in your name; according to my opinion, a maiden of such
physical gifts, appearance, and manners, that she deserves no other
bridegroom than him whom, I believe, heaven has destined for her. You
must thank God for the protection which he has afforded you in this
as in other things depending on good luck.’ The bride remained for a
time with her parents, as was not unfrequent in such cases. Lorenzo
seems to have had the intention of fetching her, an intention implied
by a letter of his mother-in-law addressed to him at the beginning of
March 1469.[167] What hindered him is not known; that the new relations
should have wished to see him in Rome is very natural. Meanwhile,
letters were exchanged between him and his bride. ‘Illustrious
consort,’ wrote Clarice on February 25, ‘I have received a letter from
you, which has given me great pleasure, and wherein you inform me of
the tournament at which you won the prize. I am glad you are successful
in what gives you pleasure, and that my prayer is heard, as I have no
other wish than to see you happy. Recommend me to my father Piero and
my mother Lucrezia, and Madonna Contessina, and all who are near to
you. At the same time I recommend myself to you. I have nothing else to
add.—Your CLARICE DE URSINIS.’ Rinaldo Orsini also congratulated his
brother-in-law on his success in the tournament.
On May 15, 1469, Clarice left Rome, and on her arrival in Florence
lodged at the house of Bernardo degli Alessandri, in the Borgo degli
Albizzi.[168] The marriage festivity was fixed for Sunday, June 4. Two
days before, all the cities and localities of the Florentine territory
had sent presents to the Medici—food, sweetmeats, wine, and wax; among
these, 150 calves, and more than two thousand pairs of capons and hens,
a kind of tribute or donation brought to rulers on family festivals and
other occasions. The present was divided between 800 friendly citizens.
On the appointed day Clarice made her entry into the Medicean house;
she wore a dress of brocade, white and gold, with a splendid mantle,
after the Florentine fashion, and rode the horse presented by King
Ferrante. Trumpeters and fifers marched in front, the bridesmen walked
beside, and behind rode Messer Carlo and Messer Tommaso de’ Medici,
surrounded by their servants.
At the house, before which a splendid ball-room was erected in the Via
Larga, thirty richly clad young girls and matrons received the bride,
who was followed by an equal number, escorted by the bridesmen. When
they arrived, an olive-tree was drawn up to the upper windows by a
contrivance similar to that customary on the feast of St. John. Now
began the banquet. The bride and about fifty young matrons dined in
the loggia of the garden; in the colonnades enclosing the courtyard on
three sides about seventy of the most distinguished men; in the hall
of the ground floor about thirty-six young people; and in the hall of
the first storey forty elder ladies with Madonna Lucrezia. On the whole
there were about two hundred guests. Forty youths of good families
served as stewards. The dishes were carried in preceded by trumpets
at the large door on the street-side, and the arrangement was so
perfect that they stood at the same moment on every separate table, the
stewards directing the whole with the carvers and bearers. The number
of dishes amounted to fifty, over each of which two carvers presided.
The number of courses was not great, ‘in order to give the citizens
an example of moderation, which must not be forgotten at weddings.’
At dinner soup, boiled and roast meat, cakes and sweetmeats; in
the evening jelly, roast meat, cakes and sweetmeats. The wines were
Malvasie, the native light and somewhat sharp wine called Trebbiano,
and several very excellent red wines. The quantity of silver plate was
moderate, consisting of spoons, knives, forks, salt-cellars, great
bowls for cooling the wine, and others for washing the hands. In the
court, around the column which bears Donatello’s statue of David, stood
four tables covered with cloths, and upon these great brazen bowls
with glasses, and beside these tables the cellarers, who offered wine
and water to those serving at table. There was a similar arrangement
in the garden round the fountain. So on Sunday, Monday, and on the
forenoon of Tuesday, the banquets took place, in which, on the whole,
about four hundred distinguished citizens shared. Beside these first
tables, in the house itself, and at Messer Carlo de’ Medici’s, covers
were laid for about a thousand guests, and all respectable persons who
came to offer congratulations found a breakfast ready in the rooms
adjoining the loggia. In the house of Messer Carlo a hundred casks of
wine were daily emptied. Food, sweetmeats, and wine were sent to the
citizens who had a share in the wedding gifts, as well as to several
ecclesiastical orders. The quantity of sweetmeats was calculated at
more than five thousand pounds. The guests assembled in the forenoon,
rested for a time after dinner, and then danced on the boarded floor
before the house, which we have mentioned, the walls of which were hung
with embroidered carpets, and which was covered with large cloths,
violet, green, and white, with the arms of the Medici and Orsini.
