THE CAMPAIGN IN WESTERN VIRGINIA.
Picturesque dreams of mighty conflicts and fields of glory disturbed
the slumbers of those in Camp Putnam during the night of May 27th.
Nor were they far out of the way, for before another sunset, part
of the artillery would be en route for “the front.” Early on the
morning of the 28th a telegraph messenger handed to Colonel Barnett a
dispatch which read as follows:
Parkersburg Va., May 28, 1861.
To Col. Barnett:
Send immediately to this place two companies of artillery, with
their pieces, horses, and three hundred rounds of ammunition.
JAMES B. STEADMAN,
Colonel Fourteenth Reg’t, O. V. M.
Colonel Barnett answered this telegram, informing Colonel Steadman
that the battery was entirely destitute of ammunition for field
service. A supply was hourly expected and upon its arrival the
detachment would be sent forward with all possible dispatch. In the
afternoon Colonel Steadman replied as follows:
Parkersburg. Va., May 28. 1861.
To Col. Barnett:
If you can send two of your companies with their pieces do so at
once. The presence of the men and guns will have a good effect.
Send forward as many of the Eighteenth Ohio Infantry as are armed
and equipped. I want them to garrison this place. These are General
McClellan’s instructions.
JAMES B. STEADMAN,
Col. Com’d Fourteenth Ohio.
During this day there was a fusillade of telegrams from all sources,
among which were the following:
Cincinnati, Ohio, May 28, 1861.
To Col. Barnett:
Two hundred rounds of solid shot and one hundred rounds of
canister will be shipped to you from Columbus this evening. As soon
as you receive it detach two pieces with an officer and complement
of men with ammunition to go forward and report to Col. Steadman
at the burned bridge on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad beyond
Parkersburg.
G. B. McCLELLAN,
Major General.
Columbus, Ohio, May 28, 1861.
To Col. Barnett:
Obey implicitly every order from General McClellan. Telegraph me
when you move a company. Keep me advised of all your movements.
Clothing and supplies go by your Quartermaster.
H. B. CARRINGTON,
Adjutant General.
These telegrams kept the members of the Battery in a continual fever
of excitement, which grew hotter every hour. In reply to Colonel
Steadman’s second dispatch Colonel Barnett telegraphed him the
substance of General McClellan’s dispatch, and informed him that the
two companies would go forward the next day. Camp Putnam was greatly
disturbed by the question as to which two of the six companies should
constitute this detachment. All were eager to go, apparently saddened
by the thought that this, their first, might be their last, and only
chance to get an experimental knowledge of what war was. The military
career of the four companies which stayed behind would terminate in
an inglorious journey home, the war over and no laurels crowning
their brows. Colonel Barnett selected Companies D, Captain Rice, and
F, Captain Kenny, as the fortunate ones. They were ordered to be
ready to embark early on the following day. The detachment was placed
in command of Lieutenant-Colonel Sturges.
The ammunition arrived early next morning. Companies D and F, with
their guns, horses, and equipments complete, were soon on board a
special steamboat and left in high spirits, replying with great gusts
to the parting cheers of their chopfallen comrades who remained.
On reaching Parkersburg, May 29—11 p. m., about twelve miles down
the river from Marietta, it was found that Colonel Steadman, to
whom Lieutenant-Colonel Sturges had been ordered to report with the
detachment, had advanced some distance beyond that place on the line
of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, where his command was engaged in
repairing bridges which the retreating enemy had destroyed. The
artillery detachment pushed on promptly and joined him May 30—12 M.
At last they were on the “sacred soil” of a seceded state, ready to
send the echoes of their guns reverberating among the Virginia hills.
The Fourteenth Ohio boys gave the artillerymen a rousing reception,
greeting them with loud and oft-repeated cheers.
At this time Colonel George A. Porterfield was in command of the
rebel forces in that part of Virginia, with his headquarters at
Grafton. The loyal sentiment in Western Virginia was very strong.
Those who favored secession were in a decided minority. It was deemed
of the highest importance to the Union cause to occupy the territory
as fast and as securely as possible, thus affording encouragement and
protection to the loyal people and holding that section from being
dragged into the vortex of rebellion, clearly against the will of the
great majority of the people.
The Confederate authorities were equally anxious to retain possession
to recruit their armies, secure the supplies which the country
afforded, and bring every possible influence to bear upon the people
to induce them to cast their fortunes with the South. To this
end Colonel Porterfield, upon assuming command a few days prior
to Steadman’s occupation of Parkersburg, had issued a high-flown
proclamation to the people of Western Virginia. In sounding phrase
he called upon them to stand by their state and urged them to fill
up the Confederate ranks and assist in protecting their firesides
from the ravage of the invader. He assured them that not a foot of
Virginia soil should be surrendered to the hated “Yankees,” though it
took every drop of blood in his veins. A few days later he and such
of his soldiers as were not killed or captured were leaving tracks
behind them with the utmost diligence, in their efforts to escape
from their blue-coated pursuers.
General McClellan was in command of all the Union forces in that
department. He planned the campaign and directed the movements that
were so successful during the early days of the war. The services
rendered by the three months’ men in Western Virginia were of
inestimable value to the government, even though the amount of blood
actually shed on either side was not large when compared with the
copious streams that reddened the earth before the war was finished.
The “battles” of those days would have ranked only as skirmishes
when the great conflict was at its height, when mighty armies met
and thousands upon thousands were slain or wounded in a single day.
But history has justly given an enduring fame to those who sprang to
arms at the first call, and by their promptness and gallantry saved
Western Virginia to the Union. In this campaign the Cleveland Light
Artillery bore a most honorable part and deserved the high praise
which was so freely accorded to it.
The force under Colonel Steadman, including the detachment of the
Cleveland Light Artillery, advanced rapidly along the Baltimore and
Ohio Railroad, moving by train with occasional stops for the repair
of bridges and culverts. With such celerity was this accomplished
that on June 1—4 a. m., Clarksburg was reached, about eighty miles
east of Parkersburg. There was occasional skirmishing on the way, and
a few prisoners were picked up, but no action of moment took place.
The enemy retreated at all points before the advance of the Union
force. On May 30th Grafton was occupied, without loss of life, by a
force under Colonel B. F. Kelley, First Virginia (Union) Volunteers,
which made a rapid movement from Wheeling and secured a safe
lodgment at this important point. The rebels evacuated in mad haste
upon its approach.
The rebel forces which had been driven out of Clarksburg and Grafton
fell back to Philippi, some thirty miles south of Grafton. Here they
made a stand and announced their determination to fight. It was at
once decided to give them an opportunity to do so. An immediate
advance of the Union forces upon that place was ordered. It was
desirable to again strike the enemy before he should have time to
fortify and otherwise strengthen his position. The rebel commander
was calling loudly for reinforcements and it was deemed of the utmost
importance to keep him on the run before his force should be so
augmented as to outnumber the Union troops. The greatest energy was
displayed in the movement on Philippi. Steadman, with five companies
of the Fourteenth Ohio Infantry and Companies D and F of the
Cleveland Artillery, was ordered by rail to Webster, within 12 miles
of Grafton, and the nearest point to Philippi. To reach the latter, a
rapid march of fifteen miles was to be made. Steadman’s command moved
from Clarksburg to Webster on the 2nd of June. Artillery in command
of Lieutenant-Colonel S. B. Sturges. At the same time another column
was advancing on Philippi from Grafton, under Colonel Kelley. The
whole expedition was in command of Brigadier-General T. A. Morris,
Colonel Lamb acting as staff officer for General McClellan.
It is now necessary to go back to Marietta and see what has become
of the four companies of the artillery which remained grumbling in
Camp Putnam when Lieutenant-Colonel Sturges went with the detachment
to join Steadman. The impatient patriots did not have long to wait.
One more night in camp, and then came a summons that electrified
them. The four companies, with all the goods, chattels and other
appurtenances thereto belonging, embarked on a steamboat and went
with all speed to Benwood, on the Virginia side of the river
opposite Bellaire, and not far from Wheeling. The trip of sixty-five
miles was made in a few hours and the happy Clevelanders set their
feet for the first time within the confines of Dixie’s Land. Barnett
reported to General Morris and was directed to move his command at
once by rail to Grafton, where the four guns were attached to the
column to be led by Kelley in the advance upon Philippi. The infantry
force consisted of portions of Kelley’s regiment, the First Virginia,
the North Indiana, Colonel Milroy, and the Sixteenth Ohio, Colonel
Irvine. This column was ordered by rail to Thornton, a few miles east
of Grafton, from which point the march to Philippi was to be made.
The route was four or five miles longer than that to be traversed by
the co-operating force to advance from Webster.
General Morris said in his order to Colonel Kelley prescribing the
details of the movement, dated Grafton, June 2d, 1861: You must
regulate your march according to your own discretion, and your
bivouac or rest at night in such manner that you are sure of coming
before the town of Philippi as near 4 o’clock tomorrow morning as
possible. Should you this evening receive certain information that
the rebels have retreated eastward from Philippi, you will make the
resting time of your troops as short as possible, in order to follow
them up with all the speed the strength of your troops will allow.
