I. The Catholic System.
The effects of the system.--Completion of the ecclesiastical
hierarchy.--Omnipotence of the Pope in the Church.
--Influence of the French Concordat and other precedents from
1801 to 1870.--Why the clergy becomes ultramontane.--The
dogma of Infallibility.
In 1801, at Rome, pending the negotiations for the Concordat, when Pius
VII. still hesitated about the deposition in mass of the survivors of
the ancient French episcopacy, clear-sighted observers already remarked,
"Let this Concordat which the First Consul desires be completed,[5201]
and you will see, on its ratification, its immense importance and
the power it will give to Rome over the episcopacy throughout the
universe."--In effect, through this "extraordinary, nearly unexampled"
act of authority, and certainly unequaled "in the history of the
Church,"[5202] the ultramontane theory, contested up to this time,
maintained in the speculative region of abstract formulae, comes down
to solid ground, into practical and lasting use. Willingly or not, "the
Pope acts as if universal bishop;" urged and constrained by the lay
power, attached to a dictatorship,[5203] he entered upon it and so
installed himself, and, ten years later, Napoleon, who had impelled him
on, regretted that he had done so. Warned by his Gallican jurists,
he saw the ecclesiastical import of his work; but it was too late to
retreat--the decisive step had been taken.--For, in fact, the Pope had
deprived all the chieftains of a great church of their thrones, "his
colleagues and co-bishops,"[5204] successors of the apostles under the
same title as himself, members "of the same order and stamped "with the
same "character," eighty-five legitimate incumbents[5205] and, still
better, as admitted by himself, blameless, worthy, persecuted
because they had obeyed him, banished from France on account of their
unwillingness to quit the Roman Church. He had ordered them to resign;
he had withdrawn apostolic powers from the thirteen who had refused to
tender their resignations; to all, even to those who refused, he had
appointed their successors. He assigned to the new titularies dioceses
of a new pattern and, to justify novelties of such gravity,[5206] he
could allege no other reasons than circumstances, the exigencies of
lay power, and the welfare of the Church. After that the Gallicans
themselves, unless accepting the risk of a schism and of separating
forever from the Holy See, were obliged to allow the Pope above and
beyond the ordinary powers exercised by him within the old limits of
canons and of custom, an extraordinary power unlimited by any canon or
by any custom,[5207] a plenary and absolute authority, a right above
all other rights, by virtue of which, in cases determined by himself, he
provided in a discretionary way for all Catholic interests, of which he
thus becomes the supreme judge, the sole interpreter and the court of
last appeal. An indestructible precedent was set up; it was the great
corner-stone in the support of the modern Church edifice; on this
definitive foundation all other stones were to be superposed, one by
one. In 1801, Pius VII., under the pressure of the reigning Napoleon,
had obliged the prelates of the old régime, sullied by a monarchical
origin and suspected of zeal for the dethroned Bourbons, to abandon
their seats. In 1816, under the pressure of the re-established Bourbons,
the same Pius VII. obliged Fesch, cardinal-archbishop of Lyons, and
uncle of the fallen Napoleon, to abandon his seat. Bercastel et Henrion,
XIII, 192. Cardinal Fesch having been banished from France by the law
of January 12, 1816, "the Pope no longer regarded the person of the
cardinal, but the diocese that had to be saved at any cost, by virtue of
the principle salus populi suprema lex. Consequently, he prohibited the
cardinal from "exercising episcopal jurisdiction in his metropolitan
church, and constituted M. de Bernis administrator of that church,
spiritually as well as temporally, notwithstanding all constitutions
decreed even by the general councils, the apostolic ordinances,
privileges, etc." In both cases the situation was similar, and, in the
latter as in the former case, motives of the same order warranted the
same use of the same power.
But the situation, in being prolonged, multiplied, for the Church, the
number of urgent cases, and, for the sovereign pontiff the number of
cases of intervention. Since 1789, the entire civil order of things,
constitutional, political, social and territorial, had become singularly
unstable, not only in France but in Europe, not only on the old
continent but likewise on the new one. Sovereign states by hundreds
sunk under the strokes and counter-strokes, indefinitely propagated and
enforced by the philosophy of the eighteenth century and of the French
Revolution; others, by dozens, arose in their place, and, in these,
different dynasties succeeded each other; here, Catholic populations
falling under the rule of a schismatic or Protestant prince; there, this
or that Catholic country, for fifteen years included in a mixed state,
detached from it and constituted apart. In Protestant America, the
Catholics, increased to millions, formed new communities in Catholic
America, the colonies had become independent; almost everywhere in
America and in Europe the maxims of government and of public opinion
had changed. Now, after each of these changes, some initiative,
some direction, some authority was necessary, in order to reconcile
ecclesiastical with lay institutions; the Pope was on hand, and on each
occasion he establishes this concord.[5208] At one time, by a diplomatic
act analogous to the French Concordat of 1801, he negotiates with the
sovereign of the country--Bavaria, Wurtemburg, Prussia, Austria, Spain,
Portugal, the two Sicilies, the Netherlands, Belgium and Russia. Again,
owing to the tolerant liberalism, or to the Constitutional indifference
of the lay government, he alone prescribes, notably in Holland, in
Ireland, in England, in Canada, and in the United States, a division
of the country into ecclesiastical districts, the erection of new
bishoprics, and the lasting regulation of the hierarchy, the discipline,
the means of support and the recruiting of the clergy. Again, when
sovereignty is in dispute, as after the emancipation of the Spanish
colonies, he does without it, in spite of the opposition of the
mother-country, and, "without putting himself in relation with the new
governments,[5209] he, acting for himself, "that he may put an end
to the widowhood of the Churches," appoints bishops, assigns them a
provisional régime in anticipation of the epoch when, in concert with
better founded governments, he will decree their definitive régime. In
this way, all the great existing churches of the Catholic universe are
the work of the Pope, his latest work, his own creation attested by a
positive act of contiguous date, and of which the souvenir is vivid:
he has not recognized them--he has made them; he has given them their
external form and their internal structure; no one of them can look
within itself without finding in its laws the fresh imprint of the
sovereign hand which has fashioned it; none of them can assert or even
believe itself legitimate without declaring the superior authority to be
legitimate which has just endowed it with life and being. The last
step, the greatest of all, above the terrestrial and practical order of
things, in speculative theology, in the revelation of the supernatural,
in the definition of things that are divine: the Pope, the better to
prove his autocracy, in 1854, decrees, solely, of his own accord, a new
dogma, the immaculate conception of the Virgin, and he is careful to
note that he does it without the concurrence of the bishops; they were
on hand, but they neither deliberated nor decided.[5210]
Thus arise durable powers, spiritual or temporal, little by little,
through the uninterrupted and uncontested series of their acts; from
1791 to 1870 all ecclesiastical precedents, one added to another, became
consolidated, one through the other and through their mass; story after
story, steadily ascending and converging to raise the Pope higher still,
until at last, on the summit of the edifice, the Holy See becomes
the keystone of the arch, the omnipotence of fact being completed by
omnipotence of right.
Meanwhile Catholic opinion came to the aid of pontifical opinion, and,
in France, the clergy spontaneously became ultramontane because there
was no longer any motive for remaining Gallican. Since the Revolution,
the Concordat and the Organic Articles, all the sources which maintained
in it a national as well as particularist spirit, had dried up; in
ceased being a distinct, proprietary and favored body; its members are
no longer leagued together by the community of a temporal interest,
by the need of defending their privileges, by the faculty of acting
in concert, by the right of holding periodical assemblies; they are no
longer, as formerly, attached to the civil power by great social and
legal advantages, by their honorable priority in lay society, by their
immunities from taxation, by the presence and influence of their bishops
in the provincial parliaments, by the noble origin and magnificent
endowments of nearly all their prelates, by the repressive support which
the secular arm lent to the church against dissenters and free-thinkers,
by the immemorial legislation and customs which, erecting Catholicism
into a State religion, imposed the Catholic faith on the monarch, not
alone in his quality of a private individual and to fix his personal
belief, but again in his quality of public magistrate, to influence his
policy and to share in his government. This last article is capital,
and out of its abrogation the rest follows: at this turn of the road
the French clergy is thrown off the Gallican track, every step it
takes after this being on the way to Rome. For, according to Catholic
doctrine, outside of the Roman Church there is no salvation; to enter
it, to rest in it, to be led by it is the highest interest and first
duty of man; it is the unique and infallible guide; all acts that it
condemns are culpable, and not only private acts, but likewise all
public acts; the sovereign who commits them may, as an individual, be
Catholic by profession and even loyal at heart; but, as a ruler, he is
disloyal, he has lost his semi-ecclesiastic character, he has ceased to
be "the exterior bishop," he is not worthy to command a clerical body.
Henceforth, the Christian conscience no longer bows down before him
with love and respect; nothing remains to him for support but social
prudence; and again is it with resignation, because the Church commands
obedience to the authorities, and the same Church commands disobedience
to these authorities when, abusing their power, they encroach on its
rights.
Now, ten years ago, the State had done nothing else, and, to the old
Concordat which was not good, it had just substituted a Concordat that
was worse. This new alliance, concluded by it with the Church in 1802,
is not a religious marriage, the solemn sacrament by which, at Rheims,
she and the King promised to live together and in harmony in the same
faith, but a simple civil contract, more precisely the legal regulation
of a lasting and deliberate divorce.--In a paroxysm of despotism the
State has stripped the Church of its possessions and turned it out of
doors, without clothes or bread, to beg on the highways; next, in a fit
of rage, its aim was to kill it outright, and it did partially strangle
it. Recovering its reason, but having ceased to be Catholic, it has
forced the signature of a pact which is repugnant, and which reduces
their moral union to physical cohabitation. Willingly or not, the
two contracting parties are to continue living together in the same
domicile, since that is the only one they possess; but, as there is
incompatibility of humor, they will do well to live apart. To this end,
the State assigns a small, distinct lodging to the Church and allows her
a meager supply of food; this done, it fancies that it may cry quits;
and, worse still, it imagines that she is always its subject, and still
pretends to the same authority over her; the State is determined to
retain all rights conferred upon it by the old marriage, and these
rights it exercises and adds to. Meanwhile, it admits into the same
lodging three other Churches which it subjects to the same régime: that
makes four mess-rooms to be maintained and which it watches, supports
and utilizes the best it can for the temporal advantage of the
household. There is nothing more odious to the Catholic Church than this
advertised, practical polygamy, this subvention granted indifferently
to all cults, this patronage in common, more insulting than abandonment,
this equal treatment[5211] which places the pulpit of truth and the
pulpits of falsehood, the ministry of salvation and the ministries
of perdition, on the same footing. Nothing is more serviceable for
alienating a Catholic clergy, for making it consider civil power as
foreign, usurping, or even inimical, for detaching the Gallican Church
from its French center, for driving it back towards its Roman center and
for handing it over to the Pope.
