religious inscriptions. Among them may be mentioned No. =138=, offered
to Juno by a freedman named Q. Valerius Minander, and No. =139=, an
oval bronze seal with a design representing the Emperor Philip
(244-9 A.D.; mentioned above, p. 10, in connection with the bronze
_diploma_), his wife Otacilia, and their son Philip. The inscription
shows that the seal belonged to the religious society of the Breisean
Mystae, who apparently sealed on behalf of the city of Smyrna, where
was a synod of the Mystae of the Breisean Dionysos. No. =140= is the
result of a vow made by Hedone, the maid-servant of M. Crassus, to
Feronia, a goddess closely connected with freedmen and freedwomen.[28]
Her temple at Terracina, on the west coast of Italy, was specially
associated with the manumission of slaves. It is likely, therefore,
that Hedone's vow had something to do with her manumission.
Dedications were made for safe journeys by land or by sea. In No.
=141=, dedicated by P. Blattius Creticus to Jupiter Poeninus, whose
sanctuary was at the summit of the Great St. Bernard Pass, we have one
of a number of offerings by travellers encountering the dangers of the
Alps. In No. =142= we have a votive offering in the shape of a bronze
plate, made to the _Lares_ or gods of the house by Q. Carminius
Optatus. The Lares are represented in art as youthful male figures,
holding a _cornucopia_ or horn of plenty, and a plate (_patera_) [see
Case 52 of the Bronze Room, and No. =143=]. The offering of a plate
was peculiarly appropriate, for with the _Penates_ these gods were
supposed to ensure the food-supply of the family.
In Case 106 note the series of lead figurines (modelled on both
sides). They represent warriors with helmet, cuirass, shield, sword,
and greaves. These figurines (No. =144=), probably of the seventh to
sixth centuries B.C., were found at Amelia (Ameria) in Umbria. It
is probable that they are of a votive character, though it has been
suggested that they are the prototypes of the modern tin soldier. Very
similar figurines have been discovered near Sparta, on the site of
the Menelaon, and more recently on the site of the temple of Artemis
Orthia by members of the British School at Athens.
=Superstition and Magic.=--As the simple faith in the gods decayed
in the Greek and Roman worlds, compensation was largely sought in the
dark rites of superstition and magic. The antiquities in Cases
105, 106, indicate some of the forms which such superstition took.
Prominent among them was the practice of writing down curses on lead
or talc with a view to the injury of those against whom the writer
conceived that he had a grudge. These tablets were called in Latin
_defixiones_, because they were supposed to fix down, as it were, the
hated enemy. The imprecations written on them usually run in formulae,
and the gods implored to work the ruin are naturally those of the
nether regions. In later times especially, all manner of obscure and
barbarous demons are introduced. The examples of these tablets here
exhibited probably belong to the last three centuries before Christ.
They come from various quarters--Knidos, Ephesus, Curium in Cyprus,
Kyme in S. Italy, and Athens. Those found by Sir Charles Newton at
Knidos may be taken as typical. In one case a certain Antigone, in
order to clear herself from the charge of having attempted to poison
Asklepiades, invokes curses upon herself if the accusation be true.
In another, Artemeis devotes to Demeter, Persephone, and all the gods
associated with Demeter, the person who withholds garments entrusted
to him. These tablets (No. =145=) appear to have been nailed to the
walls of the sacred precinct of Demeter, where they were found. In the
case of a tablet from Athens, the iron nail, which fastened it to the
wall is still preserved.
Nails themselves were highly esteemed as instruments of magic. Ovid,
for instance, says that Medea (the typical witch) made waxen effigies
of absent foes, and then drove nails into the vital parts.[29]
Examples of magical nails are seen in the series of bronze nails (No.
=146=) covered with cabalistic inscriptions and signs, and sometimes
showing a strange mixture of Judaism and Paganism, as when Solomon and
Artemis are invoked together. They may be attributed to the Gnostics,
a sect which arose in the second century after Christ. Their claim was
that, by a combination of various religious beliefs, they arrived at
the only true knowledge of divine things. The magic nail has in one
case (No. =147=) been used to fasten a bronze lamp, decorated with a
head of Medusa, into a socket.
On the shelf above will be noticed a number of bronze hands (No.