Before the dance began, the trumpeters blew, and sweetmeats and wine
were served. The weather was fine with the exception of the Monday,
when a sudden shower of rain disturbed the pleasure and spoiled many
a costly dress. When the bride, early on Tuesday, accompanied by all
the bridesmen and bridesmaids, went to hear mass at San Lorenzo, all
appeared in rich new costumes. About fifty more or less valuable rings
were presented to the newly-married pair, with a silver sweetmeat dish,
a piece of brocade, and from Messer Gentile Becchi, an office of the
Madonna of wonderful beauty, golden letters on an ultramarine ground,
with miniatures, and a binding of crystal and silver, which is said to
have cost 200 florins.[169] After divine service on Tuesday there was a
joust of arms, after which Clarice once more rode to the house of the
Alessandri in the same costume which she had worn on Sunday, and with
the same escort.
Thus was the marriage of Lorenzo de’ Medici and Clarice degliOrsini
celebrated. In Lorenzo’s oft-mentioned notices we find the event spoken
of in the following words:—‘I, Lorenzo, took to wife Clarice, the
daughter of the lord Jacopo Orsini, or rather she was given to me, in
December 1468, and I celebrated the marriage in our house on June 4,
1469.’ These words he wrote some months after the birth of Piero, who
came into the world on February 15, 1471. A daughter had preceded him,
for whom King Ferrante stood sponsor. She was named Lucrezia after the
grandmother; it was at the same time the name of her who was the object
of the father’s poetical homage, years before. Clarice was again about
to be a mother when the above named notice was written. ‘God leave her
long in our midst, and preserve her from all harm.’ The words betray
more feeling than the expressions about the wedding. But we should be
mistaken if we regarded the ‘mi fu data’ as an indication of coldness.
It would be a misunderstanding of the _naïveté_ with which the events
of life were judged and spoken of at the time. Lorenzo de’ Medici saw
no harm in simply mentioning the fact, as it was not only in his case
but generally customary, as indeed it still is in Italy. The parents
chose their children-in-law, and choose them still. And his friends saw
as little harm in celebrating the bridegroom and husband of Clarice
Orsini as the poetical admirer of Lucrezia Donati.
In July, Lorenzo, in company with his two brothers-in-law, Guglielmo
de Pazzi and Bernardo Rucellai, the chancellor Bartolommeo Scala, his
former tutor, Gentile Becchi, Francesco Nori, one of the most zealous
adherents of the family, and others, repaired to Milan, to stand
sponsor in his father’s name to the son (born June 20) of Galeazzo
Maria Sforza, who had married, in the preceding summer, Bona of Savoy,
the daughter of Duke Louis and Anna of Lusignan, and sister-in-law to
King Louis XI.[170] The child was the unhappy Gian Galeazzo, who was
destined to fall a sacrifice to family intrigues, which the Sforzas
had inherited from their predecessors. Not only the child to whom
Lorenzo stood sponsor had an unhappy fate; the father and mother also
experienced vicissitude of fortune. But then all was brilliant and
joyful, and the Medici appeared like princes. ‘I was much honoured,’
says Lorenzo, ‘more than any of those who had come for the like
purpose, even though they were above me in dignity. In order to do what
was fitting, we presented the duchess with a gold chain and a large
diamond, which had cost about three thousand ducats. The result was
that the duke wished me to stand sponsor to all his children.’[171]
Immediately after his arrival at Milan, Lorenzo had written to Clarice.