Henceforth, the latter is the unique center, the sole surviving head
of the Church, inseparable from it because he is naturally its head and
because it is naturally his body; and all the more because this mutual
tie has been strengthened by trials. Head and body have been struck
together, by the same hands, and each on the other's account. The Pope
has suffered like the Church, along with and for it. Pius VI., dethroned
and borne off by the Directory, died in prison at Valence; Pius VII.,
dethroned and carried off by Napoleon, is confined, sequestered and
outraged for four years in France, while all generous hearts take sides
with the oppressed against his oppressors. Moreover, his dispossession
adds to his prestige: it can no longer be claimed that territorial
interests prevail with him over Catholic interests; therefore, according
as his temporal power diminishes his spiritual power expands, to such an
extent that, in the end, after three-quarters of a century, just at the
moment when the former is to fall to the ground the latter is to rise
above the clouds; through the effacement of his human character his
superhuman character becomes declared; the more the sovereign prince
disappears, the more does the sovereign pontiff assert himself. The
clergy, despoiled like him of its hereditary patrimony and confined like
him to its sacerdotal office, exposed to the same dangers, menaced by
the same enemies, rallies around him the same as an army around its
general; inferiors and superiors, they are all priests alike and are
nothing else, with a clearer and clearer conscience of the solidarity
which binds them together and subordinates the inferiors to the
superiors. From one ecclesiastical generation to another,[5212] the
number of the refractory, of the intractable and of independents,
rigorists or the lax, goes on decreasing, some, conscientious
Jansenists, hardened and sectarians of the "Little Church," others,
semi-philosophers, tolerant and liberal, both inheriting too narrow
convictions or too broad opinions for maintaining themselves and
spreading in the newly founded society (milieu).[5213] They die out,
one by one, while their doctrines fall into discredit and then into
oblivion. A new spirit animates the new clergy, and, after 1808,
Napoleon remarks of it, "It does not complain of the old one, and is
even satisfied with it; but, he says, they are bringing up new priests
in a sombre fanatical doctrine: there is nothing Gallican in the
youthful clergy,"[5214] no sympathy for the civil power. After Napoleon,
and on getting out of his terrible hands, the Catholics have good
reasons for their repugnance to his theology; it has put too many
Catholics in jail, the most eminent in rank, in holiness, bishops and
cardinals, including the Pope. Gallican maxims are dishonored by the use
Napoleon has made of them. Canon law, in public instruction and in
the seminaries (of the Catholics), ends insensibly in unlooked-for
conclusions; texts and arguments opposed to the Pope's authority seem
weaker and weaker; texts and arguments favorable to the Pope's authority
seem stronger and stronger;[5215] the doctors most deferred to are
no longer Gerson and Bossuet, but Bellarmin and Suarez; flaws are
discovered in the decrees of the council of Constance; the Declaration
of the clergy of France in 1682 is found to contain errors condemned
and open to condemnation.[5216] After 1819, M. de Maistre, a powerful
logician, matchless herald and superb champion, in his book on "The
Pope," justifies, prepares and announces the coming constitution of
the Church.--Step by step, the assent of Catholic community is won or
mastered;[5217] on approaching 1870, it is nearly universal; after 1870,
it is wholly so and could not be otherwise; whoever refuses to submit is
excluded from the community and excludes himself from it, for he denies
a dogma which it professes, a revealed dogma, an article of faith which
the Pope and the council have just decreed. Thenceforward, the Pope,
in his magisterial pulpit, in the eyes of every man who is and wants to
remain Catholic, is infallible; when he gives his decision on faith or
on morals, Jesus Christ himself speaks by his mouth, and his definitions
of doctrine are "irrefutable," "they are so of themselves, they
alone, through their own virtue, and not by virtue of the Church's
consent."[5218] For the same reason, his authority is absolute, not only
in matters which concern faith and morals, but again in matters which
concern the discipline and government of the Church."[5219] His judgment
may be resorted to in every ecclesiastical case; nobody is allowed
to question his verdict; "nobody is allowed to appeal to the future
oecumenical council;"[5220] He has not only "a priority by right,
an office of inspection and of direction; he holds again priority
of jurisdiction, a full and supreme power of jurisdiction over the
universal Church,... ", "the total plenitude of this supreme power," not
indirectly and extraordinarily, but "directly and ordinarily, over all
churches and over each one of them, over all pastors and all believers,
over each believer and each of the pastors."--Read this in the Latin:
each word, through its ancient root and through its historic vegetation,
contributes to strengthening the despotic and Roman sense of the text;
the language of the people which invented and practiced dictatorship had
to be employed for the affirmation of dictatorship with that precision
and that copiousness, with that excess of energy and of conviction.
II. The Bishops and their new Situation.
The bishop in his diocese.--Change of situation and rôle.
--Depreciation of other local authorities.--Diminution of
other ecclesiastical authorities.--Decline of the chapter
and the jurisdiction.--The bishop alone dispenses rigors and
favors.--Use of displacement.--Second-class clergy subject
to military discipline.--Why it submits to this.
The change brought about in the condition and role of the bishop was
not less grave. Along with the court noblesse and great ecclesiastical
property, we see the prelate of the old régime disappearing by degrees,
the younger son of a noble family, promoted by favor and very young,
endowed with a large income and much more a man of the world than of
the Church. In 1789, out of 134 bishops or archbishops, only 5 were of
plebeian origin; in 1889, out of 90 bishops or archbishops there are
only 4 of them nobles;[5221] previous to the Revolution, the titular of
an Episcopal see enjoyed, on the average, a revenue of 100,000 francs;
at the present day, he receives only a salary of from 10,000 to 15,000
francs.[5222] In place of the grand seignior, an amiable and magnificent
host, given to display and to entertaining the best company, keeping
an open table in his diocese when he happens to be there, but generally
absent, an habitué of Paris or a courtier at Versailles, we see another
stepping forward to take his seat He is bearing the same title, is
a personage whose habits and origins are different, a resident
administrator, much less ornamental but much more active and governing,
provided with a more ample jurisdiction, with more absolute authority
and wielding more effective influence. The final effect of the
Revolution in relation to the bishop is the same as in relation to the
Pope, and in the French diocese, as in the universal Church, the modern
régime sets up a central, extraordinary, enormous power of which the
ancient regime knew nothing.
Formerly, the bishop encountered around him, on the spot, equals and
rivals, bodies of men or individuals, as independent and powerful as
himself, irremovable, owners of estates, dispensers of offices and of
favors, local authorities by legal sanction, permanent patrons of a
permanent class of dependents. In his own cathedral, his metropolitan
chapter was, like himself, a collator of benefice; elsewhere, other
chapters were so likewise and knew how to maintain their rights against
his supremacy. In each body of regular clergy, every grand abbot or
prior, every noble abbess was, like himself, a sort of sovereign prince.
The territorial seignior and justiciary on his own domain, was through
the partial survival of the old wholly secular feudal order equally
sovereign. Likewise sovereign, was, for its part, the parliament of
the province, with its rights of registry and of remonstrance, with
its administrative attributes and interference, with its train of loyal
auxiliaries and subordinates, from the judges of the presidencies and
bailiwicks down to the corporations of advocates, prosecutors and other
members of the bar.[5223] The parliamentarians of the district capital
(chef-lieu), purchasers and owners of their offices, magistrates from
father to son, much wealthier and much prouder than nowadays, were,
in their old hereditary mansions, the real chiefs of the province, its
constant representatives on the spot, its popular defenders against
ministerial and royal absolutism. All these powers, which once
counterbalanced episcopal power, have disappeared. Restricted to their
judicial office, the tribunals have ceased to be political authorities
and moderators of the central government: in the town and department,
the mayor and general councilors, appointed or elected for a certain
time, enjoy only temporary credit; the prefect, the military commandant,
the rector, the treasurer-general are merely passing strangers.
The local circumscription, for a century, is an exterior post where
individuals live together in contact but not associated; no longer
does any intimate, lasting and strong bond exist between them; nothing
remains of the old province but a population of inhabitants, a given
number of private persons under unstable functionaries. The bishop
alone has maintained himself intact and erect, a dignitary for life, the
conductor, by title and in fact, of a good many persons, the stationary
and patient undertaker of a great service, the unique general and
undisputed commander of a special militia which, through conscience and
professions, gathers close around him and, every morning, awaits his
orders. Because in his essence, he is a governor of souls. Revolution
and centralization have not encroached on his ecclesiastical
prerogative. Thanks to this indelible quality he has been able to endure
the suppression of the others; these have come back to him of themselves
and with others added, comprising local superiority, real importance and
local ascendancy; including the various honorable appellations which,
under the ancient régime, denoted his rank and preeminence; at the
present day, under the modern régime, they are no longer in use for a
layman and even for a minister of state; after 1802, one of the articles
of the Organic Laws,[5224] interdicts them to bishops and archbishops;
they are "allowed to add to their name only the title of citizen and
monsieur." But practically, except in the official almanac, everybody
addresses a prelate as "my lord," and in the clergy, among believers,
in writing or in speaking to him, he is called "your Grace," under the
republic as under the monarchy.
Thus, in this provincial soil where other powers have lost their roots,
not only has he kept his, but he has extended them and much farther; he
has grown beyond all measure and now the whole ecclesiastical territory
belongs to him. Formerly, on this territory, many portions of it, and
quite large ones, were enclosures set apart, reserves that an immemorial
wall prevented him from entering. It was not he who, in a great majority
of cases, conferred livings and offices; it was not he who, in more than
one-half of them, appointed to vacant curacies. At Besançon,[5225] among
1500 benefices and livings, he once conferred less than 100 of them,
while his metropolitan chapter appointed as many curés as himself; at
Arras, he appointed only 47 curés and his chapter 66; at Saint-Omer,
among the collators of curacies he ranked only third, after the abbey
of Saint-Martin and after the chapter of the cathedral. At Troyes, he
could dispose only of 197 curacies out of 372; at Boulogne, out of 180,
he had only 80, and this again because the chapter voluntarily abandoned
to him 16. Naturally, the eyes of all candidates turned towards the
collator; and, among the highest and most lucrative places, those
which gave the least trouble and afforded the most satisfaction,
all sinecures, ranks, simple benefices and large urban curacies,
probendaries and canonicates, most of the offices, titles, and incomes
that might tempt human ambition, were in the hands, not of the bishop,
but of the king or of the Pope, of an abbot or prior, of an abbess,
or of a certain university,[5226] of this or that cathedral or
college-body, of a lay seignior, of a patentee, or of an indultaire,
and often of the titulary himself. Thus, the hold of the bishop on his
clercs was feeble; he did not hold them through the hope of a favor.
And, on the other hand, he had still less hold on them, no hold at
all, through fear of losing favor. They might displease him almost with
impunity; his faculty for punishment was much more restricted than his
means of recompense. His subordinates could find shelter and refuge
against his displeasure, and even against his hostility. In the first
place, and as a principle, a titulary, whether ecclesiastic or secular,
owned his office and hence was irremovable; they themselves, plain
vicar-curates, the humble desservans[5227] of a rural parish, had
acquired this privilege through the declarations of 1726 and 1731.[5228]
Moreover, in case of interdiction, suspension or of censure, a titulary
could always recur to the courts against episcopal judgment and any
other, against all encroachment on spiritual or temporal prerogatives,
or on those which were useful or honorary belonging to his charge.
