Here the all-day’s battle was fought between the Virginians behind

their breastworks and in their trenches, and the French and Indians on

the ascending wooded hill-sides. The rain which began to fall soon

flooded Mackaye’s men out of their trenches. No other change of

position was made. And, so far as the battle went, the English

doggedly held their own. In the contest with hunger and rain however,

they were fighting a losing battle. The horses and cattle escaped and

were slaughtered by the enemy. The provisions were being exhausted and

the ammunition was spending fast. As the afternoon waned, though there

was some cessation of musketry fire, many guns being rendered useless

by the rain, the smoking little swivels were made to do double duty.

They bellowed their fierce defiance with unwonted zest as night came

on, giving to the English an appearance of strength which they were

far from possessing. The hungry soldiers made up for the lack of food

from the abundance of liquor, which, in their exhausted state had more

than its usual effect. By nightfall half the little doomed army was

intoxicated. No doubt, had Villiers dared to rush the entrenchments,

the English would have been annihilated. The hopelessness of their

condition could not have been realized by the foe on the hills.

But it was realized by the young Colonel commanding. And as he looked

about him in the wet twilight of that July day, what a dismal ending

of his first campaign it must have seemed. Fifty-four of his three

hundred and four men were killed or wounded in that little palisaded

enclosure. Provisions and ammunition were about gone. Horses and

cattle were gone. Many of the small arms were useless. The army was

surrounded by _Le Grande Villiers_, watchfully abiding his time. And

there was comedy with the tragedy--half the tired men were under the

influence of the only stimulant that could be spared. What mercy could

be hoped for from the brother of the dead Jumonville? A fight to the

death, or at least a captivity at Fort Duquesne or Quebec was all that

could be expected--for had not Jumonville’s party already been sent

into Virginia as captives?

[Illustration:

Battle

at the

Great Meadows

July 3^d 1751

JARED SPARK’S

DRAWING IN

“WRITINGS OF

WASHINGTON”]

At eight in the evening the French requested a parley and Washington

refused to consider the suggestion. Why should a parley be desired

with an enemy in such a hopeless strait as they? It was clear that

Villiers had resorted to this strategy to gain better information of

their condition. But the request was soon repeated, and this time

Villiers asked for a parley between the lines. To this Washington

readily acceded, and Captain van Braam went to meet le Mercier, who

brought a verbal proposition for the capitulation of Fort Necessity

from Villiers. To this proposition Washington and his officers

listened. Twice the commissioners were sent to Villiers to submit

modifications demanded by Washington. They returned a third time

with the articles reduced to writing--but in French. Washington

depended upon van Braam’s poor knowledge of French and mongrel English

for a verbal translation. Jumonville’s death was referred to as an

assassination though van Braam Englished the word “death”--perhaps

thinking there was no other translation of the French _l’assassinat_.

By the light of a flickering candle, which the mountain wind

frequently extinguished, the rain falling upon the company, George

Washington signed this, his first and last capitulation.

ARTICLE 1st. We permit the English Commander to withdraw with

all the garrison, in order that he may return peaceably to his

country, and to shield him from all insult at the hands of our

French, and to restrain the savages who are with us as much as

may be in our power.

ART. 2nd. He shall be permitted to withdraw and to take with

him whatever belongs to his troops, _except the artillery,

which we reserve for ourselves_.

ART. 3d. We grant them the honors of war; they shall withdraw

with beating drums, and with a small piece of cannon, wishing

by this means to show that we consider them friends.

ART. 4th. As soon as these articles shall be signed by both

parties, they shall take down the English flag.

ART. 5th. Tomorrow at daybreak a detachment of French shall

lead forth the garrison and take possession of the aforesaid

fort.

ART. 6th. Since the English have scarcely any horses or oxen

left, they shall be allowed to hide their property, in order

that they may return to seek for it after they shall have

recovered their horses; for this purpose they shall be

permitted to leave such number of troops as guards as they may

think proper, _under this condition, that they give their word

of honor that they will work on no establishment either in the

surrounding country or beyond the Highlands during one year

beginning from this day_.

