sends Delaborde against Wellesley, 67;
defeated at Vimiero, 73.
K.
Keane, Sir John, advances on Candahar, 462;
reduces Ghuznee, _ib._
Kellermann, General, 74.
L.
Lake, Colonel, death and anecdotes of, 72.
Lahore, excesses at, 473.
La Pena, duplicity of, 190.
Laval, totally defeated at Tarifa, 232.
Leith, General, at the battle of Salamanca, 285.
Le Marchant, his death, 287.
Loison, General, 74.
Loodiana, investment of, 487;
battle of, 488.
M.
Mackinnon, General, death of, 242.
MacNaughten, Sir William, Dost Mohammed surrenders to him, 464;
his death, 466.
Madrid, taken by Soult, 81;
evacuated by the French, 298;
entered by Lord Wellington, 300.
Maida, battle of, 57.
Marmont, Marshal, 220;
his army, 226;
movements after the storming of Badajoz, 261;
affair at Usagre, 262;
his manœuvres before the battle of Salamanca, 271, 291;
wounded, and his place supplied by Clausel, 292.
Massena, General, takes Almeida, 161;
defeated at Busaco, 165;
retires from Torres Vedras, 178;
leaves Portugal, 183;
defeated at Fuentes d’Onoro, 195;
abandons Almeida, 201.
Maxwell, Colonel, 23;
his conduct at Assaye, 25;
his death, 26.
Menou, General of the French, defeated at Alexandria, 38.
Mina, Xavier, the Guerilla chief, 106.
Monson, Colonel, his unfortunate retreat, 464.
Montbrun, General, at El Bodon, 222.
Montressor, Colonel, attacked by Tippoo Sultaun, 5.
Moodkee, battle of, 478.
Moore (Sir John), sent to Gottingen, 64;
Commander-in-Chief in the Peninsula, 80;
prepares to attack Soult, 81;
retreats, 85;
disorganization, 87;
arrival at Lugo, 91;
battle of Corunna, 94;
his death and character, 97.
Murray, Sir John, his precipitate retreat from Tarragona, 360.
N.
Napier, Sir Charles, advances to Mattaree, 467;
defeats the Biluchis, 470.
Napoleon, see Buonaparte.
Ney, Marshal, relieves Soult in Gallicia, 111;
takes Ciudad Rodrigo, 151;
defeated at Quatres Bras, 416;
falls back upon the wood to Frasnes, 422;
leads on the Imperial Guard at Waterloo, 443.
O.
Oporto, taken by Soult, 112.
Orthez, battle of, 380.
P.
Paget, Lord, his brilliant attack of the French cavalry, 82.
Paget, Sir Edward, 313.
Paget, General, crosses the Douro, 123.
Pamplona, invested by General Hill, 341;
taken, 364.
Philippon, Governor of Badajoz, 248;
surrenders, 256.
Picton, General, at El Bodon, 222;
at Ciudad Rodrigo, 240;
at Badajoz, 255;
his death at Waterloo, 437.
Ponsonby, Major, 141.
Punjaub, state of, 472.
Q.
Quatres Bras, battle of, 409.
R.
Ragusa, fort of, taken by Sir Rowland Hill, 265.
Reynier, French General in Sicily, 56;
defeated at Maida, 58.
Rolica, battle of, 64.
S.
St. Cyr, exploits of, 116.
Salamanca, advance on, 267;
battle of, 280;
defeat of the French, 289;
results of the victory, 291;
joy of the inhabitants, 296.
Sale, Sir Robert, takes Tootundurrah, &c. 464;
death of, 481.
Sanchez Julian, anecdotes of, 152, 325.
San Ildefonso, village of, 297.
San Sebastian, besieged by Graham, 341;
siege raised, 343; besiege renewed, 351;
taken by storm, 353;
the castle surrendered, 359, see also Appendix No. 1.
San Vincente, taken, 269, 273.
Scindia, leagues with the Rajah of Berar, 22;
defeated by General Wellesley, 25.
Scylla, capture of, by the English, 59;
re-taken by the French, 63.
Segovia, town of, 297.
Seringapatam, invested, 6; assaulted, 11;
taken, 14;
military observations, 16.
Sherbrooke, General, 142.
Sikhs, organization of their army, 470;
invest Ferozepore, 478;
defeated at Moodkee, 479;
at Ferozepore, 483;
at Aliwal, 486;
at Loodiana, 488;
at Sobraon, 490;
termination of the war, 492.
Scinde, state of, after the Cabool disasters, 467;
jealousy of the chieftains, 467.
Smith, Sir Harry, marches to Loodiana, 487;
defeats the Sikhs, 488.
Sobraon, battle of, 490.
Somerset, Lord Edward, at Salamanca, 288.
Souham pursues Wellington in the retreat from Burgos, 311.
Soult, Marshal, 83;
defeated at Corunna, 94;
takes Oporto, 112;
provides for a retreat before Wellesley, 118;
crosses the Douro, 122;
his disorderly retreat,124;
his movements after the battle of Talavera, 146;
his forces, 206;
defeated at Albuera, 208;
relieves Badajoz, 220;
defeats Blake, 234;
retreats after the storming of Badajoz, 261;
on the heights of Mozarbes, 312;
recalled from Germany and takes the chief command, 341;
advances into the Pyrenees, 344; defeated by Wellington, 347;
driven from the Spanish territory, 350;
defeated by Wellington at Ascain and St. Pe, 369;
his position at Bayonne, 370;
defeated at St. Jean de Luz, 372;
defeated by Sir Rowland Hill, 374;
defeated at Orthez, 387;
retires, 388; defeated at Toulouse, 390;
cessation of hostilities, 401;
articles agreed on,_ib._ note.