These courts were of two kinds, one ecclesiastical and the other
secular, and in each an appeal could be made from a lower to a higher
court, from the diocesan official to the metropolitan official, and from
the présidial to the parliament, with a complete judicial staff,
judge, assessors, public ministry, prosecutors, advocates and clerks,
restricted to the observing of all judicial formalities, authentic
papers, citations of witnesses and challenges of testimony,
interrogatories and pleadings, allegation of canons, laws and
precedents, presence of the defendant, opposing arguments, delays
in procedure, publicity and scandal. Before the slow march and
inconveniences of such a trial, the bishop often avoided giving
judgment, and all the more because his verdicts, even when confirmed by
the ecclesiastical court, might be warded off or rendered ineffective
by the lay tribunal; for, from the former to the latter, there was
an appeal under writ of error, and the latter, a jealous rival of the
former, was ill-disposed towards the sacerdotal authorities;[5229]
besides, in the latter case, far more than in the former, the bishop
found confronting him not merely the more or less legal right of his own
party, but again the allies and patrons of his party, corporations and
individuals who, according to an accepted usage, interfered through
their solicitations with the judges and openly placed their credit at
the service of their protégé. With so many spokes in the wheels, the
working of an administrative machine was difficult; to give it effective
motion, it required the steady pressure, the constant starting, the
watchful and persistent efforts of a laborious, energetic, and callous
hand, while, under the ancient régime, the delicate white hands of a
gentleman-prelate were ill-adapted to this rude business; they were
too nicely washed, too soft. To manage personally and on the spot a
provincial, complicated and rusty machine, always creaking and groaning,
to give one's self up to it, to urge and adjust twenty local wheels, to
put up with knocks and splashes, to become a business man, that is to
say a hard worker--nothing was less desirable for a grand seignior of
that epoch. In the Church as in the State, he made the most of his rank;
he collected and enjoyed its fruits, that is to say money, honors and
gratifications, and, among these gratifications, the principal one,
leisure; hence, he abandoned every special duty, the daily manipulation
of men and things, the practical direction, all effective government, to
his ecclesiastical or lay intendants, to subordinates whom he scarcely
looked after and who, at his own house, on his own domain, replaced
him as fixed residents. The bishop, in his own diocese, left the
administration in the hands of his canons and grand-vicars; "the
official decided without his meddling."[5230] The machine thus worked
alone and by itself, with very few shocks, in the old rut established by
routine; he helped it along only by the influence he exercised at Paris
and Versailles, by recommendations to the ministers in reality, he
was merely the remote and worldly representative of his ecclesiastical
principality at court and in the drawing-room.[5231] When, from time
to time, he made his appearance there, the bells were rung; deputations
from all bodies hurried to his antechambers; each authority in turn, and
according to the order of precedence, paid him its little compliment,
which compliment he graciously returned and then, the homage being over,
he distributed among them benedictions and smiles. After this, with
equal dignity and still more graciously throughout his sojourn, he
invited the most eligible to his table and, in his episcopal palace
or in his country-house, he treated them as guests. This done, he had
performed his duty; the rest was left to his secretaries, ecclesiastical
officials and clerks, men of the bureaux, specialists and "plodders."
"Did you read my pastoral letter?" said a bishop to Piron. And Piron,
who was very outspoken, dared reply, "Yes, my lord. And yourself?"
Under the modern régime, this suzerain for show, negligent and
intermittent, is succeeded by an active sovereign whose reign is
personal and constant; the limited and easy monarchy of the diocese is
converted into an universal and absolute monarchy. When the bishop,
once invested and consecrated, enters the choir of his cathedral to the
reverberations of the organ, lighted with wax candles amidst clouds of
incense, and seats himself in solemn pomp[5232] "on his throne," he is
a prince who takes possession of his government, which possession is
not nominal or partial, but real and complete. He holds in his hand "the
splendid cross which the priests of his diocese have presented to him,"
in witness of and symbolizing their voluntary, eager and full
obedience; and this pastoral baton is larger than the old one. In the
ecclesiastical herd, no head browses at a distance or under cover; high
or low, all are within reach, all eyes are turned towards the episcopal
crook; at a sign made by the crook, and according to the signal, each
head forthwith stands, advances or recedes: it knows too well that the
shepherd's hands are free and that it is subject to its will. Napoleon,
in his reconstruction of the diocese, made additions to only one of the
diocesan powers, that of the bishop; he suffered the others to remain
low down, on the ground. The delays, complications and frictions of a
divided government were repugnant to him; he had no taste for and
no comprehension of any but a concentrated government; he found it
convenient to deal with but one man, a prefect of the spiritual order,
as pliable as his colleague of the temporal order, a mitered grand
functionary--such was the bishop in his eyes. This is the reason why
he did not oblige him to surround himself with constitutional and
moderating authorities; he did not restore the ancient bishop's court
and the ancient chapter; he allowed his prelates themselves to pen the
new diocesan statute.--Naturally, in the division of powers, the bishop
reserved the best part to himself, the entire substance, and, to limit
his local omnipotence, there remained simply lay authority. But, in
practice, the shackles by which the civil government kept him in its
dependence, broke or became relaxed one by one. Among the Organic
Articles, almost all of them which subjected or repressed the bishop
fell into discredit or into desuetude. Meanwhile, those which authorized
and exalted the bishop remained in vigor and maintained their effect.
Consequently, Napoleon's calculation, in relation to the bishop or in
relation to the Pope, proved erroneous. He wanted to unite in one person
two incompatible characters, to convert the dignitaries of the Church
into dignitaries of the State, to make functionaries out of potentates.
The functionary insensibly disappeared; the potentate alone subsisted
and still subsists.
At the present day, conformably to the statute of 1802, the cathedral
chapter,[5233] except in case of one interim, is a lifeless and
still-born body, a vain simulachre; it is always, by title or on paper,
the Catholic "senate," the bishop's obligatory "council";[5234] but he
takes his councillors where he pleases, outside of the chapter, if that
suits him, and he is free not to take any of them, "to govern alone, to
do all himself." It is he who appoints to all offices, to the five or
six hundred offices of his diocese; he is the universal collator of
these and, nine times out of ten, the sole collator; excepting eight or
nine canonships and the thirty or forty cantonal curacies, which the
government must approve, he alone makes appointments and without any
person's concurrence. Thus, in the way of favors, his clerical body has
nothing to expect from anybody but himself.--And, on the other hand,
they no longer enjoy any protection against his harshness; the hand
which punishes is still less restrained than that which rewards; like
the cathedral chapter, the ecclesiastical tribunal has lost its
consistency and independence, its efficiency; nothing remains of the
ancient bishop's court but an appearance and a name.[5235]
At one time, the bishop in person is himself the whole court; he
deliberates only with himself and decides ex informata conscientia
without a trial, without advice, and, if he chooses, in his own cabinet
with closed doors, in private according to facts, the value of which
he alone estimates, and through motives of which he is the sole
appreciator. At another time, the presiding magistrate is one of
his grand-vicars, his revocable delegate, his confidential man, his
megaphone, in short, another self, and this official acts without the
restraint of ancient regulations, of a fixed and understood procedure
beforehand, of a series of judicial formalities, of verifications and
the presence of witnesses, of the delays and all other legal precautions
which guard the judge against prejudice, haste, error, and ignorance and
without which justice always risks becoming injustice. In both cases,
the head over which the sentence is suspended lacks guarantees, and,
once pronounced, this sentence is definitive. For, on appeal to the
court of the metropolitan bishop, it is always confirmed;[5236] the
bishops support each other, and, let the appellant be right or wrong,
the appeal is in itself a bad mark against him: he did not submit at
once, he stood out against reproof, he was lacking in humility, he has
set an example of insubordination, and this alone is a grave fault.
There remains the recourse to Rome; but Rome is far off,[5237] and,
while maintaining her superior jurisdiction, she does not willingly
cancel an episcopal verdict; she treats prelates with respect, she is
careful of her lieutenant-generals, her collectors of Saint Peter's
pence. As to the lay tribunals, these have declared themselves
incompetent,[5238] and the new canon law teaches that never, "under the
pretext of a writ of error, may a priest make an appeal to the secular
magistrate";[5239] through this appeal, "he derogates from the authority
and liberty of the Church and is liable to the gravest censures;" he
betrays his order.
Such is now, for the lower clergy, ecclesiastical law, and likewise
secular law, both agreeing together in not affording him protection;
add to this change in the jurisprudence which concerns him a no less
divisive change in the jurisprudence which concerns him a no less
decisive change in the titles which place and qualify him. Before 1789,
there were in France 36,000 curés entitled irremovable; at the present
day, there are only 3,425; before 1789, there were only 2500 curés
entirely removable, while to-day there are 34,042;[5240] all of the
latter, appointed by the bishop without the approbation of the civil
powers, are removable at his discretion; their parochial ministry is
simply a provisional commission; they may be placed elsewhere,
passing from one precarious curacy to another no less precarious. "At
Valence,[5241] Mgr. Chartrousse, in one month transferred 150 priests
from one parish to another. In 1835, in the diocese of Valence, 35
transfers were sent out by the same mail." No assistant-priest, however
long in his parish, feels that he is at home there, on his own domain,
for the rest of his life; he is merely there in garrison, about the same
as lay functionaries and with less security, even when irreproachable.
For he may be transplanted, not alone for spiritual reasons, but
likewise for political reasons. He has not grown less worthy, but the
municipal council or the mayor have taken a dislike to his person;
consequently to tranquilize things, he is displaced. Far better, he had
become worthy and is on good terms with the municipal council and the
mayor; wherever he has lived he has known how to mollify these,
and consequently "he is removed from parish to parish,[5242] chosen
expressly to be put into those where there are troublesome, wrangling,
malevolent, and impious mayors." It is for the good of the service and
in the interest of the Church. The bishop subordinates persons to this
superior interest. The legislation of 1801 and 1802 has conferred full
powers upon him and he exercises them; among the many grips by which he
holds his clergy the strongest is the power of removal, and he uses it.
Into all civil or ecclesiastical institutions Napoleon, directly or by
counterstrokes, has injected his spirit, the military spirit; hence the
authoritative régime, still more firmly established in the Church than
in the State, because that is the essence of the Catholic institution;
far from being relaxed in this, it has become stricter; at present it is
avowed, proclaimed, and even made canonical; the bishop, in our days,
in fact as in law, is a general of division, and, in law as in fact,
his curés are simply sergeants or corporals.[5243] Command, from such
a lofty grade falls direct, with extraordinary force, on grades so low,
and, at the first stroke, is followed by passive obedience. Discipline
in a diocese is as perfect as in an army corps, and the prelates
publicly take pride in it. "It is an insult," said Cardinal de
Bonnechose to the Senate,[5244] "to suppose that we are not masters
in our own house, that we cannot direct our clergy, and that it is the
clergy which directs us... There is no general within its walls who
would accept the reproach that could not compel the obedience of
his soldiers. Each of us has command of a regiment, and the regiment
marches."
III. The new Bishop.
Change in the habits and ways of the bishop.--His origin,
age, capability, mode of living, labor, initiative,
undertakings, and moral and social ascendancy. [5245]
In order to make troops march, a staff, even a croisier, is not enough;
to compulsory subordination voluntary subordination must be added;
therefore, legal authority in the chief should be accompanied with moral
authority; otherwise he will not be loyally supported and to the end.