The right attacking column was under the command of Colonel Dumont,
Seventh Indiana Volunteers, to which the force of Steadman had been
joined, with part of the Sixth Indiana, Colonel Crittenden. The
following is the order of General Morris to Colonel Dumont:
Headquarters U. S. Volunteers,
Grafton, W. Va., June 2, 1861.
Colonel Dumont,
Comdg. Seventh Reg’t Indiana Vols., near Grafton,
Va.:
Colonel: You will proceed by railroad this evening at 8:30 o’clock
to Webster with eight companies of your regiment. At Webster you
will be Joined by Colonel Steadman with five companies of his
regiment and two field pieces of Ohio artillery, also by Colonel
Crittenden with six companies of his regiment. From Webster
you will, with this command, march on Philippi, using your own
discretion in the conduct of the march, keeping in view that you
should arrive in front of the town at 4 o’clock precisely tomorrow
morning.
Information is received that the rebels are in some force at
Philippi. The object of your column will be to divert attention
until the attack is made by Colonel Kelley, and should resistance
be offered you are to aid him to the extent of your ability. In the
conduct of your column you must use your discretion, being governed
by such circumstances as may occur. When joined by Colonel Kelley
the whole force will be under his command.
The companies of your command will take two full days’ rations.
Should you receive instructions from Colonel Kelley that the rebels
have retreated, you will join him at once and act under his command.
By command of Brigadier-General T. A. Morris:
JOHN A. STEIN.
Acting Assistant Adjutant General.
The intention was to surprise the rebels and the movement was
admirably planned and carried out to effect this result. This force,
leaving after dark, had reasonable assurance of reaching the enemy in
advance of any information from their friends and, as events proved,
did so. The advance was favored by the extreme darkness of the night
and a continuous fall of rain. These circumstances contributed in no
small degree to the complete success of the expedition, but they were
rough enough on the raw soldiers who made their first march under
such dismal conditions.
All night, through the darkness and drenching rain, the two columns
pushed on, over roads so rough and muddy that they were in some
places almost impassable to artillery. It was only by the aid of
the men who swarmed around the carriages and put their hands to
the wheels, that the panting horses were able to drag guns and
caissons. To the volunteers, that night was a baptism indeed. They
tried bravely to keep up their spirits as they trudged along through
mud and water and stumbled over the roots and stumps and stones that
lay in their pathway. It was so dark that a man could scarcely see
his file leader. That nocturnal experience knocked the poetry and
romance out of “soldiering” with a suddenness and completeness that
was paralyzing. Most of these men “followed the flag” during the long
years of war. They passed through many such unspeakably wretched
nights and days, but nothing afterward seemed to equal in misery
those weary hours of floundering through the mire, with benumbed
limbs and soaked and dripping garments during that night march to
Philippi.
There was no postponement of the engagement on account of the
weather, and promptly at the appointed hour, 4 a. m., the two columns
were in communication before the town. Like most of the so-called
“towns” in the South in those days, it wasn’t much of a place, though
the county seat of Barbour county. It had a shabby courthouse, a
still more shabby hotel, a few houses in which the Philippians lived,
and a name—that was all.
The necessary dispositions for an attack were promptly and carefully
made, with the object of capturing the entire rebel force, whatever
it might be. At daylight the troops, which had nearly surrounded the
town in order to “let no guilty man escape,” closed in from different
directions to spring the trap that had been set. The early morning
visitation was a complete surprise to the rebels. There were a few
sleepy pickets posted at isolated points, several of which were taken
in before they had fairly got their eyes open. At length a few of
them sufficiently collected their scattered wits to fire off their
guns and then break for the town. This alarmed the main body of the
Confederate forces and in an instant the direst confusion prevailed.
Colonel Porterfield and his staff had their headquarters at the hotel
and were yet asleep when the alarm was given. Hastily throwing on
their clothes they quickly mounted their horses and dashed around
endeavoring to learn what the trouble was all about.
The Union forces pressed rapidly forward on the heels of the
retreating pickets. The whistling of bullets told the rebels that
they must fight or run and that the decision must be made at once.
In the light of subsequent evidence it may be considered likely
that Colonel Porterfield was willing to fight, but the Confederate
soldiers deemed it best to run, and they did. They stood not upon
the order of their going but went at once and with the utmost
precipitation. It was a regular “skedaddle,” to use a word that was
current in war times.
The Cleveland artillerymen had an opportunity to use their guns and
they made the most of it, to the extent of sixteen rounds. Although
sharing fully in the wild excitement of the first meeting with
the enemy they served their pieces with a coolness and skill that
elicited from those in command words of the highest praise. (It is a
matter of record that their missiles took off the leg of one soldier,
the first casualty by artillery fire in the field done by the Union
forces, but it is undeniably true that the roar of their guns and
the plunging shot greatly aided in demoralizing the rebels and
accelerating the speed with which they sought a safe place far in the
rear.)
The rebels fled in wild dismay, utterly heedless of the efforts of
their officers to stem the tide of disaster. They had barely time
to get away, and left behind them a large quantity of supplies
and material of war which had been collected. The rear end of the
disorganized rebel procession had not disappeared when Colonel
Kelley’s column came in sight. His advance dashed after the enemy,
himself at the head, and there was a brisk skirmish. It did not
last long, however, as the rebels fled out of range at the earliest
possible moment. None of the Union soldiers were killed. A few were
wounded, and among them the gallant Colonel Kelley, who received a
pistol shot in the breast, which incapacitated him from duty for some
weeks. Prolonged pursuit of the fleeing foe was impossible, owing to
the extremely exhausted condition of the men after their all-night
march in the storm, while the rebels were fresh and able to get off
at a speed that defied successful competition. The command of the
Union forces devolved upon Colonel Dumont.
The Confederate Colonel Porterfield and his staff had been living
in fine style at the village “tavern.” A good breakfast had been
prepared for them by “mine host,” but the latter suddenly found
himself entertaining unbidden and wholly unexpected guests. The
inordinate haste with which the rebel commander and his official
family evacuated the town would not permit them to partake of that
breakfast, and it was eaten, with profoundly thankful hearts—and
stomachs—by a company of Union officers.
The following is an extract from the official report of the affair,
made to General McClellan by General Morris:
“The enemy was entirely off his guard and was completely surprised,
as the reports of those engaged in the attack attest. The failure
to capture the entire rebel force can only be attributed to the
storm during the night. This unforeseen misfortune served to call
forth an endurance seldom exhibited, and I feel that the heroism of
officers and men was as truly displayed in a march of fifteen miles
in pitchy darkness, drenching rain, and over a mountainous country
as in the irresistible attack and hot pursuit of the discomfited
enemy. The last five miles of Colonel Dumont’s column was made in
one hour and a quarter. Many men fainted and were left on the road.
Others threw away their haversacks and provisions to keep up, rushing
forward with a determination that showed what spirit animated the
command. I regard it as remarkable that under such circumstances the
two columns were but fifteen minutes apart at the time assigned for
their meeting. An able reconnoissance in advance of Colonel Dumont’s
column was made by Colonel F. W. Lauder, whose voluntary aid I gladly
accepted, and to whose advice and assistance I am greatly indebted.
The immediate direction of the artillery was confided to him. After
the bridge was taken he pressed forward and joined Colonel Kelley,
rode into the enemy’s ranks and captured the prisoner reported to
have shot Colonel Kelley. He had great difficulty in restraining the
Virginia volunteers from summarily dispatching the man, who was a
noted secessionist and a quartermaster of the rebel forces.
“From the reports of Colonel Dumont (who, by reason of the fall
of Colonel Kelley, had command), you will perceive there is much
difficulty in making an accurate statement of the enemy’s losses. The
killed are estimated at from fifteen to forty, which were carried
off it is supposed by friends, during the confusion incident to the
pursuit of the enemy. A large amount of camp equipage, provisions,
arms, wagons, horses and medical stores were captured, an inventory
of which will be made as soon as possible.”
When the tidings reached Cleveland of the “battle” and the creditable
manner in which the “boys” had acquitted themselves, they were
regarded as the heroes of the hour—warriors of the first magnitude.
It was Cleveland’s first record under fire and the citizens
felt a justifiable pride in the honorable part borne by their
representatives in almost the first engagement of the war.