Stuart, Colonel, commands the army of Cannanore, 3;
relieves Montressor, 5.
Stuart, Sir John, general of the force in Sicily, 56;
defeats the French at Maida, 57.
Suchet, takes Valentia, 235;
retires from it, 340.
T.
Talavera, battle of, 131;
casualties, 144.
Tarifa, siege of, 232.
Taragona, stormed by the French, 231.
Thouvenot, Governor of Bayonne, his sortie, 397.
Tippoo Sultaun of Mysore, his prepartions for war, 2;
attacks Montressor’s brigade and repulsed, 5;
besieged in Seringapatam, 6;
assaulted 11;
his death, 12;
character, 15.
Torquemada, excesses of, 311.
Torres Vedras, retreat to, 171;
its position, 173.
Toulouse, description of, 391;
battle of, 392.
U.
Usagre, cavalry affair at, 262.
V.
Valentia, siege of, 235.
Venegas, defeated by Joseph Buonaparte, 147.
Victor defeats the Spanish, 112;
his movements, 126;
defeated at Barosa, 191.
Vimiero, battle of, 73.
Vitoria, the French unite there, 328;
city of, 330;
battle of, 333;
casualties, 337.
W.
Waterloo, field of, 428;
morning of the battle, 431;
position of Napoleon and Wellington, 432;
battle commenced, 436; defeat of the French, 445;
results of the battle, 446.
Wellesley, Marquis of, Governor of India, 2;
addresses a remonstrance to Tippoo Sultaun, 3.
Wellesley, Colonel, attacks Tippoo Sultaun 5;
defeats Dhoondia, 21;
(now General), marches on Ahmednuggur, 22;
defeats Scindia at Assaye, 25;
see Sir Arthur Wellesley.
Wellesley, Sir Arthur, lands in Portugal, 66;
defeats the French at Rolica, 68;
victory of Vimiero, 73;
returns to England, 80;
Commander-in-Chief in Portugal, 117;
his movements, 120;
Passage of the Douro, 122;
pursuit of Soult, 125;
joins Cuesta, 127;
battle of Talavera, 131, see Wellington.
Wellington, Lord, his movements after the battle of Talavera, 146;
fixes his head-quarters at Busaco, 163;
gains the battle of Busaco, 165;
his proclamation to the Portuguese, 170;
retreats to Torres Vedras, 172;
his position there, 173;
pursues Massena, 179;
prevents the relief of Almeida, 194;
battle of Fuentes d’Onoro, 195;
his system of defence, 199;
besieges Badajoz, 218;
siege raised, 220;
prepares to besiege Ciudad Rodrigo, 236;
takes it, 243;
honours conferred on him, 245;
siege of Badajoz, 248;
sack of, 258;
advances, 263;
crosses the frontier, 267;
advances on Salamanca, 269;
night previous to the battle, 276;
his superior generalship, 282;
his account of the battle, 294, note;
movement on Madrid, 297;
enters the city, 300;
drives back Clausel, 302;
attempts to take Burgos, 303;
raises the siege, 307;
retreats from Burgos, 309;
privations and insubordination, 316;
his letter to commanding officers, 318;
honours conferred on him, 321;
organization of the allied army, 322;
brilliant advance upon Joseph Buonaparte, 322;
battle of Vitoria, 330;
possesses the passes of the Pyrenees, 340;
confronted with Soult, 346;
drives him from the Spanish territory, 350;
takes San Sebastian by storm, 351;
passage of the Bidassao, 362;
takes Pamplona, 364, and Ainhoue, 366;
defeats Soult at Ascain, and St. Pe, 369;
his position, 370;
defeats Soult at St. Jean de Luz, 372;
prepares to pass the Adour, 380;
succeeds, 386;
defeats Soult at Orthez, 387;
defeats Soult at Toulouse, 390;
cessation of hostilities, 401;
articles agreed on, _ib._ note;
enters Paris, 406;
his farewell to his army, 407;
returns to England, 408;
goes to Brussels on Napoleon’s return, 411;
Blucher’s dispatches to him, 413;
marches to the assistance of the Prince of Orange, 416;
defeats Ney at Quatre Bras, _ib._;
falls back on Waterloo, 426;
his disposition,428;
battle commenced, 436;
advance of the Prussians, 441;
defeats the Imperial Guard, 443;
gains the battle, 445;
enters Paris, 450.
William, Prince, at Waterloo, 442.
Wilson, Sir R., his affairs at Banos, 147.
Z.
Zadorra, advance of the allies to, 325.
Zaragoza, siege of, 113.
THE END.
LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
FOOTNOTES
[1] At the commencement of the siege the garrison numbered twenty
thousand men of all arms, and more than two hundred and fifty pieces of
cannon were mounted on the works. Indeed, Tippoo’s arsenal was amply
stocked with artillery--for more than six hundred pieces, in all the
variety of Indian calibre, fell into the hands of the English after the
capture of the place.
[2] After a night attack on one of these in front of the position, from
which the besiegers had been greatly annoyed by a constant discharge
of musketry, a curious incident occurred while returning in the dark
to the lines. Lieutenant Lambton came up, and assured the general to
whose staff he was attached, that the troops, instead of marching
_from_, were marching _on_ the enemy. The guide, on being referred to,
was obstinate in asserting that he was right, while Lambton declared
that in the starlight he had clearly ascertained that instead of moving
to the southward, the troops were marching directly _north_. Baird
procured a pocket-compass--and, putting a fire-fly on the glass,
ascertained that his march was erroneous, and his guide entirely
astray. Fortunately, he had time to remedy the mistake--jocularly
observing, that “in future he should put more faith in the stars than
he had done formerly”--_Hook_.
[3] SIR,--The breach being reported practicable, the
Commander-in-Chief desires that the assault may be made this day, at
one P.M.