=148=; fig. 46). They are right hands, represented with the thumb
and first two fingers raised. On them are numerous magic symbols in
relief, such as the snake, the lizard, and the tortoise. The hand
illustrated (fig. 46) is covered with such signs, prominent among
which are the serpent with the cock's comb, the pine-cone, the frog,
and the winged caduceus. One of the hands bears the inscription
"Zougaras dedicated me to Sabazius in fulfilment of a vow"; another
"Aristokles, a superintendent, to Zeus Sabazius." Sabazius was a
Phrygian and Thracian deity, whose worship was widely spread in the
Roman world. There can be no doubt that these hands were intended to
avert the evil eye. Sometimes the hands have instruments connected
with the ecstatic worships of the East depicted upon them, such as
the Phrygian flutes, the cymbals, or the sistrum. Case 106 contains
several specimens of the last-named instrument. It was composed of
a handle and loop-shaped metal frame, across which passed several
movable metal rods. When the sistrum was shaken the curved ends of
the rods came into violent contact with the sides of the frame and
produced a metallic clang. The sistrum was used by the Egyptians in
their religious rites, and particularly in the worship of Isis. With
the introduction of that worship into Italy in the first century B.C.,
the Romans became familiar with it. Apuleius, a writer of the second
century after Christ, mentions silver and gold sistra, as well as
bronze. A silver example is here shown (No. =149=). The decoration is
often elaborate, a favourite ornament for the top being the group
of the wolf suckling Romulus and Remus, or the recumbent figure of a
panther.
[Illustration: FIG. 46.--BRONZE MAGIC HAND (NO. 148). Ht. 5-3/4 in.]
To the same class of amulets as the votive hands must be assigned the
terracotta model of a mirror, covered over with numerous objects of
magical virtue (No. =150=). Several of these are well-known attributes
of deities, _e.g._ the thunderbolt, the trident, the club, the
crescent, and the caduceus. The object of these amulets seems to have
been to propitiate the deities whose symbols are represented on them.
=Implements and methods of Worship.=--(83) _B.M. Inscr._,
955; (84) _C.I.L._, VI., 180; (85) _C.I.L._, VI., 30689; _Mus.
Marbles_, X., pl. 53, fig. 1; (86-87) _Cat. of Lamps_, 1407,
1408; (91) Cf. Mazois, _Pompei_, III., p. 22; Daremberg and
Saglio, fig. 5; (92) Helbig, _Homerisches Epos_, 2nd ed., p.
353; (95) _Athen. Mittheilungen_, xxvi, p. 325; (96) _Class.
Rev._, II., p. 297; (97) _Cat. of Vases_, III., E 114; (98)
_Cat. of Vases_, II., B 633; (99) _Guide to the Casts_, 327;
(100) _Cat. of Lamps_, 159; (101) _B.M. Inscr._, 1033; (102)
_Forman Sale Cat._, 1899, No. 55, pl. 2.; (103) _B.M. Inscr._,
678; (105) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 112; (106) _Cat. of
Terracottas_, C 614; (107) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 113;
(110) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 888.
=Votive Offerings.=--(111) _B.M. Inscr._, 34; (112) _B.M.
Inscr._, 139; (113) _Excavations in Cyprus_, p. 64; (114)
_Cat. of Sculpture_, II., 1311; (115) _Cat. of Sculpture_,
II., 1312; (116-120) _Cat. of Sculpture_, I., 799-812; (121)
_Cat. of Bronzes_, 891; (123) _Cat. of Sculpture_, I., 798;
(124) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 237; (125) _B.M. Inscr._, 165; _Cat.
of Bronzes_, 261; (126) _B.M. Inscr._, 1102; (127) _ibid._,
1094; (128) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 3208; (130) _ibid._, 253; (131)
_B.M. Inscr._, 958; (132) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 318; (133-135)
_Bonner Jahrb._, CVII (1901), p. 61 ff., pls. 6, 7; (137)
_Cat. of Bronzes_, 904; (138) _ibid._, 899; (139) _ibid._,
887; (140) _ibid._, 897; (141) _ibid._, 895; (142) _ibid._,
906; (144) Cf. Tod and Wace, _Sparta Mus. Cat._, p. 228;
_B.S.A._, XII., p. 322 ff.
On votive offerings generally, cf. Rouse, _Greek Votive
Offerings_, passim.