That the action at Philippi was not more sanguinary was not the fault
of the Union soldiers. If the rebels had stayed no doubt there would
have been a warm engagement. It takes two parties to get up a fight,
and when one of them “runs away” in order that he may “live to fight
another day,” there is no alternative but to postpone the battle
until that day comes around. But it was a clear and unquestionable
victory, if it wasn’t a very big one. It was memorable as being
the first field guns fired on the Union side in the Civil War. It
was hailed through the North with loud acclaim. The newspapers
teemed with praise of the gallant men who won it, and the mails
were burdened with letters of congratulation and compliment from
friends at home. It showed that the raw volunteers from the North
had that endurance and pluck of which soldiers are made; it did much
to prick the bubble of idle boasting that one Southern man could
whip five “Yankees.” Indeed, it rather looked as though it was the
Southern soldiers who would not fight, and some people believed,
after Philippi, that the war was about over. Some of the victorious
blue-coats thought so and they felt an exceeding great joy that
they had been permitted to participate in the action that was the
death-blow to the rebellion.
The satisfaction that filled loyal hearts everywhere was only equaled
by the apprehension and alarm in the South that were caused by
even so trifling a defeat as this. Especially was this true of the
Confederate forces in Western Virginia, which were for a time in an
almost hopeless state of demoralization. One point after another was
being seized and held by the Union troops; regiments from Ohio and
Indiana were hurrying forward to reinforce them, and there seemed
little hope of being able to dislodge them from that part of the
state. After the disaster at Philippi frantic dispatches were sent
to the civil and military authorities at Richmond, representing the
Confederate cause in that section to be in a desperate condition, and
urging immediate and decisive steps to reorganize and reinforce the
army, unless Western Virginia was to be abandoned to the enemy. It
will not be out of place here to give one or two extracts from the
correspondence which took place at this time between rebel officials
in Western Virginia and at Richmond. Under date of June 6th, 1861,
Major M. G. Harman, commanding at Staunton, wrote to General Robert
E. Lee:
“From all the information that I have received I am pained to have
to express my conviction that Colonel Porterfield is entirely
unequal to the position which he occupies. The affair at Philippi
was a disgraceful surprise, occurring about daylight, there being
no picket or guard of any kind on duty. The only wonder is that
our men were not cut to pieces. They were all asleep and were only
aroused by the firing of the enemy. The safety of the Northwest
and of our inexperienced soldiers depends upon an immediate change
of commanders, and giving the command to a bold and experienced
leader. * * * * * I would again urge rapid reinforcements to regain
possession of the Northwest, and that I may receive from you
authority to call out and arm the companies from all the valley
counties and send them to that quarter instead of their going, as
heretofore directed, to their different rendezvous. Send up five
thousand flint-lock muskets from Richmond and I will have them
overhauled and put in order for use.”
On the same day Major Harman sent a communication to Colonel
Porterfield in which he said:
“Tomorrow I shall send you a field battery, accompanied by cavalry
and infantry, which will be joined by other troops on the way and
the whole force will report to you at Beverly. On the day following
from two to three thousand troops will be sent to you by President
Davis from Richmond. I have received a telegraphic dispatch from
the Commander-in-Chief of our army, saying: “Send a messenger to
tell Colonel Porterfield to be valiant and maintain his ground until
relief reaches him. Send him supplies if he wants them.” Having
received no official communication from you, but learning from
private sources, since the disaster to our arms at Philippi, that you
are almost without ammunition, I have determined to send you a supply
by express.”
When Porterfield and his men left Philippi they did not stop running
until they reached Huttonsville, nearly forty miles southward,
and near Beverly, in Randolph county. From his headquarters there
Porterfield wrote on June 9th to Colonel R. S. Garnett, Adjutant
General of the Virginia forces at Richmond:
“My force is not only deficient in drill but ignorant, both
officers and men, of the most ordinary duties of the soldier. With
efficient drill officers they might be made effective; but I have
to complain that the field officers sent to command these men are
of no assistance to me, and are, for the most part, as ignorant of
their duties as the company officers, and they as ignorant as the
men. I hope, if I am continued in command, that good staff officers
may be sent me to aid in organizing this raw force, than which there
is none more so now in the service. * * * It is necessary that at
least five thousand well-drilled men should be sent at once, as the
enemy’s army is being daily reinforced; and if aid is not soon sent
it will be impossible to keep the open field, even as a mere corps
of observation, but we will have to retire to the mountains, where
it will be most difficult, if not impossible, to provision even this
small force.”
On June 11th Porterfield again wrote to Colonel Garnett and asked for
a chance to redeem himself:
“The enemy remains at Philippi where they are reported to have about
five thousand men and are fortifying themselves. The same number are
said to be at Grafton. From five hundred to one thousand are said to
be at Cheat River Bridge and other forces are stationed at different
points on the railroads. * * * A regiment from Tennessee is expected
here tomorrow, having in charge, as I am informed, some pieces of
heavy artillery. No pieces heavier than 6-pounders should be sent
to this country until some position is selected to be fortified and
a strong and reliable infantry force is sent to support it. * * *
The percussion caps sent have nearly all been of small size, for
shot-guns, and not large enough for muskets. As reinforcements are
now expected, and we shall have active service in this part of the
state, I desire to be continued on duty here. It was not until after
repeated calls for aid, and when left with a small militia force
entirely unprepared for the field, that I asked for duty elsewhere.”
But the Confederate authorities did not intend to have any more
Philippis if they could avoid it by a change of commanders. On June
13th General Lee wrote from Richmond to Porterfield, informing him
that Garnett had been promoted to Brigadier General and had been sent
to take command in Northwestern Virginia.
A court of inquiry was created to inquire into the conduct of
Porterfield at Philippi and the causes which led to the inglorious
defeat and rout of the Confederate force. The court made an
exhaustive investigation and submitted, on May 4, 1861, a lengthy
report thereupon. A few extracts from this document will be read with
interest by those who had a hand in the game:
“* * * On the morning of the day just indicated, at between daybreak
and sunrise, this command was attacked and taken by surprise; no
alarm or intimation of the enemy’s approach having been given by
the guard or infantry pickets until the enemy was within some four
hundred yards of the place, and had commenced the fire from his
artillery. It is shown that a main and picket guard, as strong as was
consistent with the effective infantry force present, was regularly
detailed and posted at distances sufficiently far out to accomplish
the object in view, provided they knew and did their duty, which
latter is strongly to be suspected, from the fact that, although in
advance, they failed to give any intimation of the enemy’s approach—a
conclusion which is strengthened by the report of the mounted
officers out with the scouting parties on the night of June 2nd,
that they had neither seen an infantry picket nor been challenged
by its sentinels, going from or returning to the town that night.
It appears that immediately upon the arrival of the command at
Philippi the officer in command, Colonel Porterfield, took measures
to place his force, which was raw and new in service, under a course
of instruction, and to select those in his opinion best fitted to
instruct the sentinels and guards in their duties. The testimony
shows that, while there was a certain degree of confusion in some
quarters, a portion of the command moved from the town in good order,
and that the whole force, nearly, after passing some distance, was
reformed and proceeded in order.
“It is shown in the evidence that an expectation of attack or
movement on Philippi, shortly to be made, was generally entertained
among the officers and others of the command, and that intelligence
(how well founded is not known) was brought from time to time of the
strength and supposed intent of the enemy.
“The testimony sets forth that this had so far produced its effect as
to induce the officer in command to call a meeting of his officers;
that the result of their consultations and deliberations was an
almost if not entirely unanimous decision in favor of immediate
retreat; that when Colonel Porterfield returned to the room (from
which he had been absent a short time), their opinion was conveyed
to him, to which he seemed loath to accede; yet, determined to make
a further examination of the ammunition on hand, and to prepare the
baggage and train for removal at a moment’s notice.”
Here follow several points in which, according to the judgment of
this court, the commanding officer “erred.” General R. E. Lee, in
reviewing the case, approved the finding of the court and said:
“The commanding general remarks with pleasure upon the coolness,
self-possession, courage and energy displayed by Colonel Porterfield
at the moment of attack; but he cannot exonerate him from blame
in not taking proper precautionary measures beforehand. Yet, in
consideration of all the circumstances of the case, he does not think
it necessary to do more than to express the opinion of the court, in
the hope that the sad effects produced by the want of forethought and
vigilance, exhibited in this case, will be a lesson to be remembered
by the army throughout the war.”
After the action at Philippi came a season of inaction. The available
Union force was not deemed sufficient to make a further advance
without too great risk of defeat, which would put in imminent
jeopardy all the advantage that had been gained. For a month the
troops lay quietly at Philippi, detachments being stationed to guard
the bridges on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. The headquarters of
the Cleveland Artillery were at Philippi, but the companies were
scattered, some of them, with their guns, doing duty with the bridge
guards. There were constant rumors of active service ahead and of
impending attacks by the enemy, but none of them appeared to have
any foundation in fact, for the weeks passed without any of “war’s
alarms” of a serious nature.
During the latter part of June General Henry A. Wise became a
prominent factor in Confederate operations in Western Virginia.
At the head of a considerable force he threatened an attack upon
Philippi. As the Fourth of July drew near a report came to be
currently believed that on that day he would attempt to retake the
place. All arrangements possible for defense were made. Neither
officers nor soldiers had yet learned much about fortifying, in the
art of which they became so skilled at a later day, but some rude
works had been thrown up which promised to be serviceable and “handy”
in case of attack. Part of the guns of the Cleveland Artillery were
kept in position where it was thought they might do the most good if
there came a rebel visitation. A strong and vigilant picket guard was
maintained to prevent anything in the nature of a surprise.