I have the honour, &c. &c.
(Signed) BARRY CLOSE, Adjt.-Gen. &c. &c.
Head Quarters, Camp, 4th May, 1799.
[4] On the 24th July, 1780, the cavalry of Hyder Aly, being within
nine miles of Madras, a despatch was sent off to Colonel Bailey,
who was in the Northern Circar, with a force of about three or four
thousand men, to join Sir Hector Munro’s army at the mount at Madras.
Most unfortunately, however, this order was subsequently changed,
and Colonel Bailey was directed to proceed direct to Conjeverone.
On his way to join Sir Hector Munro, he fell in with a detachment
of Hyder’s army, under the command of his son Tippoo, consisting of
thirty thousand cavalry, eight thousand foot, and twelve pieces of
cannon. Notwithstanding the vast numerical superiority of this force
over that of Colonel Bailey, considerably weakened by a mutiny in
the first regiment of cavalry, which it had been found necessary to
march prisoners to Madras, they were most decisively repulsed. This
victory, splendid as was the achievement, was dearly bought; since,
by again diminishing the effective strength of this little army, he
considerably added to the dangers and difficulties of his situation.
At this juncture Colonel Bailey sent off a messenger to Sir Hector
Munro, informing him of the precarious state in which he found himself.
In consequence, a detachment was sent to Bailey’s assistance, under
the command of Colonel Fletcher, consisting of the flank companies of
the 73rd, two of European grenadiers, and eleven of sepoys, making
altogether about a thousand men. Dreading an attack, Colonel Fletcher
avoided it by altering his line of march, and making a wide detour,
which, although it added to their fatigue, insured their safety, and
enabled them to join Colonel Bailey on the morning of the 9th, having,
nevertheless, fallen in with Hyder’s pickets close to his position at
Perambaukum. The troops of this detachment, wearied as they were, were
permitted to halt only till the evening, when the whole force marched
under the command of Colonel Bailey to join Sir Hector Munro. Hyder had
again obtained the most correct intelligence of their movements, and
taking advantage of the necessary delay in the return of this gallant
body of troops, enfiladed every part of the road by which they were
to march with artillery, and placed his best infantry in ambuscade
at every available point. The English troops had not proceeded more
than four miles, when an alarm was given that the enemy was on their
flank. They immediately formed, but finding the attack was not serious,
continued their march. The road lay through an avenue of banyan trees,
with a jungle on either side, and upon their entrance into this road
they were again attacked on their flanks by the enemy’s opening two
or three guns, and commencing a fire of some musketry from the thick
part of the jungle. They instantly halted, and immediately afterwards
endeavoured to take the guns, but the darkness frustrated their
efforts. And then it was that Colonel Bailey determined to halt till
daylight; a determination at first sight incompatible with the admitted
necessity of making the march by night, and which, while it not only
afforded an opportunity to the enemy to draw off his cannon to another
and stronger point, which the English had inevitably to pass in the
morning, practically announced to Tippoo the exact position in which
he had checked them, and moreover suggested to Hyder the importance of
advancing, in order to take advantage of their unexpected halt. Colonel
Bailey’s words, explanatory of his decision, which he addressed to
Captain Baird, were, “I am determined to halt till daylight, that I may
have an opportunity of seeing about me.” At daylight they accordingly
recommenced their march, and as the column moved out of the avenue
into the plain, a battery of eight guns opened upon it, supported by
a strong body of cavalry and infantry. Bailey immediately ordered
Captains Kennedy and Gowdie, with the native grenadiers, to attack
them; they did so, and succeeded in taking most of the guns, and in
driving back the troops who supported them. But at this moment the
heads of the different columns of Hyder’s army appeared--Hyder having
passed Sir Hector Munro in the night--moving down upon the line, which
induced Kennedy and Gowdie immediately to call off their detachment
from the captured guns to join the main body. At this juncture Bailey
formed his force, consisting of little more than three thousand men,
in line upon the bank of an old nullah, or watercourse, and opened his
guns upon the enemy; but Hyder, too powerful an antagonist for a mere
handful of men, so disposed his immense army as completely to surround
him, and commenced a destructive fire upon him from his artillery in
every direction. The various descriptions of this memorable and most
unequal contest all agree in confirming the belief, that vast as was
the disparity between the contending armies, and although Hyder had
upwards of seventy pieces of cannon in the field, the day would have
been won by the English if the fortune of war had not been so decidedly
against them. The enemy were repeatedly and continually repulsed,
their infantry gave way, while their cavalry were falling in all
directions, and it is said, Hyder was only prevented from retreating by
the persuasions of Colonel Lally, who represented to him that retiring
would bring him in contact with Sir Hector Munro, who was in his rear;
and at this moment, and while the English were actually sustaining the
combined attack of Hyder and his son Tippoo, two of their tumbrils
exploded, and in an instant the brave men, who were on the eve of
gaining one of the most splendid victories ever achieved, were deprived
of their ammunition and the services of all their artillery. In this
helpless and dreadful state, under a heavy and tremendous fire of
cannon and rockets, these gallant, but unfortunate soldiers, remained
from half-past seven until nine o’clock. The slaughter of the British
began to be tremendous, as the enemy closed in upon them on every side.