=Superstition and Magic.=--(145) Newton, _Discoveries at
Halicarnassus, Cnidus, and Branchidae_, p. 719 ff. On these
_defixiones_ generally, see Audollent, _Defixionum Tabellae_,
Paris, 1904; (146) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 3191-3194; cf. Daremberg
and Saglio, _Dict. des Ant._, s.v. _Clavus_; (148) _Cat. of
Bronzes_, 874-876; cf. _Arch.-ep. Mitt._, II., p. 44 ff.;
(150) _Cat. of Terracottas_, E 129; _Journ. Hell. Stud._,
VII., p. 44 ff.
For Greek religion, see Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study
of Greek Religion_; for Roman, Warde Fowler, _The Roman
Festivals_.
[Footnote 17: [Greek: Hiaros pantôn theôn hode bômos.]]
[Footnote 18: Similar objects have been found in the
Catacombs. Cf. Seroux d'Agincourt, _Sammlung d. Denkmaeler
d. Sculptur_, pl. viii., fig 27.]
[Footnote 19: Cf. [Greek: obelos trikôlios] as the measure of a
sacrificial perquisite, in the inscriptions of Cos. Paton &
Hicks, _Inscrr. of Cos_, No. 37, l. 53; No. 40_b_, l. 14.]
[Footnote 20: _Strom._, v. 566.]
[Footnote 21: _Il._ xxiii. 141 f.: [Greek:
stas apaneuthe pyrês xanthên apekeirato chaitên,
tên rha Spercheiô potamô trephe têlethoôsan.]
]
[Footnote 22: [Greek:
Tô Apollôni tô Priêlêi m' anethêken Hêphaistiôn.]]
[Footnote 23: [Greek: Lophios m'anethêke.]]
[Footnote 24: [Greek:
Tas Hêras hiaros | emi tas en pedi|ôi Qunisqo|s me anethê|ke
hôrtamo|s wergôn | dekatan.]]
[Footnote 25: Inscribed: [Greek:
Tô Panepi m' anestase Sôkydês].]
[Footnote 26: ii. 153.]
[Footnote 27:
I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) Dolicheno, u|bi ferrum nascit|ur,
Flavius Fidelis et Q. Iulius Posstim|us ex imperio ipsi|us
pro se et suos (_sic_).]
[Footnote 28: Cf. Livy, xxii. 1, 18: ... ut libertinae et ipsae,
unde Feroniae donum daretur, pecuniam pro facultatibus suis
conferrent.]
[Footnote 29: Ov., _Her._ vi. 91 f.]
VI.--ATHLETICS.
(Wall-Cases 107-108.)
Athletic and pugilistic contests were already developed on Greek soil
before the Homeric Age. Thus we have a steatite vase from Crete (_see_
Cast in First Vase Room) with boxers in all positions. A pair of
boxers (of about 1100 B.C.) from a vase found at Enkomi in Cyprus is
shown in fig. 47 (No. =151=). In the Homeric poems athletic contests
frequently occur, but only as isolated and unorganized events, without
rules or system. It was only at a much later date that the games were
organized on lines corresponding to those of modern sport. At Olympia,
the great festivals were said, according to tradition, to have begun
in 776 B.C., and it was from that year that the Greeks calculated
their dates, reckoning by the periodical return of the meeting every
fourth year.
The events at the games which may specially be called athletic were
six in number: the _pentathlon_ (or "five contests") was a competition
made up of the jump, the foot-race, throwing the _diskos_, throwing
the javelin, and wrestling.[30] The pentathlon was decided by a
system of "heats," and the victor enjoyed a great reputation as an
exceptional "all-round" man. The _pankration_ was a combination
of wrestling and boxing, which tended to develop the type of heavy
professional athletes.
[Illustration: FIG. 47.--BOXERS OF THE LATE MYCENAEAN PERIOD (NO.
151).]
The victorious athlete was held in high honour by his native city. The
prize at the games was indeed of no value--at Olympia it was a crown
of wild olive--but on his return home the victor entered the city in
triumph, feasts were held and odes were sung in his honour, he was
maintained for the remainder of his life, and his statue was set up in
the place where his victory had been won.