Most of the soldiers were in a sad plight as to clothing. Especially
was this true of the members of the Cleveland Artillery. Much of
the wretchedly poor, shoddy clothing received by them at Camp Putnam
had literally fallen to pieces. The men were actually in rags. Some
of them went around during those warm July days with only drawers
to cover the nakedness of their nether limbs. They looked more like
a congregation of beggars than patriotic American citizens engaged
in the work of saving the country. That pestilent insect, the
“grayback,” made its appearance and was soon on terms of the closest
intimacy with them. Probably not one in twenty of these innocent
young men had ever seen one of these things before. Most of them did
not even know that this carnivorous bug had an existence in the wide
and variegated realm of animated nature. But it did not take them
long to become extensively acquainted with him.
Patriotic emotions were active as the “Glorious Fourth” drew near,
and although the American Eagle seemed to be in a bad way just then,
it was determined to have a fitting celebration of the day, whether
or not Wise kept his reputed engagement. Notwithstanding their
dilapidated condition the members of the artillery entered into the
matter with great gusto. The arrangements were made by a committee
consisting of Colonels Dumont, Sixth Indiana, Milroy, Ninth Indiana,
Lieutenant Colonel Dickey, Fifteenth Ohio, “Bob” McCook, Ninth Ohio,
Barnett, Cleveland Light Artillery, and others. During the month
previous the Union forces had been augmented by several additional
regiments, as designated above.
An elaborate program was made out, which included speeches, music,
both vocal and instrumental, and, of course, the reading of that
patriotic but somewhat musty and dusty old document, the Declaration
of Independence. This always has been, and probably always will be,
considered an essential factor in a Fourth of July celebration, under
any and all circumstances, although nobody ever listens to it, or can
remember, five minutes after a single word of what it contains. In
casting about for a person who could read this ponderous paper with
fitting dignity and impressiveness the committee decided upon Warren
P. Edgarton, then a private of Company D, Cleveland Light Artillery,
who had won some reputation as an elocutionist, and he was promptly
detailed for this duty.
Edgarton was in sore distress of mind over the condition of his
wardrobe. He hadn’t any clothes to speak of, and half the time was
running around camp with only a ragged shirt and a pair of drawers.
He had a fine physique and would tip the beam at about a hundred and
eighty. He had a sort of artillery jacket but it was three sizes
too small, and when he crowded himself into it he looked and felt
like a woman wearing a tightly laced corset; so that he didn’t put
it on except on state occasions, when his usual _negligee_ uniform
would be considered a gross and violent breach of army regulations.
He had a pair of shoes that were three sizes too large for even his
substantial and well-developed feet, in which he would go sloshing
around camp. At night he used to “park” his shoes outside, as there
wasn’t room for them in the tent, without crowding everybody out.
He wore on his head a little cap which, never within an inch of his
size, had so shrunk and shriveled under the demoralizing influence
of sun and storm that it only lay upon the top of his head, looking
not much bigger than a postage stamp. All in all he was a startling
and picturesque object to stand before a crowd of raging patriots and
read the Declaration of Independence.
Something had to be done to get him into presentable shape for the
occasion. The honor and credit of the Artillery were at stake.
It would be an insult to the “Spirit of Seventy-six” for such a
half-naked tatterdemalion to get up and pronounce the thundering
sentences of Thomas Jefferson. So Colonel Barnett, Captain Rice and
others whose pride was stirred began to forage through the town for
some clothes that would adorn Edgarton’s shapely form and redound
to the credit of the Battery. A black claw-hammer dress coat was
found after a long search and the owner consented to loan it for
the occasion. This was supplemented by broadcloth trousers, a hat
belonging to one of the officers and a pair of fancy, high-heeled
boots. The latter one of the boys had brought along from home, with
a vague idea that they would be useful to him in putting down the
rebellion. They were not large enough for Edgarton’s feet, but he
contrived to squeeze into them at the last moment and to endure their
pinching while he was doing his part in “letting the eagle scream.”
There had been considerable difficulty in finding a copy of the
Declaration. The Philippians of Western Virginia were not a literary
folk, and few of them appeared ever to have heard of it. At length a
copy was found, in a musty law book at the courthouse.
Edgarton was greeted with hearty applause as he mounted the platform.
This was followed by general laughter at his unique appearance.
Such another “makeup” was never seen in the army, before nor since,
in this or any other country. But he read the Declaration of
Independence in fine style and was tremendously cheered. Lieutenant
Colonel Geo. B. Este, of the Fourteenth Ohio, followed with an
admirable address; the bands almost blew their heads off; patriotic
songs were sung; and the celebration was a great success. The rebel
General Wise failed to show up and nothing interfered with the
carrying out of the program.
No sooner had the “Glorious Fourth” been fittingly and satisfactorily
celebrated than the troops were directed to prepare at once for
another campaign. On July 6th General Morris, commanding at Philippi,
received orders to advance early the following day, occupy Belington,
fifteen miles southward, and menace the enemy, who was in strong
position at Laurel Hill, near that place. The movement was made
promptly, according to the plan. The writer has before him a
yellow, ink-stained paper, a memento of the advance from Philippi.
It is endorsed “Programme, march to Laurel Hill,” and announces
the following order of the procession, the words in brackets being
supplied for explanatory purposes:
First Virginia, four companies.
Milroy [Ninth Indiana].
Steadman, First Battalion [Fourteenth Ohio].
Barnett, four pieces [Cleveland Light Artillery].
Steadman, Second Battalion [Fourteenth Ohio].
Barnett, two pieces [Cleveland Light Artillery]
First Virginia, two companies.
Dumont [Seventh Indiana].
Headquarters
Fulton
Dickey [Fifteenth Ohio].
Crittenden [Sixth Indiana].
Ammunition wagons.
Band.
Four caissons, two guns [Cleveland Light Artillery].
It will be observed that both front and rear were well protected
by artillery. The commanding general prudently sandwiched his
headquarters in the center of the column. We must also admire the
tender solicitude for the safety of the band, as shown by its
position as far as possible from the front and flanked by two guns
and four caissons of Barnett’s artillery.
The march was begun about midnight. The movement was rapid and at
daylight the skirmishers struck the rebel pickets near Belington.
A section of the artillery was immediately ordered to the front
and a few shells were tossed among the enemy’s outposts, with most
demoralizing effect. The Union skirmishes, well supported, quickly
pushed the pickets back to the main line, which was strongly
fortified. Some of the pickets showed fight at first and there was a
brisk skirmish, in which the Cleveland Artillery suffered its first
casualty. George W. Tillotson, of Company D, caught a musket ball
in the groin. He received every possible attention and as soon as
circumstances would permit was sent to the rear. He finally reached
his home in Cleveland but never fully recovered, dying from the
effects of his wound, a few years later. He was the first man from
Cleveland to shed his blood in the Union cause.
When the artillery was ordered to move there was the greatest
activity in preparing for the impending campaign. The men were
exceedingly anxious to acquit themselves with credit, and spared no
pains to make the battery as effective as possible. The ammunition
was carefully inspected and put in order, and the guns were polished
until they shone like mirrors. The men were “hard up” for clothing,
the supply having been exceedingly limited—scanty in quantity and
poor in quality. Every effort had been made to procure better
supplies but without success. The state authorities and the United
States government appeared to be about equally neglectful of the
needs of the soldiers. Rations were generally good and sufficient,
and there was little cause for complaint on that score.
Whenever occasion offered the artillery served with excellent effect.
The years of instruction and drill at home proved a most valuable
school. The skill of the gunners in training their pieces and timing
shells was such as to win for them the warmest commendations. The
members of the infantry regiment formed a strong attachment for the
artillerymen. They had an abiding faith in the efficacy of Barnett’s
cannon, and when engaged in any movement seemed to be doubly
confident if accompanied by a section or two of the artillery.
The order from General McClellan to General Morris was to avoid
delivering battle at Laurel Hill if possible, but to firmly press the
enemy at all points and hold him in his works, until the co-operating
column under General Rosecrans should come up and attack in flank and
rear. Rosecrans struck the rebels at Rich Mountain and after a hot
fight completely routed them, capturing many prisoners and a large
quantity of material of war. The confederate defeat at Rich Mountain
and the prompt advance of General Rosecrans rendered the rebel
position at Laurel Hill untenable. The enemy abandoned it in great
haste.