ART. 7th. Since the English have in their power an officer and

two cadets, and, in general, all the prisoners whom they took

_when they murdered Lord Jumonville_, they now promise to send

them, with an escort to Fort Duquesne, situated on Belle River;

and to secure the safe performance of this treaty article, _as

well as of the treaty_, Messrs. Jacob van Braam and Robert

Stobo, both Captains, shall be delivered to us as hostages

until the arrival of our French and Canadians herein before

mentioned.

We on our part declare that we shall give an escort to send

back in safety the two officers who promise us our French in

two months and a half at the latest.

Copied on one of the posts of our block-house the same day and

year as before.

(Signed.) MESSRS. JAMES MACKAYE, GO.

GO. WASHINGTON,

COULON VILLIER.

The parts printed in italics were those misrepresented by van Braam.

The words “_pendent une annee a compter de ce jour_” are not found in

the articles printed by the French government, as though it repudiated

Villier’s intimation that the English should ever return. Yet within a

year--lacking nine days--an English army, eight times as great as the

one now capitulating, marched across this battle-field. The nice

courtesy shown by the young Colonel in allowing Captain Mackaye’s name

to take precedence over his own, is significant, as Mackaye, a King’s

officer, had never considered himself amenable to Washington’s orders,

and his troops had steadily refused to bear the brunt of the

campaign--working on the road or transporting guns and baggage. In the

trenches, however, the Carolinians did their duty.

And so, on the morning of July 4th, the red-uniformed Virginians and

the King’s troops marched out from Fort Necessity between the files of

French, with all the honors of war and _tambour battant_. Much baggage

had to be destroyed to save it from the Indians whom the French could

not restrain. Such was the condition of the men--the wounded being

carried on stretchers--that only three miles could be made on the

homeward march the first day. However glorious later July Fourths may

have seemed to Washington, memories of this distress and gloom and

humiliation served to temper his transports. The report of the

officers of the Virginia regiment made at Will’s Creek, where they

arrived July 9th, shows thirteen killed, fifty-three wounded, thirteen

left lame on the road, twenty-one sick, and one hundred sixty-five fit

for duty.

On August 30th, the Virginian House of Burgesses passed a vote of

thanks to “Colonel George Washington, Captain Mackaye of his Majesty’s

Independent Company, and the officers under his command,” for their

“gallant and brave Behavior in Defence of their Country.” The sting of

defeat was softened by a public realization of the odds of the contest

and the failure of Dinwiddie to forward reinforcements and supplies.

But the young hero was deeply chagrined at his being duped to

recognize Jumonville’s death as an assassination. Captain van Braam,

being held in disrepute for what was probably nothing more culpable

than carelessness, was not named in the vote of thanks tendered

Washington’s officers. But this chagrin was no more cutting than the

obstinacy of Dinwiddie in refusing to fulfil the article of the treaty

concerning the return of the French prisoners. For this there was

little or no valid excuse, and Dinwiddie’s action in thus playing fast

and loose with Washington’s reputation was as galling to the young

Colonel as it was heedless of his country’s honor and the laws of war.

Washington’s first visit to the Ohio had proven French occupation of

that great valley. This, his second mission, had proven their power.

With this campaign began his military career. “Although as yet a

youth,” writes Sparks, “with small experience, unskilled in war, and

relying on his own resources, he had behaved with the prudence,

address, courage, and firmness of a veteran commander. Rigid in

discipline, but sharing the hardships and solicitous for the welfare

of his soldiers, he had secured their obedience and won their esteem

amidst privations, sufferings and perils that have seldom been

surpassed.”

III.

FORT NECESSITY AND ITS HERO.

On a plateau surrounded by low ground at the western extremity of

classic Great Meadows, Fort Necessity was built, and there may be seen

today the remains of its palisades.

The site was not chosen because of its strategic location but because,

late in that May day, a century and a half ago, a little army hurrying

forward to find any spot where it could defend itself, selected it

because of the supply of water afforded by the brooks.