Colonel Fletcher had carried off the grenadier company of the 73rd to
support the rear-guard, and was never heard of more. Hyder Aly came
with his whole army on their right flank, charging them with columns
of horse, while the infantry kept up a heavy fire of musketry. These
were followed by the elephants and Mysore cavalry, which completed the
overthrow of the gallant band of heroes. In the midst of this, Colonel
Bailey, wounded as he was, formed his men into a square, and without
ammunition received and repulsed thirteen different attacks of the
enemy’s squadrons. At length the case became evidently hopeless, and
the sepoys, under Captain Lucas, having been broken and dispersed,
Colonel Bailey, seeing that further resistance was vain, tied his
handkerchief on his sword as a flag of truce, and ordered Captain
Baird, who was now second in command, to cease firing. Hyder’s officers
refused to attend to Colonel Bailey’s signal, pointing to the sepoys,
who in their confusion were still continuing to fire; this, however,
being explained, they agreed to give quarter, and Colonel Bailey
directed Captain Baird to order his men to ground their arms. The order
was of course obeyed, and the instant it was so, the enemy’s cavalry,
commanded by Tippoo Saib in person, rushed upon the unarmed troops
before they could recover themselves, cutting down every man within
their reach.--_Abridged from Hook’s “Life of Baird._”
[5] “During this period, Hyder sent some of his principal officers to
induce the English to enter his service. He offered them three times as
much pay as they received in our army, and as many horses, palanquins,
and wives as they chose.”--_Life of Sir David Baird._
[6] He ordered his personal servants to load the carbines which they
carried for his own use, and hastened along the ramparts towards the
breach. He repeatedly fired; and one of his servants saw him bring down
several Europeans near the top of the breach.
[7] A number of the garrison escaped by uniting their turbans, and
lowering themselves from the bastions. This precarious means of escape
occasionally failed, and many were found at the base of the walls,
maimed or killed from the attempt.
[8] When the Sultaun left the palace he was dressed in a light-coloured
jacket, wide trousers of fine flowered silk, a sash of dark-red silky
stuff, and a turban with one or two distinguishing ornaments. He
wore his sword in a rich belt slung over his shoulder, and a small
cartridge-box hung to another embroidered belt thrown over his left
shoulder; the talisman was fastened under his jacket on his right arm.
[9] It is a curious circumstance, that the expression of the features
after death, when inspected on a field of battle, will generally tell
the means by which life was extinguished. From sword and bayonet
wounds, the features present a calm appearance; while those of persons
who have perished by musketry or cannon-shot are always distorted and
convulsed.
[10] The ruler of Mysore was of low stature, corpulent, with high
shoulders, and a short thick neck; but his feet and hands were
remarkably small. His complexion was rather dark, his eyes large and
prominent, with small arched eyebrows, and an aquiline nose. He had an
appearance of dignity, or rather sternness, in his countenance, which
distinguished him above the common order of his people. When examined
after death, he had four wounds--three in the body, and one in the
temple; the ball having entered a little above the right ear, and
lodging in the cheek.--_Narrative by Major Allen._
[11] Two British officers, attached to the Bombay army, were killed in
camp that evening by lightning.
[12] Sleep after a battle is most welcome; but Baird and his staff
were speedily disturbed, and it was communicated to the general that
the city was on fire, and outrages were being committed, which he took
immediate means to remedy. Having again composed himself to rest, a new
alarm disturbed him. “The treasury of Tippoo had been forced, and the
soldiers were actually loading themselves with gold.”
It was true. The door generally used was securely guarded; but another
had been discovered, and by that the plunderers had obtained access to
the treasure. Colonel Wallace found the place crowded with soldiers
and one _officer_, all busily employed in pocketing gold and jewel.
The individual who disgraced his rank is dead; and Baird, as it is
supposed, out of respect to his family, kept his name a secret.
[13] Macleod.
[14] Official statement of Captain Macleod.
[15] Baird’s despatch to Harris.
[16] Dirom’s Campaign.
[17] Above one hundred pieces of artillery were taken at Assaye, and
thirty-eight were captured at Argaum.
[18] Wilson.
[19] “It may be a question why the army did not sail direct to Egypt,
and the event justifies the supposition that it would have experienced
less resistance, since L’Egyptienne, Justice, Régénérée, and Lodi,
which carried out important succours of troops and ammunition, had not
at that time got into Alexandria.”--_Wilson’s Expedition to Egypt._
[20] “The animals were naturally bad, and in such a shocking state as
to make the dragoons feel humiliation in being ordered to take charge
of them. Every commanding officer solicited rather to serve with his
corps as infantry; but the nature of the service the army was about
to be employed on rendered even such more desirable than none. Out of
several hundred horses, two hundred were left for the cavalry, fifty
for the artillery, and the remainder _shot_, _or sold for a dollar
apiece_.”--_Wilson’s Expedition._
[21] EFFECTIVE STRENGTH OF THE EGYPTIAN ARMY.
Guards, Major-General Ludlow.
1st, or Royals, 2nd battalions 54th and 92nd, Major-General Coote.
8th, 13th, 90th, Major-General Craddock.
2nd, or Queen’s, 50th, 79th, Major-General Lord Cavan.
18th, 30th, 44th, 89th, Brigadier-General Doyle.
Minorca, De Rolde’s, Dillon’s, Major-General Stuart.
RESERVE.
40th, Flank Company, 23rd, 28th, 42nd, 58th, Corsican Rangers,
Major-General Moore.
Detachment 11th Dragoons, 12th Dragoons, 26th Dragoons,
Brigadier-General Finch.
Artillery and Prince’s, Brigadier-General Lawson.
[22] The men-of-war brought up exactly in the place where the battle of
the Nile was fought, the Foudroyant chafing her cables on the wreck of
the French admiral’s ship. The anchor of the L’Orient was crept for and
recovered.