We will first deal with the events of the _pentathlon_ in order:--
[Illustration: FIG. 48.--STONE JUMPING-WEIGHT (NO. 154*). L. 11-1/2
in.]
_The Jump._--For the ancient jumping contests the competitors used
jumping-weights (_halteres_). Their use is shown on the vase, E 499
(No. =152=). One youth is about to leap, another stands waiting, and
the trainer holds a short switch. On the vase E 561 (No. =153=) a
youth is also on the point of leaping. Examples of the jumping-weights
are shown. The pair in lead (No. =154=) are of a type which is seen
not infrequently on Greek vases, consisting of blocks of lead widened
at each end. The weight for the left hand, which is completely
preserved, weighs 2 lb. 5 oz. (_cf._ also fig. 52). With this pair
may be compared the cast of a single stone jumping-weight (No. =154*=)
found at Olympia and now at Berlin (fig. 48). It differs from the pair
just described, and resembles the type described by Pausanias,[31] who
travelled through Greece in the second century of our era, as forming
half of an elongated and irregular sphere. It probably dates from
about 500 B.C. Another type is represented by a remarkable but
cumbrous example in limestone, from Kameiros in Rhodes, a long
cylindrical instrument with deep grooves for the thumb and fingers, to
give a firm hold (No. =155=; fig. 49).
[Illustration: FIG. 49.--STONE JUMPING-WEIGHT (NO. 155). L. 7-1/2 in.]
_The Foot Race._--A somewhat conventional foot race of armed hoplites
is shown on the vase B 143. This is a Panathenaic amphora, that is,
one of the two-handled vases, won, as the inscription on the other
side states, at the games at Athens. They always bear on one side a
figure of the patron goddess Athena, on the other a representation of
the contest in which they were won. Many examples may be seen in the
Second and Fourth Vase Rooms.
_Throwing the Diskos._--This was one of the oldest and most popular
contests at the great festivals. It was already known in Homeric
times, and we read of Odysseus using a disc of stone, and of one
of iron hurled at the funeral games in honour of Patroklos; but all
existing examples are in bronze except a lead disc at Berlin which
cannot have been used in athletics. The diskos was used, not like the
modern quoit, with the object of hitting a mark, but with a view to
throwing as far as possible, as in the modern contest of putting the
weight.
Existing discs vary considerably in size and weight, and were
doubtless made to suit various degrees of strength, like modern
dumb-bells or Indian clubs. The plain bronze example in this Case (No.
=156=) weighs as much as 8 lb. 13 oz. The small disc (No. =157=; fig.
50), which was dedicated by Exoidas to the Dioscuri after a victory
over his Kephallenian competitors[32] (cf. above, p. 49), weighs only
2 lb. 12 oz. The weight used at modern athletic sports weighs 16 lb.
and has been put 48 ft. 2 in.
Diskos-throwing reached its greatest popularity in the sixth and fifth
centuries, and it is to the middle of this period that the remarkable
votive disc here shown (No. =158=; fig. 51) may be assigned. It is
engraved with finely-incised designs, representing on one side
an athlete with jumping-weights; on the other, another holding a
hurling-spear[33] in both hands. This disc weighs rather more than 4
lb. The method of handling the disc will be readily understood from
the bronze figure and representations on vases exhibited in this Case;
they should be compared with the copies of the famous Diskobolos of
Myron in the second Graeco-Roman Room and the Gallery of Casts.
[Illustration: FIG. 50.--DISKOS OF EXOIDAS (NO. 157). Diam. 6-3/8 in.]
_Javelin-Throwing and Wrestling._--These sports are frequently shown
on the Panathenaic vases already described (p. 60). Other games of a
varied character also occur, and we find such contests as tilting from
horseback at a suspended shield, the torch-race, and races in full
armour depicted. A specimen (B 134 in the Second Vase Room) shows four
athletes engaged in four out of the five contests of the _pentathlon_
(cf. also B 361 (No. =159=) in this Case).
[Illustration: FIG. 51.--ENGRAVED BRONZE DISKOS (NO. 158). Diam. 8-1/4
in.]