From the hill to the east the young Commander no doubt looked with

anxious eyes upon this well watered meadow, and perhaps he decided

quickly to make his resistance here. As he neared the spot his hopes

rose, for he found that the plateau was surrounded by wet ground and

able to be approached only from the southern side. Moreover the

plateau contained “natural fortifications,” as Washington termed them,

possibly gullies torn through it sometime when the brooks were out of

banks.

Here Washington quickly ensconced his men. From their trenches, as

they looked westward for the French, lay the western extremity of

Great Meadows covered with bushes and rank grasses. To their

right--the north--the meadow marsh stretched more than a hundred

yards to the gently ascending wooded hillside. Behind them lay the

eastern sweep of meadows, and to their left, seventy yards distant,

the wooded hillside to the south. The high ground on which they lay

contained about forty square rods, and was bounded on the north by

Great Meadows brook and on the east by a brooklet which descended from

the valley between the southern hills.

When, in the days following, Fort Necessity was raised, the palisades,

it is said, were made by erecting logs on one end, side by side, and

throwing dirt against them from both sides. As there were no trees in

the meadow, the logs were brought from the southern hillside over the

narrow neck of solid ground to their place. On the north the palisade

was made to touch the waters of the brook. Without its embankments on

the south and west sides, two trenches were dug parallel with the

embankments, to serve as rifle-pits. Bastion gateways, three in

number, were made in the western palisade.

The first recorded survey of Fort Necessity was made by Mr. Freeman

Lewis, senior author, with Mr. James Veech, of “The Monongahela of

Old,” in 1816. This survey was first reproduced in Lowdermilk’s

“History of Cumberland”; it is described by Mr. Veech in “The

Monongahela of Old,” and has been reproduced, as authoritative, by the

authors of “Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania” published in 1895 by the

State of Pennsylvania. The embankments are described thus by Mr. Veech

on the basis of his collaborator’s survey: “It (Fort Necessity) was in

the form of an obtuse-angled triangle of 105 degrees, having its base

or hypothenuse upon the run. The line of the base was about midway,

sected or broken, and about two perches of it thrown across the run,

connecting with the base by lines of the triangle. One line of the

angle was six, the other seven perches; the base line eleven perches

long, including the section thrown across the run. The lines embraced

in all about fifty square perches of land on (or?) nearly one third of

an acre.”

This amusing statement has been seriously quoted by the authorities

mentioned, and a map is made according to it and published in the

“Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania” without a word as to its

inconsistencies! How could a triangle, the sides of which measure six,

seven and eleven rods, contain fifty square rods or one third of an

acre? It could not contain half that amount.

The present writer went to Fort Necessity armed with this two page map

of Fort Necessity in the “Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania” which he

trusted as authoritative. The present owner of the land, Mr. Lewis

Fazenbaker objected to the map, and it was only in trying to prove its

correctness that its inconsistencies were discovered.

The mounds now standing on the ground are drawn on the appended chart

“Diagrams of Fort Necessity” as lines C A B E. By a careful survey of

them by Mr. Robert McCracken C. E., sides C A and A B are found to be

the identical mounds surveyed by Mr. Lewis, the variation in direction

being exceedingly slight and easily accounted for by erosion. The

direction of Mr. Lewis’ sides were N 25 W and S 80 W: their direction

by Mr. McCracken’s survey are N 22 W and S 80.30 W. This proves beyond

a shadow of a doubt that the embankments surveyed in 1816 and 1901

are identical.

But the third mound B E runs utterly at variance with Mr. Lewis’

figure. By him its direction was 59¼ E; its present direction is S

76 E. The question then arises; Is this mound the one that Mr. Lewis

surveyed? Nothing could be better evidence that it is than the very

egregious error Mr. Lewis made concerning the area contained within

his triangular embankment. He affirms that the area of Fort Necessity

was fifty square rods. Now take the line of B E for the hypothenuse of

the triangle and extend it to F where it would meet the projection of

side A C. _That triangle contains almost exactly 50 square rods or

one-third of an acre!_ The natural supposition must be that some one

had surveyed the triangle A F B and computed its area correctly as

about fifty square rods. The mere recording of this area is sufficient

evidence that the triangle A F B had been surveyed in 1816, and this

is sufficient proof that mound B E stood just as it stands today and

was considered in Mr. Lewis’ day as one of the embankments of Fort

Necessity.