[23] On the morning of the 2nd of March, a frigate was seen standing
into Alexandria. Pursuit was unavailing; she reached the harbour,
and hoisting French colours, proved unequivocally her nation. It
will scarcely be credited that a French frigate, finding herself
unexpectedly in the midst of an English fleet, should have been so
capable directly to disguise herself, as to continue unsuspected on
her course with it, which she did the whole day before, answering the
various signals made, and yet never attracted the smallest suspicion;
nevertheless it is a fact, and must remain on record as an honourable
anecdote to the credit of the French captain of the Régénérée. During
the night, a brig, the Lodi, also entered, but which was not then
known.--_Wilson._
[24] “A bullet which grazes four or five times, as it does on water,
will be much more likely to do execution than a direct shot; which may
either strike short of the mark, and in the next bound pass far beyond
it, or go over without touching at all.”--_Carnot._
[25] “There exists, in fact, but little or no difference between the
force of shot fired from a practicable elevation and that fired from
a field-piece on a dead level. It is well known to military men, that
artillery, firing from an elevated situation on bodies of troops, is
less destructive than when firing on nearly the same level. In the
former case, the shot can hardly hit more than one or two men; whereas
it has been ascertained, that one single horizontal or _rezant_ shot
has killed _forty-two_ when formed in close column.”--_Carnot._
[26] “Whilst Sir Ralph Abercrombie _reconnoitred_, the army continued
under the most terrible and destructive fire from the enemy’s guns to
which troops were ever exposed.” This is Sir Robert Wilson’s statement.
Surely, were it necessary to reconnoitre, the troops should have been
sheltered from a fire to which, without any possible object, they were
uselessly exposed. The truth is, the Peninsular campaign first taught
England the art of modern war--and made her army, at its termination,
officers and men, the first in Europe.
[27] “Happy would it have been, however, if the army had never advanced
beyond the first captured position--as far as that it had gloriously
triumphed. The loss which it had sustained was inconsiderable; but it
was a fatal movement which brought it so entirely within cannon-shot
of the second position, and where it was halted so long. If, instead
of finally abandoning so important an object, part of the army had
been marched to the left, obliquely over the ground which lay between
Lake Maadie and Lake Mariotes, subsequently inundated, and then formed
to the right, when the left reached the turn of Pompey’s Pillar,
then attacking the south front of the position, whilst the right of
the eastern front was attacked at the same time, no doubt can now
exist of its having been easily carried and most probably the town of
Alexandria. Old and new forts Cretin and Caffarelli could have opposed
but little resistance; and if they had held out, must have surrendered
long before the arrival of General Menou.”--_Wilson._
[28] “The 13th regiment dug into an aqueduct of running fresh water,
well arched over, but the source or outlet of which was never
ascertained. The Arabs themselves could give no information, and
seemed lost in astonishment when regarding this valuable discovery.”--
_Wilson._
[29] A curious incident occurred immediately afterwards. An aid-de-camp
of General Craddock, in carrying orders, had his horse killed, and
begged permission of Sir Sydney Smith to mount a horse belonging to
his orderly dragoon. As Sir Sydney was turning round to give the order
to dismount, a cannon-shot took off the poor fellow’s head. “This,”
said the Admiral, “settles the question; Major, the horse is at your
service.”
[30] _Flèche_, in field fortification, is a work with two faces,
generally used to cover the quarter guards of a camp, or any advanced
post, as a tête de pont, &c.
[31] _Echelon_, in military parlance, is the movement of companies or
regiments, when each division follows that which preceded it, like the
steps of a ladder. It is employed when changing from a _direct_ to an
_oblique_ or diagonal formation. The _oblique_ changes are produced
by the wheel, less than the quarter circle of division, from line;
the _direct_ are effected by a perpendicular and successive march of
divisions from line to front or rear.
[32] Wilson.
[33] The pain attendant upon wounds is very uncertain, and depends
chiefly on the means by which they have been inflicted. It is said,
“that a wound from a grape-shot is less quietly borne than a wound from
round-shot or musketry. The latter is seldom known in the night, except
from the falling of the individual; whereas the former not unfrequently
draws forth loud lamentations.”--_Leith Hay._
[34] In a sandy soil the decomposition of animal matter proceeds
slowly. On the landing of the Capitan Pasha in the bay of Aboukir, his
army encamped on the beach, near the place where four thousand Turks
had formerly perished. They had been interred upon the plain where they
had fallen, but, although two years had elapsed, the corruption of
the battle-field was intolerable; every hoof-mark baring a corpse in
partial putridity, while the clothes remained perfectly entire.
[35] One gun, an Austrian eight-pounder, was lying dismounted in front
of the redoubt. In the darkness of the morning it had been too far
advanced, and a round of grape from an English twenty-four pounder in
battery, had annihilated the men attached to it, and killed the four
horses.
* * * * *
The colours bore most honourable inscriptions:--“Le Passage de la
Serivia; Le Passage du Tagliamento; Le Passage de l’Isonzo, Le Prise de
Graz, Le Pont de Lodi.”
[36] The body was conveyed to Malta in a frigate, and buried in the
north-east bastion of Valetta. A black marble slab, with a Latin
inscription, marks the place where the ashes of the brave old commander
are deposited.
[37] Life of Sir David Baird.
[38] “It is utterly impossible to convey to your lordship an adequate
idea of the obstacles which opposed the advance and retarded the
success of our army.
* * * * *
“A deep, heavy, and dry sand, covered with shrubs, scarcely pervious by
light bodies of infantry; and above all, the total privation of water,
under the effect of a burning sun, had nearly exhausted our gallant
fellows in the moment of victory; and with the greatest difficulty were
we able to reach Reit Valley, where we took up our position for the
night.”--_Baird’s Despatches._
[39] _The parapet_ is a part of the rampart elevated six or seven feet
above the rest, to cover the troops from fire.
_The banquette_ is four feet lower than the parapet, and two or three
higher than the rampart. It is the platform from which musketry is
discharged, with the least possible exposure to the soldiers from the
fire of the besiegers.
[40] Afterwards, General Ross of Bladensburgh.