In 1789, this was not the case with the bishop; on two occasions, and at
two critical moments, the clergy of the inferior order formed a separate
band, at first at the elections, by selecting for deputies curés and not
prelates, and next in the national assembly, by abandoning the prelates
to unite with the Third Estate. The intimate hold of the chief on
his men was relaxed or broken. His ascendency over them was no
longer sufficiently great; they no longer had confidence in him. His
subordinates had come to regard him as he was, a privileged individual,
sprung from a another stock and furnished by a class apart, bishop by
right of birth, without a prolonged apprenticeship, having rendered no
services, without tests of merit, almost an interloper in the body of
his clergy, a Church parasite accustomed to spending the revenues of his
diocese away from his diocese, idle and ostentatious, often a
shameless gallant or obnoxious hunter, disposed to be a philosopher
and free-thinker, and who lacked two qualifications for a leader of
Christian priests: first, ecclesiastical deportment, and next, and very
often, Christian faith.[5246]
All these gaps in and discrepancies of episcopal character, all these
differences and distances (which existed before 1789), between the
origins, interests, habits, and manners of the lower and the upper
clergy, all these inequalities and irregularities which alienated
inferiors from the superior, have disappeared; the modern régime has
leveled the wall of separation established by the ancient régime between
the bishop and his priests. At the present day he is, like them, a
plebeian, of common extraction, and sometimes very low, one being the
son of a village shoemaker, another the natural son of a poor workwoman,
both being men of feeling and never blushing at their humble origin,
openly tender and respectful to their mothers,--a certain bishop lodging
his mother, formerly a servant, in his episcopal palace and giving her
the first seat at his table among the most honored and noblest of his
guests.[5247] He is "one of fortune's officers," that is to say, a
meritorious and old officer.[5248] According the "Almanac" of 1889, the
three youngest are from forty-seven to forty-nine years of age; all the
others are fifty and over; among the latter, three fourths of them are
over sixty. As a general rule, a priest cannot become a bishop short of
twenty or twenty-five years' service in lower or average grades; he must
have remained in each grade a longer or shorter period, in turn vicar,
curé, vicar-general, canon, head of a seminary, sometimes coadjutor,
and almost always have distinguished himself in some office, either
as preacher or catechist, professor or administrator, canonist or
theologian. His full competence cannot be contested, and he enjoys a
right to exact full obedience; he has himself rendered it up to his
consecration; "he boasts of it," and the example he proposes to his
priests is the one he has himself given.[5249] On the other hand, his
moderate way of living excites but little envy; it is about like that of
a general of division, or of a prefect, or of a high civil functionary
who, lacking personal fortune, has nothing but his salary to live on. He
does not display, as formerly, confessionals lined with satin, kitchen
utensil of massive silver, hunting accoutrements, a hierarchical staff
of major-domos, ushers, valets, and liveried lackeys, stables and
carriages, lay grand-seigniors, vassals of his suzerainty and figuring
at his consecration, a princely ceremonial of parade and homage, a
pompous show of receptions and of hospitalities. There is nothing but
what is necessary, the indispensable instruments of his office: an
ordinary carriage for his episcopal journeys and town visits, three
or four domestics for manual service, three or four secretaries for
official writings, some old mansion or other, cheaply repaired and
refurnished without ostentation, its rooms and bureaus being those of an
administrator, business man, and responsible head of a numerous staff;
in effect, he is responsible for a good many subordinates, he has a
good deal to attend to; he works himself, looking after the whole and
in detail, keeping classified files by means of a chronological and
systematic collection,[5250] like the general director of a vast
company; if he enjoys greater honors, he is subject to greater
exigencies; assuredly, his predecessors under the ancient régime,
delicate Epicureans, would not have wished for such a life; they would
not have considered the benefit worth the effort.
Even when old, he draws on his energies; he officiates, he preaches,
he presides at long ceremonies, he ordains seminarians, he confirms
thousands of children,[5251] he visits one after another the parishes
in his diocese; often, at the end of his administration, he has visited
them all and many times. Meanwhile, shut up in his episcopal cabinet, he
is constantly inspecting these four or five hundred parishes; he reads
or listens to reports, informs himself on the number of communicants, on
what is required in worship, on the financial state of the fabrique,
on the attitude of the inhabitants, on the good or bad dispositions of
municipal counselors and mayors, on the local cause of dissension
and conflict, on the conduct and character of the curé or vicar; each
resident ecclesiastic needs guidance or maintenance between intemperate
zeal and inert lukewarmness, evenly balanced according as parishes and
circumstances vary, but always in a way to prevent false steps, to turn
aside mistakes, to humor opinion, to stop scandals. For the entire
life of the clergyman, not only his public life but again his personal,
domestic, private life, belongs to and concerns the Church:[5252] there
must be no evil reports, even without foundation, on his account;
if these occur, the bishop summons him to headquarters, warns him,
admonishes him, and, without unburdening himself by handing the
matter over to a responsible tribunal, he alone passes judgment after
personally conducting the investigations, suffering the worries, and
carrying out the painful, painstaking labor always attendant on direct
absolute power. Likewise, in relation to his upper and his lower
seminary: here are two indispensable nurseries of which he is the head
gardener, attentive to filling annual vacancies and seeking proper
subjects for these throughout his diocese, ever verifying and
cultivating their vocations; he confers scholarships; he dictates rules
and regulations; appoints and dismisses, displaces and procures as he
pleases, the director and professors; he takes them, if he chooses, out
of his diocese or out of the body of regular clergy; he prescribes a
doctrine to them, methods, ways of thinking and teaching, and he keeps
his eye, beyond his present or future priests, on three or four hundred
monks and on fourteen hundred nuns.
As to the monks, so long as they remain inside their dwellings, in
company together and at home, he has nothing to say to them; but,
when they come to preach, confess, officiate or teach in public on his
ground, they fall under his jurisdiction; in concert with their superior
and with the Pope, he has rights over them and he uses them. They are
now his auxiliaries assigned to or summoned by him, available troops and
a reinforcement, so many chosen companies expressly ready, each with
its own discipline, its particular uniform, its special weapon, and
who bring to him in following a campaign under his orders, distinct
aptitudes and a livelier zeal. He needs them[5253] in order to make
up for the insufficiency of his local clergy in arousing the spirit
of devotion in his parishes and in enforcing sound doctrine in his
seminaries. Now, between these two forces a common understanding is
difficult; the former, adjuncts and flying about, march in front; the
latter, holding the ground and stationary, look upon the new-comers as
usurpers who lessen both their popularity and their fees; a bishop must
possess great tact as well as energy to impose on both bodies of
this clergy, if not an intimate union, at least mutual aid and a
collaboration without conflict.--As to the nuns,[5254] he is their
ordinary, the sole arbiter, overseer and ruler over all these cloistered
lives; he receives their vows, and renders them free of them; it is he
who, after due inquiry and examination, authorizes each entrance
into the community or a return to society, at first each admission or
novitiate, and next each profession of faith or assumption of the veil,
every dismissal or departure of a nun, every claim that one makes,
every grave act of severity or decision on the part of the superior.
He approves of, or appoints, the confessor of the establishment; he
maintains seclusion in it, he draws tighter or relaxes the observances;
he himself enters its doors by privilege of his office, and, with his
own eyes, he inspects its régime, spiritual and temporal, through
a right of control which extends from the direction of souls to the
administration of property.
To so many obligatory matters he adds others which are voluntary, not
alone works of piety, those relating to worship, propaganda, diocesan
missions, catechizing adults, brotherhoods for perpetual adoration,
meetings for the uninterrupted recital of the rosary, Peter's pence,
seminary funds, Catholic journals and reviews-but, again, institutions
for charity and education.[5255] In the way of charity, he founds or
supports twenty different kinds, sixty in one diocese alone, general
and special services, infant nurseries, clubs, asylums, lodging-houses,
patronages, societies for helping and placing the poor, for the sick at
home and in the hospitals, for suckling infants, for the deaf and dumb,
for the blind, for old men, for orphans, for repentant prostitutes, for
prisoners, for soldiers in garrison, for workmen, apprentices, youths,
and quantities of others. In the way of education, there are yet more of
them--works which the Catholic chiefs have most at heart; without these,
it is impossible in modern society to preserve the faith in each new
generation. Hence, at each turning-point of political history, we see
the bishops benefiting by the toleration or warding off the intolerance
of the teaching State, competing with it, erecting alongside of its
public schools free schools of its own, directed or served by priests
or religious brotherhoods;--after the suppression of the university
monopoly in 1850, more than one hundred colleges[5256] for secondary
education; after the favorable law of 1875, four or five provincial
faculties or universities for superior instruction after the hostile
laws of 1882, many thousands of parochial schools for primary
instruction.
Foundation and support, all this is expensive. The bishop requires a
great deal of money, especially since the State, become ill-disposed,
cuts off clerical resources as much as possible, no longer maintains
scholarships in the seminaries, deprives suspicious desservans of their
small stipends, eats into the salaries of the prelates, throws
obstacles in the way of communal liberalities, taxes and over taxes
the congregations, so that, not merely through the diminution of its
allowances it relieves itself at the expense of the Church, but again,
through the increase of its imposts, it burdens the Church for its
own advantage. The episcopacy obtains all necessary funds through
collections in the churches and at domiciles, through the gifts and
subscriptions of the faithful; and, every year, it needs millions, apart
from the budget appropriation, for its faculties and universities
in which it installs largely paid professors, for the construction,
location and arrangement of its countless buildings, for the expenses of
its minor schools, for the support of its ten thousand seminarists, for
the general out-lay on so many charitable institutions; and it is the
bishop who, their principal promoter, must provide for this, all the
more because he has often taken it upon himself in advance, and made
himself responsible for it by either a written or verbal promise. He
responds to all these engagements; he has funds on hand at the maturity
of each contract. In 1883, the bishop of Nancy, in need of one hundred
thousand francs to build a school-house with a work-room attached to it,
mentions this to a number of persons assembled in his drawing-room; one
of these puts his hand in his pocket and gives him ten thousand francs,
and others subscribe on the spot to the amount of seventy-four thousand
francs.[5257] Cardinal Mathieu, during his administration, archbishop
of Besançon, thus collects and expends four millions. Lately, Cardinal
Lavigerie, to whom the budget allows fifteen thousand francs per
annum, wrote that he had spent eighteen hundred thousand francs and had
incurred no debt.[5258]--Through this initiative and this ascendancy the
bishop becomes a central social rallying-point; there is no other in
the provinces, nothing but so many disjointed lives, juxtaposed and kept
together in an artificial circle prescribed from above; so that a
good many of these, and of most consideration, gravitate to and group
themselves, especially since 1830, around this last permanent center and
form a part of its body; he is the sole germinating, vivifying, intact
center that still agglutinates scattered wills and suitably organizes
them. Naturally, class and party interests incorporate themselves
additionally along with the Catholic interest which he represents, and
his ecclesiastical authority becomes a political influence; besides
his secular and regular clergy, over and beyond the two thousand five
hundred exemplary or directorial lives which he controls, we see
behind him an indefinite multitude of lay adhesions and devotedness.
Consequently, every government must take him into their calculations,
and all the more because his colleagues stand by him; the episcopacy,
banded together, remains erect in face of the omnipotent State, under
the July monarchy as claimants of free instruction and under the second
empire in support of the temporal power of the Pope.--In this militant
attitude, the figure of the bishop is fully unveiled; the titular
champion of an infallible Church, himself a believer and submissive; his
voice is extraordinarily proud and defiant;[5259] in his own eyes, he
is the unique depository of truth and morality; in the eyes of his
followers, he becomes a superhuman personage, a prophet of salvation or
of destruction, the annunciator of divine judgments, the dispenser of
celestial anger or of celestial pardon; he rises to the clouds in an
apotheosis of glory; with women especially, this veneration grows into
enthusiasm and degenerates into idolatry. Towards the end of the second
empire an eminent French bishop, on a steamboat on Lake Leman, taking
a roll of bread from his pocket, seated himself alongside of two ladies
and ate it, handing each of them a piece of it. One of them, bowing
reverently, replied to him, "At your hands, my lord, this is almost the
holy communion!"[5260]
IV. The subordinate clergy.
The subordinates.--The secular clergy.--Its derivation and
how recruited.--How prepared and led.--The lower seminary.--
The higher seminary.--Monthly lectures and annual retreat.--
The Exercitia.--The Manreze du Prêtre.--The curé in his
parish.--His rôle a difficult one.--His patience and correct
conduct.