[Illustration: MAP OF FORT NECESSITY IN “FRONTIER FORTS OF

PENNSYLVANIA” FOLLOWING SURVEY OF FREEMAN LEWIS.]

Now, why did Mr. Lewis ignore the embankment B E and the triangle A F

B which contained these fifty square rods he gave as the area of Fort

Necessity? For the very obvious reason that that triangle crossed the

brook and ran far into the marsh beyond. By every account the

palisades of Fort Necessity were made to extend on the north to touch

the brook, therefore it would be quite ridiculous to suppose the

palisades crossed the brook again on the east. Mr. Lewis, prepossessed

with the idea that the embankments must have been triangular in shape,

drew the line B C as the base of his triangle, bisecting it at M

and N, and making the loop M S N touch the brook. This design

(triangle A B C) of Fort Necessity is improbable for the following

reasons:

1. It has not one half the area Mr. Lewis gives it.

2. It would not include much more than one-half of the high ground of

the plateau, which was none too large for a fort.

3. There is no semblance of a mound B C nor any shred of testimony nor

any legend of its existence.

4. The mound B E is entirely ignored though there is the best of

evidence that it stood in Mr. Lewis’ day where it stands today and was

considered an embankment of Fort Necessity. Mr. Lewis gives exactly

the area of a triangle with it as a part of the base line.

5. Loop M S N would not come near the course of the brook without

extending it far beyond Mr. Lewis’ estimate of the length of its

sides.

6. Its area is only about 5200 square feet which would make Fort

Necessity unconscionably small in face of the fact that more high

ground was available.

In 1759 Colonel Burd visited the site of Fort Necessity. This was only

five years after it was built. He described its remains as circular in

shape. If it was originally a triangle it is improbable that it could

have appeared round five years later. If, however, it was originally

an irregular square it is not improbable that the rains and frosts of

five winters, combined with the demolition of the Fort by the French,

would have given the mounds a circular appearance. Was Fort Necessity,

then, built in the form of an irregular square? There is the best of

evidence that it was.

In 1830--fourteen years after Mr. Lewis’ “survey,”--Mr. Jared Sparks,

a careful historian and author of the standard work on Washington,

visited Fort Necessity. According to him its remains occupied “an

irregular square, the dimensions of which were about one hundred feet

on each side.” Mr. Sparks drew a map of the embankments which is

incorporated in his “Writings of Washington.” This drawing has not

been reproduced in any later work, the authors of both “History of

Cumberland” and “Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania” preferring to

reproduce Mr. Lewis’ inconsistent survey and speculation rather than

the drawing of what Mr. Sparks, himself, saw.

It is plain that Mr. Sparks found the embankment B E running in the

direction it does today and not at all in direction of the line B C as

Mr. Lewis drew it. By giving the approximate length of the sides as

one hundred feet, Mr. Sparks gives about the exact length of the line

B E in whatever direction it is extended to the brook. The fact that

such an exact scholar as Mr. Sparks does not mention a sign or

tradition of an embankment at B C, only fourteen years after Mr. Lewis

“surveyed” it, is evidence that it never existed which cannot come far

from convicting the latter of a positive intention to speculate.

Mr. Sparks gives us four sides for Fort Necessity. Three of these have

been described as C A, A B and the broken line B E D. Is there any

evidence of the fourth side such as indicated by the line C D? There

is.

When Mr. Fazenbaker first questioned the accuracy of the map of Fort

Necessity in “Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania,” he believed the fort

was a four sided construction and pointed to a small mound,

indicated at O, as the remains of the fourth embankment. The mound

would not be noticed in a hasty view of the field but, on examination

proves to be an artificial, not a natural, mound. It is in lower

ground and nearer the old course of the brook than the remains of Fort

Necessity. A mound here would suffer most when the brook was out of

banks, which would account for its disappearance.

[Illustration: Western embankment of Fort Necessity marked with

a line of white stones.]

[Illustration: Remains of the Southern embankment of Fort

Necessity. The low ground covered with rank grass, on the right,

marks the rifle-pit. In the distance is the Eastern sweep of

Great Meadows.]