[41] Manhes, steadfast in his purpose, and closing his ears to pity,
became, by the severity of his measures and the novelty of his
punishments, the terror of the Calabrese. He was never known to relax
from love of gain; and it is but just towards his character to state,
that individual interests were never considered in his proscriptions.
Faithful to the views of Murat, he accomplished by persevering activity
in less than six months what others had only begun in six years.
Manhes, after having ascertained, commune by commune, the number of
wandering brigands, suspended all labour throughout the country.
The workmen and their cattle were collected in the villages under
protection of the regular troops, and the punishment of death was
decreed against any individual found in the country with provisions,
unless belonging to the armed columns.
The principal possessors of property received orders to arm and march
against the brigands, and were made answerable, number for number, and
head for head, not to return to their homes without bringing with them,
dead or alive, the brigands of their respective communes.
Pursued by famine and the bayonets of their enemies, the greater
number of the fugitives sold their lives dearly. The remainder of
these unfortunate creatures, reduced to the last extremity, preferred
a certain but immediate death, to the sharp and protracted sufferings
of fear and famine. A prodigious number of them were shot. The heads
and limbs of the condemned were, after their execution, fixed on pikes,
and the road from Reggio to Naples was garnished with these disgusting
trophies.
The river Crati, upon the banks of which a crowd of these victims was
executed, and which is very shallow at Cozenza, presented for a long
time the disgusting spectacle of their mutilated bodies.
The following anecdotes show the determined spirit that animated the
leaders of the band.
“Parafanti could not be secured till dead with a hundred wounds.
Perched on the ledge of a rock, which afforded him a certain degree of
protection, his thighs fractured but his arms free, he sacrificed many
to his vengeance. Not one of his discharges failed of effect. His head
was exposed at Rogliano, his birth-place.
“Another, who had taken refuge in a mill, set it on fire himself, with
his last cartridge, to prevent his being taken alive.
“Nierello was assassinated on the road of Nicastro by one of the civic
guard, who pretended to surrender himself to him.
“Paonese, the terror of the environs of Gasparena and of Montanio, fell
a sacrifice to the columns of Manhes--and Masotta, Mescio, Giacinto,
and Antonio, with many others, shared the same fate.
“Murat was not, like his predecessor, lavish of amnesties;
nevertheless, he authorized some; and it was observed that the brigand
chiefs who took advantage of them became the most formidable and
bitter persecutors of those in whose dangers and whose crimes they had
participated.
“Benincasa, chief of the band of St. Braggio, fleeing with four
companions from a French detachment, was stopped by the swelling of the
river Angitola; they tried to effect their passage on a bullock-car,
which, however, was stopped in the middle of the current. To a summons
to surrender, they only returned discharges of their muskets. At last,
after a long and desperate resistance, being all wounded, and having
expended their ammunition, they mutually assisted each other in falling
into the river, where their mangled bodies were afterwards found.
“A brigand chief, of the band of Foggia, was condemned to have his
wrist severed. The executioner having failed in the first blow, the
sufferer begged to be permitted to do it himself. He coolly cut off his
hand at one blow, and turning to the executioner, said, ‘Endeavour to
learn your trade better.’”--_Memoir of Stuart’s Campaign in Calabria._
[42] Campaign in Calabria.
[43] It is scarcely conceivable how much the effect of artillery
depends on the position of the guns, and the accuracy with which they
are pointed. One gun, well placed and skilfully served, has been known
to do more execution than one hundred when laid in an unfavourable
situation. This was most strikingly illustrated in an attack made by
Sir Sydney Smith on a martello tower, armed with two heavy guns, and
situated on the extremity of Cape Licosa.
The Pompée, of eighty guns, and two frigates, anchored within eight
hundred yards of the battery, and opened their broadsides. Their fire
was kept up with unremitting fury, until their ammunition failed, and
many of the guns had become unserviceable. The battery returned the
fire slowly--but every shot took effect. The Pompée was the only
object of its fire, and she was at last completely crippled, and
obliged to haul off with the loss of her mizen-top-mast, and nearly
forty men killed and wounded. Almost every shot had hulled her--while
the concentrated fire from three men-of-war had failed entirely in
silencing the French cannonnade.
On the tower being afterwards surrendered, it appeared that the
carriage of one of the guns had been disabled by the second shot,
and subsequently that it had been fired as it lay on the sill of the
embrasure,--so that, in point of fact, the batteries of the Pompée
and her consorts had been unable to overpower _the fire of a single
gun_, and the opposition of a garrison, consisting of one officer and
twenty-five soldiers.
[44] Campaign in Calabria.
[45] Life of Sir John Moore.
[46] “At this time, also, that system of warfare began, which soon
extended through Spain, and occasioned greater losses to the French
than they suffered in all their pitched battles. The first adventurers
attracted notice by collecting stragglers from their own dispersed
armies, deserters from the enemy, and men who, made desperate by the
ruin of their private affairs in the general wreck, were ready for
any service in which they could at the same time gratify their just
vengeance and find subsistence.” _Southey._--
[47] Marquis of Londonderry.
[48] Written as frequently _De La borde_.
[49] Portuguese light infantry.
[50] CASUALTIES AT ROLICA:--
Killed, 70; wounded, 335; missing, 74; total, 479.--_Wellington’s
Despatches._
[51] Guthrie.