A clergy submissive in mind and feeling, long prepared by its condition
and education for faith and obedience, acts under the sway of this
sovereign and consecrated hand.[5261] Among the 40,000 curés and
desservans "more than 35,000 belong to the laboring class of workmen and
peasants,"[5262] not the first class of peasants, but the second class,
the poorer families earning their daily bread and often with a good many
children. Under the pressure of the ambient atmosphere and of the modern
régime, the others keep back their sons, retaining them for the world
and denying them to the Church; ambition, even low down on the scale,
has developed itself and changed its object. No longer do they aspire
for their sons to become a curé but a school master, a railroad
employee, or a commercial clerk.[5263] It was necessary to go descend
further, a lower stratum has to be attained, in order to extract from it
the priests that are lacking.
Undoubtedly, at this depth, the extraction was more expensive; the
family cannot afford to pay for the child's ecclesiastic cal education;
the State, moreover, after 1830, no longer gives anything to the lower
seminary, nor to the large one after 1885.[5264] The expenses of these
schools must be borne by the faithful in the shape of donations and
legacies; to this end, the bishop orders collections in the churches in
Lent and encourages his diocesans to found scholarships. The outlay for
the support and education, nearly gratis, of a future priest between
the ages of twelve and twenty-four is very great; in the lower seminary
alone it costs from forty to fifty thousand francs over and above the
net receipts;[5265] facing such an annual deficit, the bishop, who is
responsible for the undertaking, is greatly concerned and sometimes
extremely anxious. To make amends, and as compensation, the extraction
is surer; the long process by which a child is withdrawn and instructed
for the priesthood goes on and is finished with less uncertainty.
Neither the light nor the murmur of the century finds its way to these
low depths; nobody ever reads the newspaper, even the penny paper;
vocations can here shape themselves and become fixed like crystals,
intact and rigid, and all of a piece; they are better protected than in
the upper layers, less exposed to mundane infiltrations; they run less
risk of being disturbed or thwarted by curiosity, reason and skepticism,
by modern ideas; the outside world and family surroundings do not, as
elsewhere, interfere with their silent internal workings.[5266] When the
choir-boy comes home after the service, when the seminarian returns
to his parents in his vacations, he does not here en-counter so many
disintegrating influences, various kinds of information, free and easy
talk, comparisons between careers, concern about advancement, habits
of comfort, maternal solicitude, the shrugs of the shoulder and the
half-smile of the strong-minded neighbor. Stone upon stone and each
stone in its place, his faith builds up and becomes complete without
any incoherency in its structure, with no incongruity in the materials,
without any hidden imbalance. He has been taken in hand before his
twelfth year, when very young; his curé, who has been instructed from
above to secure suitable subjects, has singled him out in the catechism
class and again at the ceremony of confirmation;[5267] he is found to
have a pious tendency and a taste for sacred ceremonies, a suitable
demeanor, a mild disposition, complacency, and is inclined to study; he
is a docile and well-behaved child; whether an acolyte at the altar
or in the sacristy, he tries to fold the chasuble properly; all his
genuflexions are correct, they do not worry him, he has no trouble in
standing still, he is not excited and diverted, like the others, by the
eruptions of animal spirits and rustic coarseness. If his rude brain is
open to cultivation, if grammar and Latin can take root in it, the curé
or the vicar at once take charge of him; he studies under them, gratis
or nearly so, until he has completed the sixth or the seventh grade, and
then he enters the lower seminary.[5268]
This is a school apart, a boarding-house of picked youths, an enclosed
hot-house intended for the preservation and development of special
vocations. None of these schools existed previous to 1789; at the
present day(in 1885), they number 86 in France, and all the pupils
are to become future priests. No foreign plants, no future laymen, are
admitted into this preparatory nursery;[5269] for experience has
shown that if the lower seminary is mixed it no longer attains its
ecclesiastical purpose; "it habitually turns over to the upper
seminary only the bottom of the classes; those at the top seek fortune
elsewhere". But if, on the contrary, "the lower seminaries are kept
pure, the entire rhetoric[5270] class continues on into the upper
seminary; not only do they obtain the bottom of the classes but the
top."--The culture, in this second nursery, which is prolonged during
five years, becomes extreme, wholly special; it was less so under the
ancient régime, even at Saint-Sulpice; there were cracks in the glass
letting in currents of air; the archbishop's nephews and the younger
sons of nobles predestined for Church dignities had introduced into
it the laxity and liberties which were then the privileges of the
episcopacy. During the vacations,[5271] fairy scenes and pastorals were
performed there with costumes and dances, "The Enthronement of the Great
Mogul," and the "Shepherds in Chains"; the seminarians took great care
of their hair; a first-class hair-dresser came and waited on them; the
doors were not regularly shut: the youthful Talleyrand knew how to get
out into the city and begin or continue his gallantries.[5272] From
and after the Concordat, stricter discipline in the new seminaries had
become monastic; these are practical schools, not for knowledge, but for
training, the object being much less to make learned men than believing
priests; education takes precedence of instruction and intellectual
exercises are made subordinate to spiritual exercises[5273]--mass every
day and five visits to the Saint-Sacrament, with one minute to half-hour
prayer stations; rosaries of sixty-three paters and aves, litanies,
the angelus, loud and whispered prayers, special self-examinations,
meditation on the knees, edifying readings in common, silence until
one o'clock in the afternoon, silence at meals and the listening to an
edifying discourse, frequent communions, weekly confessions, general
confession at New-year's, one day of retreat at the end of every month
after the vacations and before the collation of each of the four orders,
eight days of retirement during which a suspension of all study, morning
and evening sermons, spiritual readings, meditations, orisons and other
services from hour to hour;[5274] in short, the daily and systematic
application of a wise and steadily perfected method, the most
serviceable for fortifying faith, exalting the imagination, giving
direction and impulse to the will, analogous to that of a military
school, Saint-Cyr or Saumur, to such an extent that its corporeal and
mental imprint is indelible, and that by the way in which he thinks,
talks, smiles, bows and stands in your presence we at once recognize a
former pupil of Saint-Sulpice as we do a former pupil of Saumur and of
Saint-Cyr. Thus graduated, an ordained and consecrated priest, first
a vicar and then a curé desservant, the discipline which has bound and
fashioned him still keeps him erect and presenting arms. Besides his
duties in church and his ministrations in the homes of his parishioners,
besides masses, vespers, sermons, catechisings, confessions, communions,
baptisms, marriages, extreme unctions, funerals, visiting the sick and
suffering, he has his personal and private exercises: at first, his
breviary, the reading of which demands each day an hour and a half, no
practical duty being so necessary. Lamennais obtained a dispensation
from it, and hence his lapses and fall.[5275] Let no one object that
such a recitation soon becomes mechanical[5276]; the prayers, phrases
and words which it buries deep in the mind, even wandering, necessarily
become fixed inhabitants in it, and hence occult and stirring powers
banded together which encompass the intellect and lay siege to the will,
which, in the subterranean regions of the soul, gradually extend or
fortify their silent occupation of the place, which insensibly operate
on the man without his being aware of it, and which, at critical
moments, unexpectedly rise up to steady his footsteps or to save him
from temptation. Add to this antique custom two modern institutions
which contribute to the same end. The first one is the monthly
conference, which brings together the desservans curés at the residence
of the oldest curé in the canton; each has prepared a study on some
theme furnished by the bishopric, some question of dogma, morality or
religious history, which he reads aloud and discusses with his brethren
under the presidency and direction of the oldest curé, who gives his
final decision; this keeps theoretical knowledge and ecclesiastical
erudition fresh in the minds of both reader and hearers. The other
institution, almost universal nowadays, is the annual retreat which the
priests in the diocese pass in the large seminary of the principal town.
The plan of it was traced by Saint Ignatius; his Exercitia is still
to-day the manual in use, the text of which is literally,[5277] or very
nearly, followed.[5278] The object is to reconstitute the supernatural
world in the soul, for, in general, it evaporates, becomes effaced, and
ceases to be palpable under the pressure of the natural world. Even the
faithful pay very little attention to it, while their vague conception
of it ends in becoming a mere verbal belief; it is essential to give
them back the positive sensation, the contact and feeling. To this
end, a man retires to a suitable place, where what he does actively or
passively is hourly determined for him in advance--attendance at chapel
or at preaching, telling his beads, litanies, orisons aloud, orisons in
his own breast, repeated self-examination, confession and the rest--in
short, an uninterrupted series of diversified and convergent ceremonies
which, by calculated degrees, drive out terrestrial preoccupations
and overcome him with spiritual impressions; immediately around him,
impressions of the same kind followed by the contagion of example,
mutual fervor, common expectation, involuntary emulation, and that
overstrained eagerness which creates its object; with all the more
certainty that the individual himself works on himself, in silence, five
hours a day, according to the prescriptions of a profound psychology, in
order that his bare conception may take upon itself body and substance.
What-ever may be the subject of his meditations, he repeats it twice the
same day, and each time he begins by "creating the scene," the Nativity
or the Passion, the Day of Judgment or Hell; he converts the remote and
undefined story, the dry, abstract dogma, into a detailed and figured
representation; he dwells on it, he evokes in turn the images furnished
by the five senses, visual, audible, tactile, olfactory, and even
gustatory; he groups them together, and in the evening he animates them
afresh in order that he may find them more intense when he awakes the
next morning. He thus obtains the complete, precise, almost physical
spectacle of his aspirations; he reaches the alibi, that mental
transposition, that reversal of the points of view in which the order
of certainties becomes inverted, in which substantial objects seem to
be vain phantoms and the mystic world a world of substantial
reality.[5279]--According to persons and circumstances, the theme for
meditation differs, and the retreat is prolonged for a shorter or longer
period. For laymen, it generally lasts for three days only; for the
Brethren of the Christian Schools it is eight days annually, and when,
at the age of twenty-eight, they take their vows in perpetuity, it lasts
thirty days: for the secular priests, it lasts a little less than a
week, while the theme on which their meditations are concentrated is the
supernatural character of the priest. The priest who is confessor and
ministrant of the Eucharist, the priest who is the savior and restorer,
the priest who is pastor, preacher and administrator--such are the
subjects on which their imagination, assisted and directed, must work
in order to compose the cordial which has to support them for the entire
year. None is more potent; that which the Puritans drank at an American
camp-meeting or at a Scotch revival was stronger but of less enduring
effect.[5280]
Two different cordials, one reinforcing the other, are mixed together in
this drink, both being of high flavor and so rank as to burn an ordinary
mouth. On the one hand, with the freedom of language and the boldness
of deduction characteristic of the method, the sentiment of the priest's
dignity is exalted. What is the priest?"He is, between God who is in
heaven and the man who tries to find him on earth, a being, God and
man, who brings these nearer by his symbolizing both.[5281].. I do not
flatter you with pious hyperboles in calling you gods; this is not
a rhetorical falsehood.... You are creators similar to Mary in her
cooperation in the Incarnation.... You are creators like God in time....