During the few days that the troops under General Morris lay at
Belington there was constant skirmishing with the enemy. Day and
night all were kept on the alert, and the whistle of bullets began
to be a familiar sound. The guns of the Cleveland Artillery were
advantageously posted and were brought into occasional use. The men
were constantly at their posts. Now and then a shell or a solid shot
would be sent over to the rebels, just to let them know that the
“Yankees” were still there and wide awake. In an official report
dated “Headquarters near Belington, Va., July 9, 1861,” General
Morris says:
“The instructions of the commanding general will be carried out,
although it is difficult to restrain our men from advancing. I hardly
know in what terms to convey to you their enthusiasm. Their coolness
under such fire as we have been subjected to (incessant since our
arrival), is most creditable to them, and establishes beyond all
question, if proof were needed, that they can be relied upon in any
emergency. The regiments in advance are Milroy’s Ninth Indiana,
Barnett’s Artillery, Steadman’s Fourteenth Ohio, and Dumont’s Seventh
Indiana, all of which deserve special mention.”
On July 12th the rebels, having retreated from Belington and Laurel
Hill during the day and night previous, General Morris moved in
pursuit. The following is an extract from a report made by him dated
“Carrick’s Ford, Va., July 14, 1861:
“I reported yesterday morning the progress of the forces of my
command in pursuit of the enemy retreating from Laurel Hill. The
pursuit was continued through the day in the same order as stated
in my report of yesterday morning, viz.: Steadman’s Fourteenth Ohio
in advance with two sections of Barnett’s artillery, next Dumont’s
Seventh Indiana and Milroy’s Ninth Indiana. These regiments started
in pursuit from our resting place near Leadsville at about 4 o’clock
in the morning. The remainder of the troops were on the march by 5
o’clock a. m. A drizzling rain commenced about 6 o’clock, which by
9 became quite heavy. The enemy left the main turnpike and turned
towards Cheat river, crossing two branches of the Laurel mountain
over a narrow and rough road. Owing to the heavy rain the roads were
rendered very difficult for the men and the few wagons of ammunition
and provisions. By 11 o’clock the rain became a drenching storm and
so continued for several hours, the roads in the mountains becoming
almost impassable. At 2 o’clock the whole command was up in the
position we now occupy.
“The attention of the commanding general is particularly called to
the gallant bearing of the infantry and artillery which led the
advance. I would also call attention to the fact that the entire
command commenced the pursuit on a few minutes’ notice, without time
to prepare even a day’s rations for the haversacks. I ordered four
wagons to be loaded with hard bread and pork to follow the command.
These four wagons, with the little additional rations put in with the
ammunition, are all the provisions the command has had since leaving
Belington, except some beeves procured in this vicinity.
“The march of yesterday was from eighteen to twenty miles. When it
is considered that we have put to flight a force equal to our own,
and have pursued the rebels night and day for thirty hours, almost
without provisions, over a mountainous and difficult road, and part
of the time through a drenching storm, we may feel sure that our
cause must be successfully maintained by men who show such gallant
bearing and soldierly endurance.”
Then came the brilliant attack upon the enemy at Carrick’s Ford,
which resulted in the utter defeat and rout of the rebels. Their
commander, General Garnett, was among the killed. The story of this
important engagement cannot be more concisely told than by giving
almost entire the official report of General H. W. Benham, who was in
immediate command of the Union force. The report was made to General
Morris:
“In accordance with your directions, I this morning took command
of the advance guard of your column, consisting of the Fourteenth
Ohio, Colonel Steadman, with one section of Barnett’s Artillery,
the Seventh Indiana, Colonel Dumont, and the Ninth Indiana, Colonel
Milroy, in all about 1,800 men. With this force, as instructed, I
started from Leadsville at about 4 o’clock a. m. to pursue the army
of General Garnett, which, consisting, as we learned, of 4,000 to
5,000 men and four to six cannon, had retreated from the north side
of Laurel mountain near Belington the day before yesterday. It being
ascertained that the enemy had retired toward the village of New
Interest and thence, as was supposed, over a mountain road leading to
the Shafer Fork, or main branch, of the Cheat river, to Saint George.
The troops were brought rapidly forward on their route, so as to
reach the entrance of the mountain road—about seven miles march—at 6
o’clock. A short distance after entering this path the passage was
found to be obstructed by large trees, recently felled, in about
twelve to fifteen places, and in nearly every defile for three or
four miles. Information was from time to time received that this
force, which had some fifteen hours the start of us from Belington,
was now only four to five miles in advance. This encouraged our
efforts, and though for nearly the whole time the rain was pouring in
torrents and the clayey roads were in many places almost impassable,
the spirit of the troops, without exception, as it came under my eye,
was such as to bear them most rapidly onward under all these trials,
super-added to that of hunger, with which the greater part of them
had suffered for the previous fifteen or twenty hours.
At about noon we reached Kaler’s, the first ford of the Shafer
Branch or main fork of Cheat river, having within the previous two
or three miles fired at and driven in several pickets of the enemy
protecting those who were forming the barricades, and at one place
we broke up a camp where the meals were being cooked. At the ford
near Kaler’s, and at about half the distance to another ford, which
we afterward met with one mile farther on, we saw the baggage train
of the enemy, apparently at rest. This I proposed to attack as soon
as strengthened by the arrival of Steadman’s second battalion, with
Dumont’s regiment, when the thoughtless firing of a musket at our
ford set the train rapidly in motion, and long lines of infantry were
formed in order of battle to protect it. In a few minutes, however,
the arrival of Barnett’s artillery, with Dumont close upon it,
enabled the command to push forward in its original order, but the
train and its guard had retired, leaving only a few skirmishers to
meet us at the second ford, where, however, quite a rapid firing was
kept up by the advance regiment, and Barnett’s artillery opened for
some minutes to more completely clear the adjacent woods of the enemy.
“We then continued our march rapidly to the ford, and as we
approached it we came upon the enemy’s train, the last half of it
just crossing, in the river. The enemy was found to have taken a
strong position, with his infantry and artillery, upon a precipitous
bank fifty to eighty feet in height, upon the opposite side of the
river, while our own position was upon the low land, nearly level
with the river. Steadman’s regiment, in the advance, opened fire most
gallantly upon them, which was immediately returned by their strong
force of infantry and by their cannon, upon which Barnett’s artillery
was ordered up and opened upon them with excellent effect.
As I soon perceived a position by which their left could be turned,
six companies of Colonel Dumont’s regiment were ordered to cross
the river about three hundred yards above them, to pass up the hill
obliquely from our right to their left, and take them in rear. Owing
to some mistake, possibly in the transmission of the order, this
command crossed about double the distance intended and turned at
first to their right, which delayed the effect of the movement. After
some fifteen minutes, however, this error was rectified, and, the
hill being reported as impracticable, this command, now increased to
the entire regiment, was ordered down to the ford, there to take the
enemy directly in front at the road.
“The firing of Steadman’s regiment and of Milroy’s, now well up
and in action, with repeated and rapid discharges from Barnett’s
artillery during this movement, decided the action at once. As Dumont
reached the road, having passed along and under their whole front,
the firing ceased and the enemy fled in great confusion. Dumont’s
regiment pursued them for about one mile farther, having brisk
skirmishing with their rear for the first half of that distance,
during which General Garnett was killed. The enemy would still have
been followed up most closely, and probably to the capture of a large
portion of their scattered army, but this was absolutely impossible
with our fatigued and exhausted troops, who had already marched
eighteen miles or more, in an almost incessant, violent rain, the
greater part of them without food since the evening and a portion of
them even from the noon of yesterday, so warm had been the pursuit
of the enemy on their hasty retreat from Laurel Mountain, twenty-six
miles distant. The troops were, therefore, halted for food and rest
at about 2 p. m.
“The result of the action proves to be the capture of about forty
loaded wagons and teams, being nearly all the enemy’s baggage train,
as we learn, and including a large portion of new clothing, camp
equipage and other stores; their headquarter papers and military
chest; also two stands of colors and one fine rifled piece of
artillery; while the commanding general, Robert S. Garnett, is
killed, his body being now cared for by us, and fifteen or twenty
more of the enemy are killed and nearly fifty prisoners taken. Our
own loss is two killed and six or seven wounded—one dangerously.
“In concluding this report I feel it my duty to state that just as
the action was closing, the head regiment of the body of troops under
yourself, though starting as I learn three hours later, the Sixth
Indiana, under Colonel Crittenden, came upon the field in excellent
order, but, unfortunately, too late to aid us in the battle.
“The conduct of those gallant officers, Colonels Barnett, Steadman,
Dumont and Milroy, with the steady perseverance of their officers and
men in their long and arduous march, suffering from hunger, rain and
cold, with their gallantry in action, was most heroic and beyond all
praise of mine. Their country only can fully appreciate and reward
their services.”
This was the most important victory that had yet been achieved
by the Union forces anywhere. It is true that very small figures
expressed the losses on either side, but loyal people everywhere
were anxiously watching for successes, and the “battle” of Carrick’s
Ford threw the whole North into a spasm of tempestuous rejoicing.