[52] CASUALTIES AT VIMIERO:--
Killed, 135; wounded, 534; missing, 51; total, 720.--_Wellington’s
Despatches._
[53] Within twelve months from the commencement of the war she sent
over to the Spanish armies (besides 2,000,000_l._) 150 pieces of field
artillery, 42,000 rounds of ammunition, 200,000 muskets, 61,000 swords,
79,000 pikes, 23,000,000 ball cartridges, 6,000,000 leaden balls,
15,000 barrels of gunpowder, 92,000 suits of clothing, 356,000 sets
of accoutrements and pouches, 310,000 pairs of shoes, 37,000 pairs
of boots, 40,000 tents, 250,000 yards of cloth, 10,000 sets of camp
equipage, 118,000 yards of linen, 50,000 great coats, 50,000 canteens,
54,000 havresacks, with a variety of other stores, far too numerous to
be recapitulated.--_Jones’s Account of the War._
[54] “The British General advanced unaided by or in communication
with any Spanish force, except the remains of the army of the left,
under the Marquis de la Romana, who continued to occupy Leon with that
weak and inefficient force;--this, with about five thousand Asturian
recruits under General Ballisteros, that had not yet been engaged,
being the only Spanish force now in the field in the whole north of
Spain. Sir John Moore had no friendly corps to protect his flanks--no
reinforcements to expect. He commanded an army brilliant in appearance,
yet weak in numerical strength; but upon that, and that alone, was
dependence to be placed for the successful result of a very bold
advance.”--_Lord Londonderry._
[55] The situation of the several corps of the French army, when Sir
John Moore advanced from Salamanca, was as follows:--The Duke of
Dalmatia at Sahagun, Saldanha, and the villages in that neighbourhood
on the river Carion; Marshal the Duke of Treviso moving upon Zaragosa;
the Duke of Abrantes with eight corps at Vittoria; Marshal Lefebre with
the fourth corps beyond the Guadarama; Marshal Lasnes upon the Ebro;
and the Emperor, with the Imperial Guard, and the first and sixth corps
_d’armée_ at Madrid.
[56] “The Bivouac.”
[57] “Early next day our sufferings opened with the crossing of the
Esla. The river was already rising, and one huge and ill-constructed
ferry-boat was the only means by which to pass over a whole division,
its baggage, and its camp followers. The waters were increasing, the
rain fell in torrents, the east wind blew with cutting violence, mules
kicked, men cursed, and women screamed; all, in short, was noise and
disorder. Fortunately, a contiguous ford was declared practicable. The
infantry and their equipages passed safely; and before the flood rose
so high as to bar their passage, the whole column were safe upon the
right bank.”--_The Bivouac._
[58] “The difficulties were such, that the artillery preceding the
column of infantry gave up the point, and were returning down the
southern ascent of the Guadarama mountain when met by the Emperor.
This retrograde movement was occasioned by the increased violence of
a hurricane blowing hail and snow with, it was considered, resistless
force. In addition to the report of his officers, the Spanish peasants
declared the passage to be attended with the greatest danger.
“Napoleon ordered his troops to follow him, and immediately proceeded
to place himself at the head of the column. Accompanied by the
_chasseurs à cheval_ of the guard, he passed through the ranks of
the infantry, then formed the chasseurs in close column, occupying
the entire width of the road; then, dismounting from his horse, and
directing the rear of the leading half squadron, the whole moved
forward. The men, by being dismounted, were, with the exception of
those immediately in front, more sheltered from the storm, while
the dense mass trod down the snow, and left a beaten track for the
infantry, who, no longer obstructed in the same degree, and inspired by
the presence as well as the example of Napoleon, pushed forward, and
the whole descended to Espinar.”--_Leith Hay._
[59] This sketch of Moore by Lord Londonderry displays his character
in all its valuable and defective lights, as an officer, so strongly,
that no minuter description probably could exceed it in point, and none
certainly in fidelity.
[60] “A few were got away, but many were so tired and lame from sore
feet that they did not care if the French sabres and bayonets were
at their breast, so completely did most of them give themselves up
to despair. The rear-guard was at length forced to retire and leave
these unfortunate people to their fate. Some of these poor fellows
who had thought better of it, and were endeavouring to overtake their
countrymen, were unmercifully sabred by the French cavalry, many of
them in a defenceless state.
“One of the handsomest men in the grenadier company, of the name of
M’Gee, was coming along the road lame from an accident, his firelock
and pack having been taken by his messmates to enable him to keep
up; he was, however, overtaken by two French dragoons, and, although
unarmed and helpless, was inhumanly cut to pieces almost within
sight.”--_Cadell._
[61] “Under these circumstances Sir John Moore decided that the whole
should be thrown down the mountain; most judiciously considering, that
if the casks were broken the men would make a rush for the money, which
would have caused great confusion, and might have cost the lives of
many. The rear-guard, therefore, was halted; Lieutenant Bennet, of the
light company 28th regiment, was placed over the money, with strict
orders from Sir John Moore to shoot the first person who attempted to
touch it. It was then rolled over the precipice, the casks were soon
broken by the rugged rocks, and the dollars falling out, rolled over
the height a sparkling cascade of silver. The French advanced guard
coming up shortly after to the spot, were detained for a time picking
up a few dollars that had been scattered on the road.”--_Cadell._
[62] Leith Hay.
[63] “The Bivouac.”
[64] “We bivouacked on the heights above Betanzos. Here we met with a
God-send for the night. Just as we had taken up our ground we found
a number of waggons laden with dry bullocks’-skins, on their way to
Corunna; we made beds of some and covering of others, which gave us for
once a dry sleep.”--_Cadell._
[65] “The French were in as great a panic as we were, their army was
under arms, and aides-de-camp flying in all directions. In a short time
every thing was quiet, but a shower of white ashes began to fall, and
continued for some time afterwards.”--_Cadell._
[66] Leith Hay.
[67] In this charge the regiment lost both its majors; one being
killed, and the other wounded and taken prisoner.