You are creators like God in eternity. Our creation on our part, our
daily creation, is nothing less than the Word made flesh itself.... God
may create other worlds, he cannot so order it that any act under the
sun can be greater than your sacrifice; for, at this moment, he reposes
in your hands all that he has and all that he is.... I am not a little
lower than the cherubim and seraphim in the government of the world,
I am far above them; they are only the Servants of God, we are his
coadjutors.... The angels, who behold the vast riches passing through
our hands daily, are amazed at our prerogative.... I fulfill three
sublime functions in relation to the god of our altars--I cause him
to descend, I administer his body, I am his custodian... . Jesus dwells
under your lock and key; his hours of reception begin and end through
you, he does not move without your permission, he gives no benediction
without your assistance, he bestows nothing except at your hands, and
his dependence is so dear to him that, for eighteen hundred years, he
has not left the Church for one moment to lose himself on the glory of
his Father."--On the other hand, they are made to drink in full
draughts the sentiment of subordination, which they imbibe to their very
marrow.[5282] "Ecclesiastical obedience is... a love of dependence, a
violation of judgment.... Would you know what it is as to the extent
of sacrifice? A voluntary death, the sepulcher of the will, says Saint
Climaque.... There is a sort of real presence infused into those
who command us...." Let us be careful not to fall "into the crafty
opposition of liberal Catholicism.... Liberalism, in its consequences,
is social atheism.... Unity, in Roman faith, is not sufficient; let us
labor together in the unity of the Roman spirit; for that, let us
always judge Rome with the optimism of affection.... Each new dogmatic
definition produces its own advantages: that of the Immaculate
Conception has given us Lourdes and its truly oecumenical wonders."
Nothing of all this is too much, and, in the face of the exigencies
of modern times, it scarcely suffices. Now that society has become
incredulous, indifferent or, at the least, secular, the priest must
possess the two intense and master ideas which support a soldier abroad
among insurgents or barbarians, one being the conviction that he is of
a species and essence apart, infinitely superior to the common herd;
and the other is the thought that he belongs to his flag, to his chiefs,
especially to the commanding general, and that he has given himself
up entirely to prompt obedience, to obeying every order issued without
question or doubt.[5283] Thus, in that parish where the permanent curé
was once installed, especially in the rural districts,[5284] the
legal and popular governor of all souls, his successor, the removable
desservant, is merely a resident bailiff, a sentry in his box, at the
opening of a road which the public at large no longer travel. From time
to time he hails you! But scarcely any one listens to him. Nine out of
ten men pass at a distance, along a newer, more convenient and broader
road. They either nod to him afar off or give him the go-by. Some are
even ill-disposed, watching him or denouncing him to the ecclesiastic or
lay authorities on which he depends. He is expected to make his orders
respected and yet not hated, to be zealous and yet not importunate, to
act and yet not efface himself: he succeeds pretty often, thanks to
the preparation just described, and, in his rural sentry-box, patient,
resigned, obeying his orders, he mounts guard lonely and in solitude, a
guard which, for the past fifteen years, (from 1870-1885) is disturbed
and anxious and becoming singularly difficult.
*****
[Footnote 5201: Artaud, "Histoire de Pie VII.", I., 167.]
[Footnote 5202: Comte d'Haussonville, "L'Église romaine et le premier
Empire, IV.,378, 415. (Instructions for the ecclesiastical commission of
1811.) "The Pope exercised the authority of universal bishop at the time
of the re-establishment of the cult in France.... The Pope, under the
warrant of an extraordinary and unique case in the Church, acted, after
the Concordat, as if he had absolute power over the bishops." (Speech by
Bigot de Préameneu, Minister of Worship, at the national council, June
20, 1811.) This act was almost universal in the history of the church,
and the court of Rome started from this sort of extraordinary act,
passed by it at the request of the sovereign, in order to enforce its
ideas of arbitrary rule over the bishops."]
[Footnote 5203: So stated by Napoleon.]
[Footnote 5204: Bossuet, "OEuvres complètes, XXXII.", 415. (Defensio
declarationis cleri gallicani, lib. VIII, caput 14).--"Episcopos, licet
papæ divino jure subditos, ejusdem esse ordinis, ejusdem caracteris,
sive, ut loquitur Hieronymus, ejusdem meriti, ejusdem, sacerdotii,
collegasque et coepiscopos appelari constat, scitumque illud Bernardi ad
Eugenium papam: Non es dominus episcoporum, sed unus ex illis."]
[Footnote 5205: Comte Boulay (de la Meurthe), "les Négociations du
Concordat," p. 35.--There were 50 vacancies in 135 dioceses, owing to
the death of their incumbents.]
[Footnote 5206: Bercastel and Henrion, XIII., 43. (Observations of Abbé
Emery on the Concordat.) "None of the past Popes, not even those who
have extended their authority the farthest, have been able to carry such
heavy, authoritative blows out, as those struck at this time by Pius
VII."]
[Footnote 5207: Prælectiones juris canonici habitæ in seminario Sancti
Sulpitii, 1867 (Par l'abbé Icard), I., 138. "Sancti canones passim
memorant distinctionem duplicis potestatis quâ utitur sanctus
pontifex: unam appelant ordinariam, aliam absolutam, vel plenitudinem
potestatis... . Pontifex potestate ordinaria utitur, quando juris
positivi dispositionem retinet.... Potestatem extraordinariam exserit,
quando jus humanum non servat, ut si jus ipsum auferat, si 1egibus
conciliorum deroget, privilegia acquisita immutet.... Plenitudo
potestatis nullis publici juris regulis est limitata."--Ibid., I, 333.]
[Footnote 5208: Principal Concordats: with Bavaria, 1817; with Prussia,
1821; with Wurtemburg, Baden, Nassau, the two Hesses, 1821; with
Hanover, 1824; with the Netherlands, 1827; with Russia, 1847; with
Austria, 1855; with Spain, 1851; with the two Sicilies, 1818; with
Tuscany, 1851; with Portugal (for the patronat of the Indies and of
China), 1857; with Costa Rica, 1852; Guatemala, 1853; Haiti, 1860;
Honduras 1861; Ecuador, Venezuela, Nicaragua and San Salvador, 1862.]
[Footnote 5209: Bercastel et Henrion, XIII, 524.]
[Footnote 5210: "Adstantibus non judicantibus."--One of the prelates
assembled at the Vatican, Nov. 20, 1854, observed that if the Pope
decided on the definition of the Immaculate Conception... this decision
would furnish a practical demonstration... of the infallibility with
which Jesus Christ had invested his vicar on earth." (Émile Ollivier,
"L'Église et l'État au concile du Vatican, I., 313.)]
[Footnote 5211: Bercastel et Henrion, XIII., 105. (Circular of Pius
VII., February 25, 1808.) "It is said that all cults should be free and
publicly exercised; but we have thrown this article out as opposed to
the canons and to the councils, to the catholic religion."--Ibid., (Pius
VII. to the Italian bishops on the French system, May 22, 1808.) "This
system of indifferentism, which supposes no religion, is that which
is most injurious and most opposed to the Catholic apostolic and Roman
religion, which, because it is divine, is necessarily sole and unique
and, on that very account, cannot ally itself with any other."--Cf. the
"Syllabus" and the encyclical letter "Quanta Cura"of December 8, 1864.]
[Footnote 5212: Sauzay, "Histoire de la persecution révolutionnaire dans
le departement du Doubs," X., 720-773. (List in detail of the entire
staff of the diocese of Besançon, in 1801 and in 1822, under Archbishop
Lecoz, a former assermenté.--During the Empire, and especially after
1806, this mixed clergy keeps refining itself. A large number, moreover,
of assermentés do not return to the Church. They are not disposed to
retract, and many of them enter into the new university. For example
("Vie du Cardinal Bonnechose," by M. Besson, I., 24), the principal
teachers in the Roman college in 1815-1816 were a former Capuchin, a
former Oratorian and three assermentés priests. One of these, M. Nicolas
Bignon, docteur ès lettres, professor of grammar in the year IV at the
Ecole Centrale, then professor of rhetoric at the Lycée and member of
the Roman Academy, "lived as a philosopher, not as a Christian and still
less as a priest." Naturally, he is dismissed in 1816. After that date,
the purging goes on increasing against all ecclesiastics suspected of
having compromised with the Revolution, either liberals or Jansenists.
Cf. the "Mémoires de l'abbé Babou, évêque nommé de Séez," on the
difficulties encountered by a too Gallican bishop and on the bitterness
towards him of the local aristocracy of his diocese.]
[Footnote 5213: Cf. the "Mémoires de l'abbé Babou, évêque nommé de
Séez," on the difficulties encountered by a too Gallican bishop and on
the bitterness towards him of the local aristocracy of his diocese.]
[Footnote 5214: "Mémorial," July 31, 1816.]
[Footnote 5215: Both systems, set forth with rare impartiality and
clearness, may be found in "L'Église et l'Etat au concile du Vatican,"
by Émile Ollivier, I., chs. II. and III.]
[Footnote 5216: Bercastel et Henrion, XIII., p. 14. (Letter of M.
d'Avian, archbishop of Bordeaux, October 28, 1815.) "A dozen consecutive
Popes do not cease, for more than one hundred and thirty years,
improving that famous Declaration of 1682."]
[Footnote 5217: Ernile Olliver, ibid., I. 315-319. (Declarations of
the French provincial councils and of foreign national and provincial
councils before 1870.)--Cf. M. de Montalembert, "Des Intérets
Catholiques," 1852, ch. II. and VI. "The ultramontane doctrine is the
only true one. The great Count de Maistre's ideas in his treatise on the
Pope have become commonplace for all Catholic youth."--Letter of Mgr.
Guibert, February 22, 1853. "Gallicanism no longer exists."--"Diary in
France," by Chris. Wordsworth, D.D., 1845. "There are not two bishops in
France who are not ultramontane, that is to say devoted to the interests
of the Roman See."]
[Footnote 5218: "Constitutio dogmatica prima de Ecclesia Christi,"
July 18, 1870. "Ejusmodi romani pontificis definitiones ex sese, non ex
consensu Ecclesiæ irreformabiles esse." (ch. IV.)]
[Footnote 5219: Ibid., ch. III. "Si quis dixerit romanum pontificem
habere tantummodo officium inspectionis vel directionis, non autem
plenam et supremam potestatem juridictionis in universam Ecclesiam,
non solum in rebus quæ ad fidem et mores, sed etiam in iis quæ ad
disciplinam et regimen Ecclesiæ per totum orbem diffusæ pertinent; aut
etiam habere tantum potiores partes, non vero totam plenitudinem hujus
supremæ potestatis, aut hanc ejus potestatem non esse ordinariam et
immediatam..."]
[Footnote 5220: Ibid., ch. III. "Aberrant a recto veritatis tramite
qui affirmant licere ab judiciis Romanorum pontificum ad oecumenicum
concilium, tanquam ad auctoritatem romano pontifice superiorem,
appellare."]
[Footnote 5221: "Almanach national de 1889." (Among these four, one only
belongs to a historic family, Mgr. de Deux-Brézé of Moulins.)]
[Footnote 5222: See "The Ancient Régime," pp. 65, 120, 150, 292. (Ed.
Laffont I. pp. 53-43, 92-93, 218,219.)]
[Footnote 5223: Cf. the history of the parliaments of Grenoble and
Rennes on the approach of the Revolution. Remark the fidelity of all
their judicial subordinates in 1788 and 1789, and the provincial power
of the league thus formed.]
[Footnote 5224: Article 12.]