The letter[172] is simple, but warm. ‘I have arrived here without any
mishap, and am well. This, I think, will be more welcome to you than
any other news, excepting my return, for so it is with me, who long
for you, and wish to be again with you. Be good company to Piero, Mona
Contessina and Mona Lucrezia. I shall finish my business here quickly
and return to you, for it seems to me a thousand years till I see you
again. Pray God for me, and if you wish for anything from here, let me
know it before I depart.—Your LORENZO DE’ MEDICI.’ The details wanting
in this short letter were contained at full length in another addressed
to Clarice by Gentile Becchi, enumerating all the civilities shown to
Lorenzo during his journey, which took eight days, from Florence to
Milan. Lorenzo de’ Medici had scarcely returned four months, when the
event occurred which placed him at the head of his family and the State.
‘Piero our father,’ so he writes in his notices, ‘quitted this life on
December 2 (3), 1469, at the age of fifty-three, after long rheumatic
sufferings. He did not wish to make a will, but after his death an
inventory was made which showed an amount of 237,982 scudi, as was
proved by the memoranda made by my hand on p. 32 of our large green
parchment-book. He was interred in San Lorenzo, where we are now
erecting a tomb, as worthy as we can devise, for the reception of the
mortal remains and those of his brother Giovanni. May God grant mercy
to their souls. His loss was sincerely regretted by the whole town, for
he was a just man and of great kindness of heart. The Italian princes,
especially the greater ones, consoled us by letters of condolence
and embassies, and offered their assistance for our protection.’ The
funeral procession was simple, as the deceased had wished it. Three
years after his departure, the monument which the son mentions was set
up in San Lorenzo, where it is let into the wall which separates the
sacristy from the sacraments-chapel then dedicated to SS. Cosmo and
Damian. It consists of a tomb of red porphyry, resting on four lions’
paws on a pedestal, and ornamented at the four corners and on the top
with rich antique foliage and beautifully formed cornucopias of bronze.
This sarcophagus stands in a round arched window niche, enclosed by an
elegant railing, the upper part of which is occupied by net-like bronze
interlacings, with artistically twisted knots. On the front we read in
a full wreath of foliage and flowers, ‘Petro et Johanni de’ Medici
Cosmi P.P.F.,’ and on the pedestal ‘Laurent. et Jul. Petri F.’ Andrea
del Verrocchio executed this excellent work, which exceeds in artistic
value many more splendid monuments by its tasteful simplicity.[173]
The opinions of contemporaries and later writers on Piero de’ Medici
are pretty unanimous. Donato Acciaiuoli, then captain of Volterra,
wrote immediately after the event to Lorenzo.[174] ‘When shall we find
another so reasonable in council, so just, true, mild in character, so
loving towards home, relations, friends, so worthy of respect, as your
excellent father, who has been taken from us to our great sorrow. When
we see the whole nation saddened at his loss—the neighbouring towns,
ecclesiastics and laymen, people of every rank—how much must not you,
his family, suffer, with myself and his other intimate friends, for
whom the general loss was a personal one?’ The high character of the
man who wrote these words gives them a higher value than that of an
ordinary letter of condolence. ‘Florence,’ says Machiavelli, in the
seventh book of the Florentine History, ‘could not perfectly recognise
the value and kindness of this man, because he only survived his
father for a few years, and this short time was occupied by internal
difficulties of the State and his own illness.’ In a similar strain
Francesco Guicciardini[175] says: ‘His death saddened the whole town
on account of his reasonable and mild disposition. Of his zeal for the
common good he gave proof in 1466, for he punished only where it was
necessary, and would have proceeded still more cautiously had not many
of his partizans urged him on.’ To these opinions we can add that of
a man in whom the Medicean family traditions of the older time still
lived, which he had known through his parents, Alessandri de Pazzi,
Piero’s grandson. ‘He was,’ so speaks he of his grandfather,[176]
‘rather a good man and anxious for the good of all than the head of a
party. Unfortunately, he was much troubled with rheumatism, and for
some time nearly lamed by it. It thus chanced that his position was
endangered in 1466. Not only were several friends from Cosimo’s time
already dead, but fresh accessions to their number was small, because
the Medici did not take so much pains to conciliate as formerly.’