Excavations in the other mounds had been unsuccessful; nothing had

been discovered of the palisades, though every mound gave certain

proof of having been artificially made. But excavations at mound O

gave a different result. At about four and one-half feet below the

surface of the ground, at the water line, a considerable amount of

bark was found, fresh and red as new bark. It was water-soaked and the

strings lay parallel with the mound above and were not found at a

greater distance than two feet from its center. It was the rough bark

of a tree’s trunk--not the skin bark such as grows on roots. Large

flakes, the size of a man’s hand, could be removed from it. At a

distance of ten feet away a second trench was sunk, in line with the

mound but quite beyond its northwestern extremity. Bark was found here

entirely similar in color, position, and condition. There is little

doubt that the bark came from the logs of the palisades of Fort

Necessity, though nothing is to be gained by exaggerating the

possibility. Bark, here in the low ground, would last indefinitely,

and water was reached under this mound sooner than at any other point.

No wood was found. It is probable that the French threw down the

palisades, but bark would naturally have been left in the ground. If

wood had been left it would not withstand decay so long as bark.

Competent judges declare the bark to be that of oak. An authority of

great reputation, expresses the opinion that the bark found was

probably from the logs of the palisades erected in 1754.

If anything is needed to prove that this slight mound O was an

embankment of Fort Necessity, it is to be found in the result of Mr.

McCracken’s survey. The mound lies in _exact line_ with the eastern

extremity of embankment C A, the point C, being located seven rods

from the obtuse angle A, in line with the mound C A, which is broken

by Mr. Fazenbaker’s lane. Also, the distance from C to D (in line with

the mound O) measures ninety-nine feet and four inches,--almost

exactly Mr. Sparks’ estimate of one hundred feet. Thus Fort Necessity

was in the shape of the figure represented by lines K C, C A, A B, and

B E, and the projection of the palisades to the brook is represented

by E D K, E H K, or L W K, (line B E being prolonged to L.) Mr.

Sparks’ drawing of the fort is thus proven approximately correct,

although Mr. Veech boldly asserts that it is “inaccurate,” (the

quotation being copied in the “Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania”) and

despite the fact that two volumes treating of the fort, “History of

Cumberland,” and “Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania,” refuse to give Mr.

Sparks’ map a place in their pages. It is of little practical moment

what the form of the fort may have been, but it is all out of order

that a palpably false description should be given by those who should

be authorities, in preference to Mr. Sparks’ description which is

easily proven to be approximately correct.

[Illustration: Lewis’ plan of Fort Necessity: A, B, N, S, M, C.

Enlarged triangle (containing “⅓ of an acre”): A, B, F. Sparks

plan: A, B, L, W, K, C. Remains of Eastern embankment: O.

Variation of Lewis’ triangle (given in “Fort Cumberland”): A, B,

N, R, P, M, C. Actual shape of Fort Necessity according to last

survey: K, C, A, B, E; the projection to the water may have been

E, D, K, or E, H, K, or L, W, K. This detail is immaterial. The

irregular square A, B, K, C, gives the general outline of the

fortifications, CA, (save where the lane crosses it) AB, BE and

O being still visible in 1901.]

Relics from Fort Necessity are rare and valuable, for the reason that

no other action save the one Battle of Fort Necessity ever took place

here. The barrel of an old flint-lock musket, a few grape shot, a

bullet mould and ladle, leaden and iron musket balls, comprise the few

silent memorials of the first battle in which Saxon blood was shed

west of the Allegheny Mountains. The swivels, it is said, were taken

to Kentucky to do brave duty there in redeeming the “dark and bloody

ground” to civilization.

* * * * *

But, after all--and more precious than all--our study of this historic

spot in the Alleghenies and the memorials left near it becomes, soon,

a study of its hero, that young Virginian Colonel. Even the battles

fought hereabouts seem to have been of little real consequence, for

New France fell, never to rise, with the capture of Quebec--“amid the

proudest monuments of its own glory and on the very spot of its

origin!”

Colonel Washington · 第 3 / 4 段