_Boxing_, one of the most ancient contests (see above, fig. 47), was
long practised at the games with gloves of ox-hide, which was torn
into long strips and bound round the hand. Such wrappings, like modern
boxing-gloves, were intended rather to protect the wearer than to
injure his opponent. At a later date, probably in the fourth century
B.C., a more dangerous glove was introduced, in the form of a pad
of thick leather bound over the fingers. This new form must have
inflicted severe wounds; it is apparently used by the two African
boxers in terracotta seen in this Case (No. =160=). But in the decline
of the Roman Empire, when the brutality of the spectators had to be
satisfied at all costs, a still more cruel glove was invented, which
had a heavy addition in metal, and must have been an appalling weapon.
See the fragment in terracotta (No. =161=, fig. 52). A cast from a
terracotta relief (No. =162=) shows a statue of a victorious boxer.
[Illustration: FIG. 52.--LATER BOXING-GLOVE (NO. 161). 1:2.]
[Illustration: [Greek: Epi tois Onomastou tou Pheidileô athlois
ethethên.]
FIG. 53.--PRIZE VASE FROM THE GAMES OF ONOMASTOS (NO. 163). 1:6.]
The other objects in this case are less directly connected with
athletics; the most noteworthy is a large bronze caldron (No. =163=,
fig. 53), of about the sixth century B.C., which was found at Kyme, in
South Italy, and was given as a prize at games held in that district.
It is inscribed: "I was a prize at the games of Onomastos." He
was doubtless a wealthy citizen at whose expense the contests were
arranged, a form of public service very common in Greek cities. A
piece of corrugated tile (No. =164=) comes from the floor of the
palaestra (wrestling place) at Olympia.
(151) _Cat. of Vases_, I., 2, No. C 334; (153) cf. Jüthner,
_Ant. Turngeräthe_, p. 3 ff.; (154) Furtwängler, _Olympia_,
IV., (_Die Bronzen_), p. 180; (156) _Cat. of Bronzes_, 2691;
(157) _ibid._, 3207; _B.M. Inscr._, 952; (158) _Cat. of
Bronzes_, 248; (160) _Cat. of Terracottas_, D 84, 85;
(162) _ibid._, D 632; (163) _I.G._, xiv. 862; (164) Adler,
_Olympia_, II. (_Baudenkmaeler_) p. 115.
On Greek athletics generally, see _Greek Athletic Festivals_,
by E. N. Gardiner.
[Footnote 30: Summed up by Simonides (cf. Bergk, No. 153)
[Greek:
enika
halma, podôkeiên, diskon, akonta, palên].
]
[Footnote 31: v. 26, 3.]
[Footnote 32: [Greek:
Echsoida(s) m' anethêke Diwos Qouroin megaloio:
chalkeon hôi nikase Kephalanas megathymous.]
]
[Footnote 33: The lines on this side appear to have been worn
down and re-cut, but the restorer has misunderstood the spear,
and left it as a single fine line.]
VII.--GLADIATORS AND THE ARENA.
(Wall-Case 109.)
Gladiatorial combats were not native to Rome, but had long been known
in Etruria as an adjunct to funeral ceremonies, and were probably
introduced thence into Rome by way of Campania, where the amphitheatre
of Pompeii is the oldest in existence. The first show of gladiators at
Rome took place in 264 B.C., but only three pairs of combatants were
engaged in it. In course of time the number of gladiators increased,
and such contests were given with greater frequency, although they
remained a mere accompaniment of funeral ceremonies until 105 B.C., in
which year they were for the first time offered as official amusements
to the people. During the empire, gladiatorial shows were organised
on a vast scale, and amphitheatres were built in all the provinces.
It was inevitable that the influence of Christianity should make such
exhibitions impossible. But it was not till nearly a century after the
Emperor Constantine had recognised Christianity as a state religion,
that Honorius put an end to the exhibition of gladiators in Rome (404
A.D.).
The serious combats in the Roman arena were announced by a procession
and a preliminary fight with the weapons used in practice. This mock
struggle excited the men, and made them ready for the terrible trial
of skill which followed. Lots were drawn, and the combatants arranged
in pairs, but sometimes _mêlées_ were planned, in which large numbers
were engaged. It was possible for a man to draw a bye, and so to
fight only with the winner of a previous round; probably, however, a
gladiator seldom fought more than two fights in a single day.