That Piero’s relation to the distinguished and influential members
of his party was not that of his father is evident. If his character
had been different, his health stronger, and his action prompter, he
would still have not attained to Cosimo’s authority, the fruit of many
years’ experience and unusually favourable circumstances. It had even
been difficult for Cosimo, with all his skill and activity, to attach
permanently to him men who only acknowledged his supremacy because
it was for their interest to do so. ‘In Florence,’ says Francesco
Guicciardini,[177] ‘the citizens love equality by nature, and yield
unwillingly when they should acknowledge anyone as their superior.
Besides this, our head men are restless and active, so that the few
who guide affairs do not understand each other; and in the desire to
surpass each other, one draws in one direction and one in the other,
whence it naturally follows that the guidance is uncertain. This
disinclination to the preponderance of others has for its result, that
on the slightest occasion the existing government falls into ruin. For
as the greatness of others displeases all who do not belong to their
circle, so it cannot exist if it has not a sure foundation. But where
shall this sure foundation be, when they who have the power in their
hands at this minute are disunited?’ If we could give full credit to
Machiavelli, Piero de’ Medici, uneasy at the increasing arbitrariness
of his own partisans, after the failure of the conspiracy of 1466,
and urged by his conscience, was only prevented by his death from
attempting to neutralise the influence of his overpowerful friends. In
order to cover his responsibility, as he was no longer able to restrain
their ambition and covetousness, he had called them to him in order
to represent to them into what danger they brought the commonwealth
by their appropriation of all offices and honourable positions, as
well as by the heavy pressure exercised on all the citizens. As his
representations availed nothing, he determined to put himself into
communication with the moderate among the opponents who were living in
exile, and Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli, the calmest and most reasonable
of all, was secretly summoned to his country-seat, Cafaggiuolo, in
order to consult with him. Had he lived longer, he would have recalled
the exiles in order to put an end to the system of plunder of the
prevailing party. It is as doubtful whether this information be
correct as it is uncertain, in the peculiar position of the political
parties, whether a measure of this kind, the carrying out of which
would have dissolved the prevailing Medicean faction, would have been
possible without a deep and dangerous convulsion. The Medici were too
firmly united to their party to separate from it so easily, and to
ally themselves with those who had just threatened to ruin them by
conspiracy and war.[178]
Placed between a celebrated father and a more celebrated son, Piero
de’ Medici, who did not guide the State much above five years, stands
necessarily in the shade. But it would be a mistake to believe that
he was despised. The respect which so practised a politician as King
Ferrante constantly showed him was not caused by interested motives
only. In the Colleonic war, only Naples and Florence were united, and
Piero had actively influenced this good understanding: but for him
the distrust awakened in the councils by the backward preparations of
the Neapolitans would have prevailed.[179] The king attached great
importance to Piero’s approval, and repeatedly commissioned his
ambassador as well as his son never to act otherwise than according to
his opinion and sensible advice. When Alfonso of Calabria joined the
army in August 1467 (when there was nothing more to do), he wrote to
him as follows: ‘If it appear fitting to the illustrious Piero that
you go to Florence, we would remind you that you have to employ all
industry and zeal, and to take all pains to do honour to yourself,
and to appear a son worthy of us. Set all your ingenuity to work by
means of expressions of kindness and politeness, such as are due to
the friendship which the illustrious Florentine people has concluded
with us.’[180] Beside Piero, the Duke was especially to consult Messer
Tommaso Soderini and Antonio Ridolfi, and adapt himself so to the
wishes of the Florentine government as if they were the commands of his
royal father.