[Footnote 5225: "The Revolution," Vol. I.--Abbé Sicard, "Les
Dispensateurs des bénéfices ecclésiastiques avant 1789."
("Correspondant" of Sep. 10, 1889, pp. 887, 892, 893.) Grosley,
"Mémoires pour servir l'histoire de Troyes," II, pp. 35, 45.]
[Footnote 5226: Abée Elie Méric, "Le Clergé sous l'ancien régime,"
I., p. 26. (Ten universities conferred letters of appointment on
their graduates.)--Abbé Sicard, "Les Dispensateurs," etc., p 876.--352
parliamentarians of Paris had an indult, that is to say, the right
of obliging collators and church patrons to bestow the first vacant
benefice either on himself or on one of his children, relations or
friends. Turgot gave his indult to his friend Abbé Morellet, who
consequently obtained (in June 1788) the priory of Thimer, with 16,000
livres revenue and a handsome house.--Ibid., p.887. "The bias of the
Pope, ecclesiastical or lay patrons, licensed parties, indultaires,
graduates, the so frequent use of resignations, permutations, pensions,
left to the bishop, who is now undisputed master of his diocesan
appointments, but very few situations to bestow."--Grosley, "Mémoires,
etc.," II., p.35. "The tithes followed collations. Nearly all our
ecclesiastical collators are at the same time large tithe-owners."]
[Footnote 5227: An inferior class of priests, generally assigned to poor
parishes.]
[Footnote 5228: Abbé Elie Méric, ibid., p.448.]
[Footnote 5229: Abbé Elie Méric, ibid., pp 392~403. (Details in
support.)]
[Footnote 5230: Abbé Richandeau, "De l'ancienne et de la nouvelle
discipline de l'Église en France," p. 281.--Cf. Abbé Elie Méric, ibid.,
ch. II. (On the justice and judges of the church.)]
[Footnote 5231: Mercur, "Tableau de Paris," IV.,chap. 345. "The flock no
longer recognize the brow of their pastor and regard him as nothing but
an opulent man, enjoying himself in the capital and giving himself very
little trouble about it."]
[Footnote 5232: "Le Monde" of Novem. 9, 1890. (Details, according to the
Montpellier newspapers, of the ceremony which had just taken place in
the cathedral of that town for the remission of the pallium to Mgr.
Roverié de Cabrières.]
[Footnote 5233: "Encyclopedie théologique," by Abbé Migne, ix., p.465.
(M. Emery, "Des Nouveaux chapitres cathédraux," p.238.) "The custom
in France at present, of common law, is that the bishops govern their
dioceses without the participation of any chapter. They simply call
to their council those they deem proper, and choose from these their
chapter and cathedral councillors."]
[Footnote 5234: Ibid., id.: "Notwithstanding these fine titles, the
members of the chapter take no part in the government during the life of
the bishop; all depends on this prelate, who can do everything himself,
or, if he needs assistants, he may take them outside of the chapter."
--Ibid., p. 445. Since 1802, in France, "the titular canons are
appointed by the bishop and afterwards by the government, which gives
them a salary. It is only the shadow of the canonical organization, of
which, however, they possess all the canonical rights."]
[Footnote 5235: Abbé André, "Exposition de quelques principes
fondamentaux de droit Canonique," p.187 (citing on this subject one
of the documents of Mgr. Sibour, then bishop of Digne).--"Since the
Concordat of 1801, the absence of all fixed procedure in the trial of
priests has left nothing for the accused to depend on but the conscience
and intelligence of the bishop. The bishop, accordingly, has been, in
law, as in fact, the sole pastor and judge of his clergy, and, except
in rare cases, no external limit has been put to the exercise of his
spiritual authority."]
[Footnote 5236: Émile Ollivier, "L'Église et l'État au concile du
Vatican," p 517.--Abbé André, ibid., PP.17, 19, 30, 280. (Various
instances, particularly the appeal of a rural curé, Feb. 8, 1866.) "The
metropolitan (bishop) first remarked that he could not bring himself to
condemn his suffragan." Next (Feb.20, 1866), judgment confirmed by
the metropolitan court, declaring "that no reason exists for declaring
exaggerated and open to reform the penalty of depriving the rector of
the parish of X--of his title, a title purely conferred by and revocable
at the will of the bishop."]
[Footnote 5237: Émile Ollivier, ibid., II.,517, 516.--Abbé André, ibid.,
p.241. "During the first half of the nineteenth century no appeal could
be had from the Church of France to Rome."]
[Footnote 5238: Émile Ollivier, ibid., I. p. 286.--Abbé André, ibid.,
p.242: "From 1803 to 1854 thirty-eight appeals under writ of error (were
presented) to the Council of State by priests accused.... Not one of the
thirty-eight appeals was admitted."]
[Footnote 5239: Prælectiones juris canonici habitæ in seminario Sancti
Sulpicii, III., p.146.]
[Footnote 5240: Émile Ollivier, ibid., I., 136.]
[Footnote 5241: Id., ibid., I., p. 285. (According to Abbé Denys,
"Études sur l'administration de l'Église," p. 211.)--Cf. Abbé André,
ibid., and "L'Etat actuel du clergé en France par les frères Allignol"
(1839).--This last work, written by two assistant-curés, well shows,
article by article, the effects of the Concordat and the enormous
distance which separates the clergy of to-day from the old clergy.
The modifications and additions which comport with this exposition are
indicated by Abbé Richandeau, director of the Blois Seminary, in his
book, "De l'ancienne et de la nouvelle discipline de l'Eglise en France"
(1842). Besides this, the above exposition, as well as what follows, is
derived from, in addition to printed documents, personal observations,
much oral information, and numerous manuscript letters.]
[Footnote 5242: "Manreze du prêtre," by the R. P. Caussette,
vicar-general of Toulouse, 1879., V. II.,p.523. (As stated by the
Abbé Dubois, an experienced missionary. He adds that these priests,
"transferred to difficult posts, are always on good terms with their
mayors,... triumph over obstacles, and maintain peace.")--Ibid., I.,
p.312. "I do not know whether the well-informed consciences of our
lords the bishops have made any mistakes, but what pardons have they not
granted! what scandals have they not suppressed! what reputations have
they not preserved! what a misfortune if you have to do with a court
instead of with a father! For the court acquits and does not pardon....
And your bishop may not only employ the mercy of forgiveness, but,
again, that of secrecy. How reap the advantages of this paternal system
by calumniating it!"]
[Footnote 5243: Vie de Mgr. Dupanloup," by Abbé Lagrange, II.,p.43:
"Mgr. Dupanloup believed that pastoral removal was very favorable, not
to say necessary, to the good administration of a diocese, to the proper
management of parishes, even to the honor of priests and the Church,
considering the difficulties of the times we live in. Irremovability
was instituted for fortunate times and countries in which the people
fulfilled all their duties and in which the sacerdotal ministry could
not be otherwise than a simple ministry of conservation; at the present
day it is a ministry of conquest and of apostleship. The bishop,
accordingly, must dispose of his priests as he thinks them fit for this
work, according to their zeal and to their possible success in a country
which has to be converted." Against the official character and publicity
of its judgments "it is important that it should not make out of a
misfortune which is reparable a scandal that nothing can repair."]
[Footnote 5244: "Moniteur," session of March 11, 1865.]
[Footnote 5245: In the following Taine describes the centralization
and improvement of the Church administration which probably made many
socialist readers believe that the same kind of improvements easily
could be introduced into private enterprise at the same time making them
more determined to exclude children from the old families from all kinds
of leadership in the coming socialist state.]
[Footnote 5246: "The Ancient Régime," pp. 65, 120, 150, 292. "Memoires
inédits de Madame de....." (I am not allowed to give the author's name).
The type in high relief of one of these prelates a few years before the
Revolution may here be found. He was bishop of Narbonne, with an income
of 800,000 livres derived from the possessions of the clergy. He passed
a fortnight every other year at Narbonne, and then for six weeks he
presided with ability and propriety over the provincial parliament at
Montpellier. But during the other twenty-two months he gave no thought
to any parliamentary business or to his diocese, and lived at Haute
Fontaine with his niece, Madame de Rothe, of whom he was the lover.
Madame de Dillon, his grand-niece, and the Prince de Guémenée, the
lover of Madame de Dillon, lived in the same château. The proprieties of
deportment were great enough, but language there was more than free, so
much so that the Marquise d'Osmond, on a visit, "was embarrassed even
to shedding tears.... On Sunday, out of respect to the character of
the master of the house, they went to Mass; but nobody carried a
prayer-book; it was always some gay and often scandalous book, which
was left lying about in the tribune of the château, open to those who
cleaned the room, for their edification as they pleased."]
[Footnote 5247: "Vie de Mgr. Dupanloup," by Abbé Lagrange.--"Histoire du
Cardinal Pie, évêque de Poitiers," by Mgr. Bannard.]
[Footnote 5248: One could imagine the impression this text would have
made on Lenin and his plans to create an elite communist party once he
should take the power he dreamt of. (SR.)]
[Footnote 5249: "Moniteur," session of March 14, 1865, speech of
Cardinal de Bonnechose: "I exact full obedience, because I myself, like
those among you who belong to the army or navy, have always taken pride
in thus rendering it to my chiefs, to my superiors."]
[Footnote 5250: "Histoire du cardinal Pie," by M. Bannard, II.,p.690. M.
Pie left six large volumes in which, for thirty years, he recorded his
episcopal acts, uninterruptedly, until his last illness.]
[Footnote 5251: Ibid., II., p.135: "In the year 1860 he had confirmed
11,586 belonging to his diocese; in 1861 he confirmed 11,845."--"Vie de
Mgr. Dupanloup," by Abbé La Grange, I II., p. 19. (Letter to his clergy,
1863.) He enumerates what he had done in his diocese: "The parochial
retraites which have amounted to nearly one hundred; the perpetual
adoration of the Holy Sacrament established in all the parishes;
confirmation, not alone in the cantonal town but in the smallest
villages and always preceded by the mission; the canonical visit made
annually in each parish, partly by the archdeacon, partly by the dean,
and partly by the bishop;... the vicarships doubled; life in common
established among the parochial clergy; sisters of charity for schools
and the sick multiplied in the diocese and spread on all sides;
augmentation of everything concerning ecclesiastical studies, the number
of small and large seminaries being largely increased; examinations of
young priests; ecclesiastical lectures; grades organized and raised;
churches and rectories everywhere rebuilt or 'repaired; a great diocesan
work in helping poor parishes and, to sustain it, the diocesan lottery
and fair of the ladies of Orleans; finally, retraites and communions for
men established, and also in other important towns and parishes of the
diocese." (P. 46.) (Letter of January 26, 1846, prescribing in each
parish the exact holding of the status animarum, which status is his
criterion for placing a curé.) "The État de Pâques in his parish must
always be known while he is in it, before withdrawing him and placing
him elsewhere."]
[Footnote 5252: The drafters of the charter of the United Nations Staff
Rules had the same idea in mind when writing Regulation 1.2: "Staff
members are subject to the authority of the Secretary-General and to
assignment by him to any of the activities or offices of the United
Nations. They are responsible to him in the exercise of their functions.
The whole time of staff members shall be at the disposal of the
Secretary-General. The Secretary-General shall establish a normal
working week." The disciplinary means of which the bishops disposed are,
however, lacking in the United Nations secretariat. (SR.)]
