The late King of this country has been publicly executed. He died in a
manner becoming his dignity. Mounting the scaffold, he exprest anew
his forgiveness of those who persecuted him, and a prayer that his
deluded people might be benefited by his death. On the scaffold he
attempted to speak, but the commanding officer, Santerre, ordered the
drums to beat. The King made two unavailing efforts, but with the same
bad success. The executioners threw him down, and were in such haste
as to let fall the ax before his neck was properly placed, so that he
was mangled.
[Footnote 41: From a letter to Thomas Jefferson, dated Paris, January
25, 1793, printed in Volume II, Chapter 28, of Morris's "Diary and
Letters." Copyright, 1888, by Charles Scribner's Sons.]
It would be needless to give you an affecting narrative of
particulars. I proceed to what is more important, having but a few
minutes to write in by the present good opportunity. The greatest care
was taken to prevent a concourse of people. This proves a conviction
that the majority was not favorable to that severe measure. In fact,
the great mass of the people mourned the fate of their unhappy prince.
I have seen grief, such as for the untimely death of a beloved parent.
Everything wears an appearance of solemnity which is awfully
distressing. I have been told by a gentleman from the spot that
putting the King to death would be a signal for disbanding the army in
Flanders. I do not believe this, but incline to think it will have
some effect on the army, already perishing by want and moldering fast
away. The people of that country, if the French army retreats, will, I
am persuaded, take a severe vengeance for the injuries they have felt
and the insults they have been exposed to. Both are great. The war
against France is become popular in Austria, and is becoming so in
Germany. If my judgment be good, the testament of Louis the Sixteenth
will be more powerful against the present rulers of this country than
any army of a hundred thousand men. You will learn the effect it has
in England. I believe that the English will be wound up to a pitch of
enthusiastic horror against France, which their cool and steady temper
seems to be scarcely susceptible of.
I enclose you a translation of a letter from Sweden, which I have
received from Denmark. You will see thereby that the Jacobin
principles are propagated with zeal in every quarter. Whether the
Regent of Sweden intends to make himself king is a moot point. All the
world knows that the young prince is not legitimate, altho born under
circumstances which render it, legally speaking, impossible to
question his legitimacy. I consider a war between Britain and France
is inevitable. I have not proof, but some very leading circumstances.
Britain will, I think, suspend her blow until she can strike very
hard, unless, indeed, they should think it advisable to seize the
moment of indignation against late events for a declaration of war.
This is not improbable, because it may be coupled with those general
declarations against all kings, under the name of tyrants, which
contain a determination to destroy them, and the threat that if the
ministers of England presume to declare war, an appeal shall be made
to the people at the head of an invading army. Of course, a design may
be exhibited of entering into the heart of Great Britain, to overrun
the Constitution, destroy the rights of property, and finally to
dethrone and murder the King--all which are things the English will
neither approve of nor submit to.