A fight might end in three ways: (1) the better gladiator might kill
his adversary in the heat of the fray; (2) the vanquished gladiator
might lay down his arms and raise his left hand as a sign of defeat
and a prayer for mercy. See lamp, No. =165= (fig. 54). It rested
officially with the giver of the spectacle to grant or refuse the
defeated man's request, but the matter was really decided by the
spectators, who expressed their desire that he should be spared by
shouting for his discharge, waving a piece of cloth in the air, or
raising the left hand. The opposite decision was expressed by pointing
the thumb downwards and shouting "slay" (_jugula_). (3) If two men
fought on equal terms and displayed great courage, they might both
be discharged before the combat reached a definite result (_stantes
missi_). The victor, when finally discharged from service in the
arena, was presented with a wooden sword (_rudis_), similar to those
used in practice, as a sign that he had fought his last serious fight.
Horace alludes to this in his _Epistles_, when asking Maecenas if he
may retire from his service.
[Illustration: FIG. 54.--FIGHT BETWEEN "SAMNITE" GLADIATORS (NO. 165).
Diam. 3-3/4 in.]
Gladiators were divided into classes according to their equipment
and mode of fighting. The following were the most important:--(1) The
_Samnite_ (figs. 54, 55). He wore a helmet with high crest, one or
sometimes two greaves, and a guard on the right arm. He also had an
oblong shield. The equipment is well shown in the bronze statuette
(No. =166=, fig. 55), lately acquired from the Gréau and Weber
collections. (2) The _retiarius_ or net-thrower (No. =167=, fig. 56),
who carried a trident, a dagger, and a large net in which he tried to
envelop his adversary. The net-thrower was matched against a gladiator
called a _secutor_, who was armed like the Samnite, and perhaps
received his name because he was the follower (_secutor_) of his
lightly-armed foe. (3) The _Thrax_ (Thracian), armed with the
Thracian curved dagger, a small shield, and a helmet. He fought the
_hoplomachus_, another variety of Samnite. (4) The _mirmillo_, the
origin of whose name and nature of whose equipment are not certainly
known. He was opposed to the net-thrower, and later to the Thracian.
Among other classes of less importance may be mentioned the mounted
gladiators (_equites_), who appear on the left of fig. 57 (a Pompeian
relief).[34]
[Illustration: FIG. 55.--BRONZE STATUETTE OF A "SAMNITE" GLADIATOR
(NO. 166).]
A curious marble relief from Halikarnassos (No. =168=; fig. 58) gives
a vivid picture of an unusual form of gladiatorial combat, between two
women. They are armed like the _Samnites_, but without helmets, and
the fight seems to take place on a sort of platform on either side
of which the head of a spectator is visible. Their names are given
as Amazon and Achillia, and above their heads is inscribed in Greek
"discharged," [Greek: apelythêsan]. It is known that women fought in
the arena under the Empire[35]; but under Septimius Severus (193-211)
so much scandal was caused by a specially furious combat of a large
number of female gladiators that such exhibitions were forbidden.[36]
[Illustration: FIG. 56.--RETIARIUS (NO. 167). Diam. 3-5/8 in.]
[Illustration: FIG. 57.--POMPEIAN RELIEF, REPRESENTING COMBATS OF
GLADIATORS.]
[Illustration: FIG. 58.--COMBAT OF WOMEN GLADIATORS (NO. 168). Width 2
ft. 7 in.]
The objects exhibited in illustration of gladiatorial shows are
numerous and varied, though not artistically remarkable. The subject
was especially popular with the smaller craftsmen, the makers of
bronze statuettes and the potters of Italy and Gaul, who produced
terracotta lamps and vases for a large but uncritical public. A
selection of some dozen lamps (No. =169=) is here given illustrating
different stages of the combat, or single gladiators; one is simply
ornamented with specimens of gladiatorial armour (helmets, greaves,
shields, and daggers).
[Illustration: FIG. 59.--GLADIATOR'S HELMET.]
No complete example of a gladiator's helmet is shown in the Case, but
the bronze visor (No. =170=), a small bronze model (No. =171=), and
a model in glazed pottery (No. =172=) suffice to give an idea of the
usual type. The illustration (fig. 59) of a helmet at Pompeii shows
the arrangement of the visors. The cast (No. =173=) is from a relief
from Ephesus (the original is in the Sculpture Galleries) which
shows combats and corn-waggons (see Case 50) the _panem et circenses_
demanded by the Roman populace.