The pluck and heroism of the volunteers was lauded to the skies—and
it may fairly be said that they deserved it. The members of the Ohio
artillery, with whom this chronicle has particularly to do, had added
fresh laurels to those gained at Philippi and Laurel Hill, and the
people of Cleveland regarded them in the same light in which the
world looks upon the Six Hundred who made the historic charge at
Balaklava. So conspicuous were their services and so gallant their
bearing that they were awarded the cannon captured from the enemy
at Carrick’s Ford. At the close of the three months’ service they
took this trophy back with them to Cleveland. It was placed in the
Public Square, where it remaineth unto this day, with an inscription
upon it that he who runs may read. This inscription, by the way,
was at first fearfully and wonderfully made. A geographical student
would be impressed with the fact that unless the people of Cleveland
could fight better than they could spell they wouldn’t capture many
cannon in that or any other war. The inscription, which was put on
by somebody who was not within three hundred miles of the battle,
informed the wayfarer that the gun was captured at “Corricke’s
Forde.” The atrocious orthography greeted the public eye for nearly
twenty years, when it was corrected, to the great satisfaction of the
old survivors of the artillery.
The writer has before him the official reports of a number of
Confederate officers who participated in the action at Carrick’s
Ford. Naturally they magnify the Union force and losses, and in a
measure that is ridiculous. They place the Union strength at from ten
to fifteen thousand, their own being but a tenth of that number. The
“Yankees” are estimated to have had on their hands after this action
material for one hundred and fifty funerals, with one additional
loss of from two to four hundred wounded. It will be remembered that
General Benham, in his official report to General Morris, states that
the Union loss was “two killed and six or seven wounded.”
It is interesting to note the extreme caution shown at that time
by officers and others on the Union side in communicating with the
rebels. There was an evident desire to avoid the slightest word
that would appear to be a recognition of any official authority,
civil or military, among the insurgents. It was considered that if
a rebel general or colonel was addressed as such it was a virtual
recognition of the power that conferred such rank upon him. So, on
July 15, General McClellan addressed a communication “To the Officer
Commanding the Forces Commanded by the late Robert S. Garnett, Esq.,
styling himself Brigadier-General Confederate States Army.”
The battle of Carrick’s Ford ended the fighting of the Cleveland
Artillery in the three months’ service. The command moved back
to Belington and the artillery was ordered to report to General
McClellan, who had planned an expedition up the Kanawha Valley after
the rebel General Wise. He warmly complimented Colonel Barnett and
his men for their valuable services in the campaign under General
Morris, and expressed an earnest wish that they might accompany him
up the Kanawha. As a matter of fact they had not as yet even been
mustered into the United States service, and the three months for
which they were called out had expired. But, pursuant to orders,
Colonel Barnett reported with his command to McClellan at Beverly,
where the General made a personal appeal to the men to accompany
his expedition, and nearly all of them expressed a willingness to
do so. A few days later, before McClellan was ready for the Kanawha
campaign, came the first real battle of the war—that of Bull Run, in
Virginia, which resulted in the rout of the Union army under McDowell
and brought to the people of the North an actual realization of the
fact that they had a war on their hands. In the wild excitement that
followed this battle General McClellan was summoned to Washington to
take command of the Army of the Potomac and his plans for further
offensive operations in Western Virginia were for the time abandoned.
A week later Colonel Barnett and his “regiment” of artillery were
ordered to be discharged and started at once for Columbus. It should
be stated here, to their credit, that the citizens of Cleveland had
done all in their power to contribute to the comfort and wellbeing
of the command during its service in the field. It has already been
said that the men were but poorly supplied with clothing by the
state and national governments, for which apparent neglect there was
much good reason. The three months’ men were called out suddenly and
pushed to the front to meet a great and pressing emergency. Their
services and sacrifices were of inestimable value to the country.
They secured a permanent lodgment at many points beyond the border,
and held the enemy at bay while the government was getting ready for
the mighty struggle which followed. The echoes of Sumter found the
nation totally unprepared for such a crisis, and it is not a matter
of wonder that the early volunteers who, with magnificent patriotism,
responded so promptly to the call, were but indifferently provided
for. The people of Cleveland contributed liberally, and twice Mr.
David Price came to the camp of the artillerymen with quantities of
clothing, food and delicacies for the sick. But for this most highly
appreciated kindness the boys in the field would have had scarcely so
much as fig-leaves to cover their nakedness. It is true there wasn’t
much “uniform” about the garments and they were a grotesque appearing
lot of men for soldiers, but it gave them a comparative degree of
comfort and they “got there just the same” as if they had been
arrayed in all the gorgeous trappings of martial splendor. All the
greater honor was theirs because they served so faithfully and well
and bore without complaint the discomforts and privations inseparable
from a campaign in such a country and under such circumstances.
In due time, with little delay _en route_, the artillery reached
Columbus, homeward bound. The tanned and ragged volunteers, fresh
from fields of glory, were welcomed with great enthusiasm at the
state capital. They had done well their part and their fame had gone
before them, losing nothing in its travels. They were looked upon as
the saviors of their country and people of every grade and rank were
proud to do them honor.
It may well be imagined that the boys were in a hurry to get home,
and the formalities necessary to their release were hurried as fast
as possible. The officers and men were paraded for muster and were
mustered in and out of the United States service at the same time.
Then all were paid off in gold. The amount received did not, it is
true, raise them at once to a condition of opulence. Less than fifty
dollars apiece didn’t look very large for more than three months
of such toil, hardship and danger, but for the time, with the gold
chinking in his pocket, each man felt as if he owned a bank. Their
financial condition was in marked contrast to the state of chronic
insolvency in which they had been so long, for they had had no funds
with which to patronize the sutler except such as was sent them at
irregular intervals by friends at home. Whenever one of them got ten
dollars he was looked upon as a Rothschild or a Vanderbilt and loans
were negotiated with a rapidity that soon exhausted his wealth. As a
general thing when a man got any money it was quickly absorbed by the
liquidation of his debts. After the interview with the paymaster at
Columbus there was a universal squaring of accounts.
The horses and other property belonging to the state were turned
over to the authorities, and the “regiment” was soon ready to start
for Cleveland. The men had been permitted to bring with them from
Western Virginia (as a recognition of their valor and conspicuous
services), the piece of artillery captured at Carrick’s Ford, and
four long-eared mules which the rebels had used as the propelling
power of the cannon in their migratory wanderings. These trophies
were guarded with zealous care, for the boys were proud of them, as
they had a right to be. At Columbus they were objects of the greatest
curiosity and interest. War, right at home, was then a new thing to
the people of the country and anything of this nature was regarded as
a nine-days’ wonder.
While at Columbus a telegram was received by Colonel Barnett from
Amasa Stone, Esq., of Cleveland, inquiring at what time the artillery
would arrive in Cleveland. The friends of the warriors as well as
the citizens generally desired to know in order that they might give
them a fitting reception. The dispatch was duly answered as soon as
the time of departure could be definitely fixed. At length all things
were ready, and after midnight of July 28th the happy artillerymen,
with their trophies of cannon and mules, left for Cleveland. How the
boys shouted and yelled as the train “pulled out” of the depot and
sped away toward “home, sweet home!” In fact they didn’t do much but
yell all the way to Cleveland. Their coming had been heralded along
the route and at every station crowds of people greeted them in the
most tumultuous manner. If the boys could have charged dime museum
price for looking at the gun and mules from rebeldom they would have
made their fortunes.
Meanwhile elaborate preparations were going on in Cleveland to
welcome the returning volunteers with open arms. They were expected
to arrive during the forenoon and before 9 o’clock a great multitude
of people thronged the railroad and its approaches. It was something
like the crowd that, more than three months before, had assembled to
bid them farewell and God speed. Shortly before the arrival of the
train the city militia and the fire department marched down Champlain
street and formed in line near the railroad.
At ten o’clock the train came in sight and as it drew up to the
point of debarkation at the foot of Vineyard—now known as South
Water—street a mighty volume of cheers went up from the assembled
multitude—cheers for Colonel Barnett, cheers for the brave soldiers,
and cheers for the cannon and mules that the boys had captured from
the “seceshers.” As the men stepped from the cars they were clasped
in the arms of loved ones, who wept tears of joy at the safe return
of sons and brothers and husbands. Then came the hearty and effusive
greetings of friends and acquaintances, amidst constant cheering and
the music of brass bands. It was a glorious reception, creditable
alike to the people of Cleveland and to those who so well merited the
demonstration.
After the hand-shaking and words of welcome were over the returned
soldiers formed in procession, a conspicuous object in the column
being the rebel 6-pounder, to which were attached the mules lately in
the Confederate service. Two of the soldiers served in the capacity
of muleteers, each bestriding the “nigh” animal of one of the teams.
The novel outfit was prodigiously cheered along the entire line of
march.
Escorted by the city organizations, the fire department and an
immense throng of people, the “veterans” marched up Superior street
to the Public Square, General A. S. Sanford acting as marshal. The
whole street was thronged with men, women and children, with smiles
of greeting upon their faces and shouts upon their lips. The windows
and balconies were filled with ladies, who waved their handkerchiefs
in kindly welcome and clapped their hands as the “brown soldiers
come back from the borders” went tramping by. Company D, Captain P.