[Footnote 5253: "Moniteur," session of March 14 1865. (Speech of
Cardinal de Bonnechose.) "What would we do without our monks, Jesuits,
Dominicans, Carmelites, etc., to preach at Advent and during Lent,
and act as missionaries in the country? The (parochial) clergy is not
numerous enough to do this daily work."]
[Footnote 5254: Prælectiones juris canonici, II., 305 and following
pages.]
[Footnote 5255: "La Charité à Nancy," by Abbé Girard, 1890, I. vol.--"La
Charité à Angers," by Léon Cosnier, 1890, 2 vols.--"Manuel des
oeuvres et institutions charitable à Paris," by Lacour, I vol.--"Les
Congrégations religieuses en France," by Émile Keller, 1880, 1 vol,]
[Footnote 5256: "Vie de Mgr. Dupanloup," I., 506 (1853). "More than one
hundred free ecclesiastical establishments for secondary education have
been founded since the law of 1850."--"Statistique de l'enseignement
secondaire." In 1865, there were 276 free ecclesiastical schools for
secondary instruction with 34,897 pupils, of which 23.549 were boarders
and 11,348 day-scholars. In 1876, there were 390 with 46,816 pupils, of
which 33,092 were boarders and 13,724 day-scholars.]
[Footnote 5257: "La Charité à Nancy," by Abbé Girard, p.87.--"Vie du
Cardinal Mathieu," by Mgr. Besson, 2 vols.]
[Footnote 5258: December, 1890.]
[Footnote 5259: Cf., in the above-mentioned biographies, the public and
political discourses of the leading prelates, especially those of M.
Mathieu (of Besançon), M. Dupanloup (of Orleans), Mgr. de Bonnechose (of
Rouen), and particularly Mgr. Pie (of Poitiers).]
[Footnote 5260: A fact told me by a lady, an eye-witness. In the
seventeenth century it is probable that Fénelon or Bossuet would have
regarded such a response as extravagant and even sacrilegious.]
[Footnote 5261: Imagine the impression this might have had on ambitious
men dreaming of establishing their own faithful parties. (SR.)]
[Footnote 5262: Abbé Elie Méric, in the "Correspondant" of January 10,
1890, p. 18.]
[Footnote 5263: "De l'État actuel du clergé en France" (1839), p.248, by
the brothers Allignol. Careers of every kind are too crowded; "only the
ecclesiastical is in want of subjects; willing youths are the only
ones wanted and none are found." This is due, say these authors, to
the profession of assistant-priest being too gloomy--eight years of
preparatory study five years in the seminary, 800 francs of pay with the
risk of losing it any day, poor extras, a life-servitude, no retiring
pension, etc.--"Le Grand Péril de L'Église en France," by Abbé Bougaud
(4th ed., 1879), pp 2-23.--"Lettre Circulaire" (No. 53) of Mgr.
Thiebaut, archbishop of Rouen, 1890, p.618.]
[Footnote 5264: There is a gradual suppression of the subvention in 1877
and 1853 and a final one in 1885.]
[Footnote 5265: Abbé Bougaud, Ibid., p. 118, etc.--The lower seminary
contains about 200 or 250 pupils. Scarcely one of these pays full board.
They pay on the average from 100 to 200 frs. per head, while their
maintenance costs 400 francs.--The instructors who are priests get 600
francs a year. Those who are not priests get 300 francs, which adds
12,000 francs to the expenses and brings the total deficit up to 42,000
or 52,000 francs.]
[Footnote 5266: Somewhat like television where he who controls this
media controls the minds of the people. (SR.)]
[Footnote 5267: Circular letter (No. 53) of M. Léon, archbishop of Rouen
(1890), p. 618 and following pages.]
[Footnote 5268: Had Hitler and Lenin read this, which is likely, then
they would have fashioned their youth party programmes accordingly!! The
Catholic faith in France today (in 1999) is nearly extinguished with
only 14 seminaries and only a few hundred young men yearly entering
these.(SR.)]
[Footnote 5269: Abbé Bougaud, ibid., p. 135. (Opinion of the archbishop
of Aix, Ibid., p. 38.) "I know a lower seminary in which a class en
quatrième (8th grade US.) of 44 pupils furnished only 4 priests, 40
having dropped out on the way.... I have been informed that a large
college in Paris, conducted by priests and containing 400 pupils, turned
out in ten years but one of an ecclesiastical calling."--"Moniteur,"
March, 14, 1865. (Speech in the Senate by Cardinal Bonnechose.) "With
us, discipline begins at an early age, first in the lower seminary and
then in the upper seminary.... Other nations envy us our seminaries.
They have not succeeded in establishing any like them. They cannot
keep pupils so long; their pupils enter their seminaries only as day
scholars."]
[Footnote 5270: Old-fashioned name for the 11th grade in a French high
school. (SR.)]
[Footnote 5271: "Histoire de M. Emery," by Abbé Elie Méric, I., 15,
17. "From 1786 onwards, plays written by the 'les philosophes,' by the
'Robertuis' and the Laon community; they were excluded from the great
seminary where they ought never to have been admitted." This reform was
effected by the new director, M. Emery, and met with such opposition
that it almost cost him his life.]
[Footnote 5272: M. de Talleyrand, "Mémoires," vol. i. (Concerning one of
his gallantries.) "The superiors might have had some Suspicion,... but
Abbé couturier had shown them how to shut their eyes. He had taught them
not to reprove a young seminarist whom they believed destined to a high
position, who might become coadjutor at Rheims, perhaps a cardinal,
perhaps minister, minister de la feuille--who knows?"]
[Footnote 5273: "Diary in France," by Christopher Wordsworth, D.D. 1845.
(Weakness of the course of study at Saint-Sulpice.) "There is no regular
course of lectures on ecclesiastical history."--There is still at the
present day no special course of Greek for learning to read the
New Testament in the original.--"Le clergé français en 1890" (by an
anonymous ecclesiastic), pp.24-38. "High and substantial service is
lacking with us.... For a long time, the candidates for the episcopacy
are exempt by a papal bull from the title of doctor."--In the seminary
there are discussions in barbarous Latin, antiquated subjects, with
the spouting of disjointed bits of text: "They have not learned how
to think. .. Their science is good for nothing; they have no means or
methods even for learning.... The Testament of Christ is what they are
most ignorant of.... A priest who devotes himself to study is regarded
either as a pure speculator unfit for the government, or with an
ambition which nothing can satisfy, or again an odd, ill-humored,
ill-balanced person; we live under the empire of this stupid
prejudice,... We have archeologists, assyriologists, geologists,
philologists and other one-sided savants. The philosophers, theologians,
historians, and canonists have become rare."]
[Footnote 5274: "Journal d'un voyage en France," by Th. W. Allies,
1845, p.38. (Table of daily exercises in Saint-Sulpice furnished by Abbé
Caron, former secretary to the archbishop of Paris.)--Cf. in "Volupté,"
by Saint-Beuve, the same table furnished by Lacordaire.]
[Footnote 5275: "Manreze du prêtre," by the Rev. Father Caussette, I.,
82.]
[Footnote 5276: Ibid., I., 48. "Out of 360 meditations made by a priest
during the year, 300 of them are arid." We have the testimony of Abbé
d'Astros on the efficacy of prayers committed to memory, who was in
prison for three years under the first empire and without any books. "I
knew the psalms by heart and, thanks to this converse with God, which
escaped the jailor, I was never troubled by boredom."]
[Footnote 5277: As with the "Frères des Écoles Chrétiennes," whose
society has the most members.]
[Footnote 5278: "Manreze du prêtre," by the Rev. Father Caussette, I.,
9. The Manreze is the grotto where Saint Ignatius found the plan of
his Exercitia and the three ways by which a man succeeds in detaching
himself from the world, "the purgative, the illuminative and the
unitive." The author says that he has brought all to the second way,
as the most suitable for priests. He himself preached pastoral retreats
everywhere in France, his book being a collection of rules for retreats
of this kind.]
[Footnote 5279: Someone who, like me, have lived through the attempted
Communist conquest of the world, in Eastern Europe, in China, Korea,
Vietnam and other conquered territories, the terrible experiences of
those imprisoned in re-education camps, come to mind. Did Lenin have
Taine translated? Did Lenin and Stalin use this description of catholic
brainwashing as their model? We might never find out. (SR.)]
[Footnote 5280: One of these enduring effects is the intense faith of
the prelates, who in the 18th century believed so little. At the present
day, not made bishops until about fifty years of age, thirty of which
have been passed in exercises of this description, their piety has
taken the Roman, positive, practical turn which terminates in devotions
properly so called. M. Emery, the reformer of Saint-Sulpice, gave the
impulsion in this sense. ("Histoire de M. Emery," by Abbé Elie Méric, p.
115 etc.) M. Emery addressed the seminarians thus: "Do you think that,
if we pray to the Holy Virgin sixty times a day to aid us at the hour
of death, she will desert us at the last moment?"--" He led us into the
chapel, which he had decked with reliquaries.... He made the tour of it,
kissing in turn each reliquary with respect and love, and when he found
one of them out of reach for this homage, he said to us, 'Since we
cannot kiss that one, let us accord it our profoundest reverence!'...
And we all three kneeled before the reliquary."--Among other episcopal
lives, that of Cardinal Pie, bishop of Poitiers, presents the order of
devotion in high relief. ("Histoire du cardinal Pie," by M. Bannard,
II.,348 and passim.) There was a statuette of the Virgin on his bureau.
After his death, a quantity of paper scraps, in Latin or French, written
and placed there by him-were found, dedicating this or that action,
journey or undertaking under the special patronage of the Virgin or St.
Joseph. He also possessed a statuette of Our Lady of Lourdes which never
was out of his sight, day or night. "One day, having gone out of
his palace, he suddenly returned, having forgotten something--he had
neglected to kiss the feet of his Heavenly Mother."--Cf. "Vie de Mgr.
Dupanloup," Abbé Lagrange, I., 524. "During his mother's illness, he
multiplied the novenas, visited every altar, made vows, burnt candles,
for not only had he devotion, but devotions... On the 2d of January,
1849, there was fresh alarm; thereupon, a novena at Saint-Geneviève and
a vow--no longer the chaplet, but the rosary. Then, as the fête of Saint
François de Sales drew near a new novena to this great Savoyard saint;
prayers to the Virgin in Saint-Sulpice; to the faithful Virgin; to the
most wise Virgin, everywhere."]
[Footnote 5281: "Manreze du prêtre," I., 27, 29, 30, 31, 35, 91, 92,
244, 246, 247, 268.]
[Footnote 5282: Ibid. I., 279, 281, 301, 307, 308, 319.]
[Footnote 5283: Just like the believing faithful 20th century
international revolutionary Marxist-communist. (SR.)]
[Footnote 5284: "Le clergé française en 1890" (by an anonymous
ecclesiastic), p. 72. (On the smaller parishes.) "The task of the curé
here is thankless if he is zealous, too easy if he has no zeal. In any
event, he is an isolated man, with no resources whatever, tempted by all
the demons of solitude and inactivity."--Ibid.,,92. "Our authority among
the common classes as well as among thinking people is held in check;
the human mind is to-day fully emancipated and society secularized."--
Ibid., 15. "Indifference seems to have retired from the summits of the
nation only to descend to the lower strata.... In France, the priest is
the more liked the less he is seen; to efface himself, to disappear is
what is first and most often demanded of him. The clergy and the nation
live together side by side, scarcely in contact, through certain actions
in life, and never intermingling."]