W. Rice, carried a rebel flag captured at Philippi which was loudly
cheered—not because it was an emblem of treason but because it was
captured by Cleveland volunteers.
Arrived at the Park the artillerymen were formed in a hollow square,
surrounded by thousands of people, and were addressed as follows by
Judge Samuel Starkweather, who had been chosen to extend a formal
welcome home:
To the Light Artillery and Colonel Barnett, their gallant and noble
commander.
I am commissioned by the citizens of this city to bid you a cordial
welcome upon your return, and to tell you that Cleveland fully
appreciates the value of your services and feels herself honored by
your achievements. She feels that some portion of the glory which has
fallen upon the noble men of the Cleveland Artillery rests also upon
herself.
Whenever you have appeared the rebels have fled and have not dared to
show their faces. The Cleveland and Geneva artillery were among the
first to answer the call of the government to put down rebellion;
and when it was sought to destroy the banner of our country, you,
gentlemen of the artillery, rushed forth to the field to fight for
its rescue, and you did not return from that field until you saw that
beautiful banner floating from every Virginia hilltop.
We have not been ignorant of the trials through which you have
passed, and we have admired the firmness with which you overcame all
obstacles that presented themselves to you and incumbered your path,
whether rugged mountains or rushing rivers, or hunger or fatigue.
We have heard of you at Philippi—and the rebels heard of you, too,
and with even more lasting impressions. We have heard of you also
at Laurel Hill and Carrick’s Ford. I am happy, too, that we have
not heard of any violation of the rights of justice or of humanity
on your part toward a conquered foe. This has shown that you are
actuated by the same motives which have prompted our whole people. It
is not the object of this contest to interfere with the institutions
of any state, but it is our purpose to defend and preserve the
banner, that not a star may be blotted out or a stripe defaced. It is
to enforce laws to which we all owe our safety, our protection and
our happiness, and I know I speak your sentiments when I say that
whoever takes a part in this contest from other motives is unworthy
the name of a patriot.
There is now being enacted a drama which is attracting the eyes of
the whole civilized world, and I am proud to say that the members of
this company have well played their part therein; and when the last
scene is ended no name will more adorn the history of these events
than that of the Cleveland Artillery; no achievements will rank
higher than those in which its members, our own gallant soldiers,
bore so conspicuous a part.
Under the circumstances Judge Starkweather may be pardoned for
drawing a long bow, but candor compels the admission that when the
boys came home the “beautiful banner” was not, strictly speaking,
“floating from every Virginia hill-top.” There were still a few
hill-tops left over which the star spangled flag was not floating,
nor did it float till some years later.
At the close of the loud and prolonged applause which greeted the
Judge’s address, showing how clearly the feelings of the people were
in harmony with the sentiments he expressed. Colonel Barnett made the
following brief reply:
Allow me, sir, on behalf of my command, as well as for myself, to
thank you, and through you the citizens of Cleveland, for this
greeting, which was wholly unexpected by us. I have no words to
express the gratitude of our hearts toward our fellow citizens.
We have the satisfaction of knowing that we have borne our banner
in the van, and that we have endeavored to do our duty; and so
we return to you with a consciousness that we are not entirely
unworthy the confidence which we know you have placed in us.
There was loud cheering and plenty of it as Colonel Barnett bowed and
retired, and the band struck up “The Bowld Soger Boy.” The exercises
over, the companies were variously taken care of and the crowd slowly
dispersed. A committee of German citizens took charge of Company E,
Captain Heckman, and Company B, Captain Mack, and escorted them to
Haltnorth’s, where they were filled up with refreshments, solid and
liquid. The four other companies were escorted to the Weddell House,
where a sumptuous dinner was served them in fine style. It made up in
some degree for the many times during the previous three months when
they had yearned unspeakably for a “square meal.”
Later in the day the members of Company C, Captain Pelton, were
banqueted at their armory in Brooklyn Village, a committee of fifteen
ladies doing the honors of the occasion. In the afternoon Company F,
Captain Kenny, took a train to Geneva, where its members were right
royally welcomed.
The following paragraphs from Cleveland newspapers of the time will
be of interest in this connection:
[_Leader_, July 30, 1861.]
The returned soldiers all look well and in excellent condition
physically, although they are as brown as berries from exposure.
Among the artillerymen who yesterday returned from the campaign in
Western Virginia were three members of Alert Hose Company—William
Kidd, foreman; Albert Smith, assistant foreman, and Private E.
S. Ransom. Of course, the social and genial Alerts could not let
them return without a welcome, so last night a merry party of
Alerts and a few invited guests assembled in the elegant hall of
the hose-house to celebrate the event over a splendid supper.
Toasts, speeches and songs followed. Finally, the hose-carriage was
illuminated and the company escorted the returned members to their
homes, the blaze of innumerable roman candles lighting their way up
Superior street.
[_Plain Dealer_, July 30, 1861.]
The returned artillerymen are the heroes of the day. If you find
a knot of men collected on a corner, the bronzed countenance of
a member of the artillery is in the center and he is relating to
the gaping crowd his exploits and adventures among the rebels
in Western Virginia. It will be some time before their stock of
incidents is exhausted; and years hence the story may be rehearsed
to wondering grandchildren. They have come home after nobly
discharging their duty and meet with the warm admiration and
approval which they have so richly merited. All honor to the brave
artillerymen.
At a meeting of the Cleveland City Council, held on the evening
of July 30th, the following preamble and resolutions, offered by
Councilman T. N. Bond, were adopted with great enthusiasm:
_Whereas_, At the request of the Governor of Ohio the Cleveland
Artillery, embracing four companies from the city, one from
Brooklyn and one from Geneva, under the command of Colonel James
Barnett, left their homes and business on the 22d day of April,
1861, on a day’s notice, to perform such duty in the defense of the
Government as might be required of them, and
_Whereas_, After gaining the confidence and approbation of the
people on our southeastern border, by their fine conduct both as
soldiers and citizens, they rendered most important services to
the country in the campaigns in Western Virginia, distinguishing
themselves for activity, discipline and bravery in their laborious
night marches, and in the battles at Philippi, Belington and
Carrick’s Ford, and have now returned after more than three
months’ absence, with trophies of their victories and the
well-deserved approbation of their fellow citizens; therefore be it
_Resolved_, That in addition to the public and spontaneous welcome
already given them at their reception yesterday, the mayor and city
council of the city, and in behalf of the city, hereby officially
record their high appreciation of the honor the Cleveland Artillery
and its noble commander have reflected upon the city whose name
they bear; that their self-denial, good conduct and energy and
their skill and bravery in the field have won for them unfading
honor; and that especially to Colonel Barnett, for his coolness and
judgment, his manly and soldierly bearing under all vicissitudes,
our thanks are richly due and are hereby tendered.
_Resolved_, That copies of the foregoing preamble and resolutions
be duly engrossed by the clerk and presented to Colonel Barnett and
to the several companies under his command.
These resolutions were transmitted to Colonel Barnett by Mayor
Flint—long an active and zealous member of the Cleveland
Artillery—with the following letter:
Mayor’s Office, City of Cleveland,
August 4, 1861.
Colonel James Barnett.
Dear Sir: With this I take great pleasure, as the executive officer
of the city of Cleveland, in presenting to you, and through you to
the different companies under your command, the resolutions of the
City Council of the city, expressive of their sense of the valuable
services rendered the country in your recent campaign in Virginia.
As a member of the earliest organization of artillery in this city,
and from which simple detailed “squad” of the Cleveland Grays has
grown your complete and valuable command, I take increased pleasure
in presenting to you these resolutions, expressing, as they do, my
own feelings regarding your action for the past three months.
Respectfully yours,
E. S. FLINT, Mayor.
The following appeared editorially in the Cleveland _Leader_ of July
30th, 1862:
“When the proclamation of the President called for seventy-five
thousand troops Ohio sprang to the work of furnishing her quota.
The Cleveland Artillery was the only organized body of the kind in
the state, the artillery in other places being only single sections
or squads. Colonel Barnett had been the life of the four sections
which were organized in this city. He immediately took steps to
go into service with his command, and as soon as the necessary
arrangements could be made he reported himself ready for orders.
He was sent to the southern border of Ohio to protect it from
threatened invasion, and to be in readiness to move into Virginia
upon short notice. Since that time, without ever having been
mustered into either State or United States service, he has led his
brave boys through the campaign in Western Virginia, where they
have performed prodigies of marching and have fought a good fight
when the enemy has given them the chance. Colonel Barnett left his
business here to go to war and has labored unceasingly for the good
of his men and the discomfiture of the rebels. His services were
fully appreciated by General McClellan, who tendered him a very
complimentary invitation to accompany him to the Kanawha Valley.
Colonel Barnett intends, we understand, to raise a full artillery
regiment and go in for the war. We wish him all success and trust
his services will be appreciated and recognized at headquarters.”
Thus these citizen soldiers, who at home often were scoffed at for
playing soldier in time of peace, by their timely military training,
were ready to, and did almost at a day’s notice respond to the call
of their country and served it well. The artillery piece captured
at Carrick’s Ford was brought to Columbus and turned over to the
state, but Colonel Barnett wished to take it to Cleveland. Said
Quartermaster General Wood, who then had charge of the arms of the
state, to Colonel Barnett: “I think no objection will be raised if
you take the gun to Cleveland; your men captured it and I guess you
can find a way to hold it.” The piece may now be seen on the Public
Square, in its way a monument to the valor and heroism of the old
artillerymen of Cleveland.
With this elaborate and protracted welcome home, which would appear
to have been most satisfactory to all concerned, in both its
fullness and its cordiality, closes the honorable record of the
Cleveland Artillery in the “three months’ service.” Henceforward
we follow the fortunes of the First Regiment Ohio Light Artillery,
through its four years of brilliant service in the field.
INDEPENDENT COMPANIES.
But the seed sown by the old gun squad and the First Cleveland
Light Artillery had not yet exhausted its strength. It continued
to take root, expand and blossom. Privates Joseph C. Shields and
Frank Wilson, of Captain Rice’s battery, after their three months’
service in the First Regiment, Ohio Volunteer Artillery, imbued as
they had become with a military spirit, and with patriotic impulse,
soon organized an independent artillery battery, which was mustered
into service Sept. 10, 1862. It numbered 164 men, had six guns, and
was called the Nineteenth Independent Battery, Ohio Volunteer Light
Artillery. Captain Shields became commander, who at the end of two
years resigned, when Mr. Wilson, who had been first lieutenant of
the company, became its captain. The battery was in the siege of
Knoxville, in the East Tennessee campaign, in the siege of Atlanta,
Ga., and at other places of interest, historic in the great struggle.
The men were mustered out June 27, 1865, at the close of the war.
In this battery was Quartermaster Sergeant Pardon B. Smith, who
afterwards became sheriff of Cuyahoga County, and now each year meets
with the “old association,” gladdening the occasion with spirit and
song.
There was another man who belonged to this battery—Lieutenant James
W. Grimshaw—who may properly be mentioned in this connection.
When Fort Sumter fell there was great excitement in Cleveland, as
there was all over the country. Crowds gathered in the streets and
public places in large numbers. At one of these assemblies on the
Public Square in Cleveland, a man was imprudent enough to call out
“Hurrah for the South!” Mr. Grimshaw, standing near, immediately
shouted, “I say hurrah for the Union flag!” Soon bitter words passed
between the two men and a rough and tumble followed in which the
rebel sympathizers got much the worst of the fight. Thus the civil
war began in Cleveland! Lieutenant Grimshaw returned from the war,
was elected to the city council and died some years since, greatly
respected. Another of those who received a military schooling in
the First Regiment, Ohio Volunteer Light Artillery, under Colonel
Barnett, was Corporal Louis Smithnight. Like Captains Shields
and Wilson, the three months he had been in the war incited him
to further military service. He organized and became captain of
the Twentieth Battery, Ohio Volunteer Light Artillery, which went
into service Oct. 29, 1862, for a term of three years. The battery
was in the siege at Atlanta, Ga., and in the battles of Dalton
and Chickamauga in that state, and in the battles at Liberty Gap,
Franklin and Nashville, in Tennessee.
BARNETT’S BIG REGIMENT.
Early in the war the governor of Ohio decided to place in the field
a full regiment of artillery. The chief centers of population in
the state readily responded to the call and twelve companies were
soon organized, numbering in all more than 1,800 men, commanding
seventy-two guns. The command of this large force, a fair-sized
army in itself, was sought by several men of military distinction.
Quartermaster General Wood of the governor’s staff, who for so many
years had been associated with Colonel Barnett in the old Cleveland
Artillery, strongly recommended the colonel for the position. Sept.
3, 1861, Governor Dennison gave him his commission. But not only was
Colonel Barnett of Cleveland’s old gun squad made colonel of this new
regiment, called the First Regiment, Ohio Volunteer Light Artillery,
but three of his associates in this early school of artillery
training were given commissions of command next to him.
Captain W. H. Hayward was made lieutenant colonel, while Walter E.
Lawrence and Seymour Race became majors. To have four of the chief
officers of this regiment all from Cleveland and all of the old
Cleveland artillery, indeed, was high honor. But these men who had
cherished fond hopes of leading their regiments to the front were
destined to be disappointed. An order came from Washington directing
the several batteries to report, some at one point and some at
another, where their services were deemed most needed. Thus the
companies were separated and the chief field officers were shorn of
active command.
Colonel Barnett, however, was called to a higher position. He was
made chief of artillery on the staff of General W. S. Rosecrans,
one of the best fighting generals in the Union army; was with him
in battle and all the fortunes of war. Lieutenant Colonel Hayward
was made chief of artillery in the third army corps, third division
of the Army of the Potomac, under General Daniel Sickles, where he
did valiant service until worn out by hard work, April 1, 1863,
under advice of army physicians he was compelled to resign. Later,
however, recovering something of his health, he was made colonel of
the One Hundred and Fiftieth Regiment, Ohio Volunteer Infantry. Major
Lawrence became a colonel, served with distinction and died in the
service. Major W. F. Goodspeed, now a resident of Columbus, O., who
meets with the “old artillery association” each year, was one of the
best of the many good fighting men who belonged to General Barnett’s
regiment. He was mustered into the service as a private, became a
lieutenant, then a captain and came out at the end of the war a major.
Major Seymour Race, heretofore mentioned, served two years in the war.
Lieutenant John Crable is still another who received his military
training in the old artillery school. He was commissioned second
lieutenant in Battery G, Colonel Barnett’s regiment, and afterwards
promoted to first lieutenant, serving at times as captain. His
company distinguished itself in several important battles and took
part in others of lesser note.
“COMMISSARY” HARRY BINGHAM.
Among the many of the old artillerymen now dead, few will be
better remembered than “Commissary” Harry Bingham, a man of small
stature, full of life and fun. It may be said that for some years
he contributed largely to the life of his military comrades. At the
beginning of the war he was in Wisconsin, where he soon joined the
military service. He became a lieutenant and served with credit.
Finally, however, the hardships of war were greater than he could
bear. For a time he lay sick at Nashville, was then brought to
Cleveland, where he died. His disposition to joke did not desert him
even when upon his deathbed. Said he with a smile, to a lady who
called upon him during his last sickness, “I’m a funeral, sure.” He
lies buried in Woodland cemetery. Who of his old military comrades
will not drop a tear to his memory?
Many others of the old guard, some living and some dead, deserve well
to be mentioned in this connection.
The history of the association itself may be told in a few lines.
At the close of the civil war, when regiments and various commands
in the war were forming associations and holding reunions, the wife
of Captain Wood, who made all the cartridges used by the old gun
squad, now residing in this city, past eighty-three years of age,
one day suggested to her husband the propriety of Cleveland’s old
artillerymen having a reunion. The thought was conveyed to General
Barnett, Colonel Hayward and others, who were pleased with the idea
and on the 22d of February, 1871, the members of the old squad then
living and other old Cleveland artillerymen met at the Kennard House,
formed an association of which General Wood was made president and
then and there had their first banquet. General Wood was continued
president of the association ten years, until his death May 2, 1881,
when General Barnett succeeded him. The general has been president
ever since, some twenty-three years. At the first meeting of the
association held after General Wood’s death, General Barnett paid a
high tribute to his old comrade. Among other things he said: “Since
our last anniversary David L. Wood, commander of the old Grey gun
squad, captain of the First artillery company in Cleveland and
president of our association since its first organization, has passed
away. It was he who first introduced into the then West, forty-two
years ago, the artillery branch of our old militia system. We can
say of our old comrade that he was an honest man. He had a bluff,
outspoken way, but a warm, generous heart. His pride was with his
old artillery associates. His comrades tenderly, with sorrow, laid
him away in the cemetery. We will and do reverence his memory and
our recollections are of a competent soldier, a patriotic man and
good citizen.” General Wood was born in Barkhamsted, Conn., Aug.
14, 1847, and died May 2, 1881 in Cleveland at the residence of his
brother-in-law, the Hon. O. J. Hodge.
Thirty-four years have now passed since the first meeting of the
association and each year since it has had its social gathering, and
each Decoration day the members have strewn with flowers the graves
of their departed comrades. Such meetings, however, cannot be held
many years longer. The whitened locks of these men point to a day in
the near future when the members of the association will hold their
last banquet, when there will be no member left to decorate the
graves of the departed, but around their memory long will cluster
recollections of patriotic work and good citizenship, and those now
upon life’s stage, and those yet to come, with pride will study their
history and place upon their graves flowers, emblematic of love and
veneration.