[68] “The embarkation going forward had none of the exhilaration
attending an operation naturally accompanied with so much activity,
life, and spirit; all seemed sombre and depressed; we were flying
from the land, which was left in the undisturbed possession of troops
vanquished on the preceding day, but now preparing to fire the last
taunting discharges against soldiers, whom fortune appeared to have
frowned upon, even in victory.”--_Leith Hay._
[69] MEMORIALS OF SIR JOHN MOORE.
The following simple inscriptions are the only memorials which as
yet have marked the field of Corunna, or the grave of the departed
general:--
A la Gloria
del
Ex^{mo} S^r D. Juan Moore, Gen^l del Ex^{to} Ingleso,
Y a la de sus valientes compatriotas,
la
España agradecida.
On the other side,--
Batalla de Coruña a 16 de Enero,
Año 1809.
Marshal Soult also ordered the following inscription to be engraved
upon a rock near the spot where Sir John Moore fell:--
Hìc cecidit Johannes Moore, Dux Exercitus,
In pugnâ Januarii xvi. 1809,
Contra Gallos, à Duce Dalmatiæ ductos.
[70] General Order, Horse-Guards, Feb. 1st, 1809.
[71] “He always rose between three and four in the morning, lighted his
fire and candle by a lamp, and wrote till breakfast-hour. Afterwards,
he received commanding officers, transacted business, and then rode
out to view the troops or reconnoitre the country. His table was
plentiful, his guests varying from fourteen to twenty. With these he
talked familiarly, drank a few glasses of wine, returned to his orderly
business, and was in bed by ten o’clock.”--_Life of Moore._
[72] “_Pray for me_, that I may make right decisions, * * * _I sleep
little_,” &c. &c. “_I see my situation_, and nothing can _be worse_.”--
_Campaign, &c. in Spain._
[73] Disastrous as Sir John Moore’s campaign proved, the French
accounts circulated over the continent grossly exaggerated the real
loss of our army, and heavy indeed it was. “Three British regiments,”
they said, “the 42nd, 50th, and 52nd, had been entirely destroyed in
the action--and Sir John Moore killed in attempting to charge at
their head with the vain hope of restoring the fortune of the day. The
English had lost every thing which constitutes an army, artillery,
horses, baggage, ammunition, magazines, and military chests. Of eighty
pieces of cannon they had landed, they had re-embarked no more than
12,--200,000 weight of powder, 16,000 muskets, and 2,000,000 of
treasure (about 83,000_l._), had fallen into the hands of the pursuers,
and treasure yet more considerable had been thrown down the precipices
along the road between Astorga and Corunna, where the peasantry and
the soldiers were now collecting it. Five thousand horses had been
counted which they had slaughtered upon the way--five hundred were
taken at Corunna, and the carcases of twelve hundred were infecting
the streets when the conquerors entered that town. The English would
have occupied Ferrol, and seized the squadron there, had it not been
for the precipitance of their retreat, and the result of the battle to
which they had been brought at last. Thus, then, had terminated their
expedition into Spain! Thus, after having fomented the war in that
unhappy country, had they abandoned it to its fate! In another season
of the year not a man of them would have escaped; now, the facility of
breaking up the bridges, the rapidity of the winter torrents, shortness
of days, and length of nights, had favoured their retreat.”
[74] “Successes of this kind made Mina dangerous in more ways than one
to the invaders. Germans, Italians, and even French, deserted to him.
In the course of five days, fifteen hussars came over with their arms
and horses, and fourteen foot soldiers.”--_Life of Mina._
[75] “The Bivouac.”
[76] “Many of the guerilla leaders were accompanied in the field by
females, who, as is not unfrequent in camps, wore male attire. These,
after a time, habituated to danger, became very daring, frequently
fighting amongst the foremost, on which circumstance most of the tales
of the bands being commanded by Amazons had their origin.”--_Jones._
[77] “In this pursuit the Corregidor of Cervera was taken attempting
to escape with the enemy; a man who had joined the French, and,
with the malevolence of a traitor, persecuted his own countrymen.
He had invented a cage in which to imprison those who did not pay
their contributions, or were in any way obnoxious to him: it was so
constructed as to confine the whole body, leaving the head exposed to
be buffeted and spit upon; and sometimes this devilish villain anointed
the face of his victim with honey to attract the flies and wasps.
‘To-morrow,’ said Eroles in his despatches, ‘the Señor Corregidor will
go out to parade the streets in this same cage, where the persons who
have suffered this grievous torment may behold him: _Discite justiciam
moniti, et non temnere Divos_!’ The capture of this man was worth as
much, in the feelings of the people, as all the preceding success.”
[78] “Various explanations have been offered of this name. One account
says, that upon finding his family murdered by the French, he smeared
his face with pitch, and made a vow of vengeance. Another, that he was
so called because of his swarthy complexion. But in the account of his
life, it is said that all the inhabitants of Cashillo de Duero, where
he was born, have this nickname indiscriminately given them by their
neighbours, in consequence of a black mud, called pecina, deposited
by a little stream which runs through the place; and the appellation
became peculiar to him from his celebrity.”--_Southey._
[79] Southey.
[80] “He himself was in the most imminent peril, a party of hussars
having surrounded him: and one of them aimed a blow which he had no
other means of avoiding but by stretching himself out upon his horse.
The horse at the same moment sprang forward and threw him; he recovered
his feet and ran; the horse, whether by mere good fortune, or that, in
the wild life to which Mina was reduced, like an Arab he had taught the
beast to love him, followed his master, who then lightly leaped into
his seat, and, though closely pursued, saved himself.”--_Life of Mina._
[81] “The French attacked Mina a few days after his exploit before
Estella, near Arcos. His inferiority in numbers was compensated by
his perfect knowledge of every foot of the ground, experience of his
officers in their own mode of warfare, and his confidence in all his
followers. After an action which continued nearly the whole day, he
drew off in good order, and scarcely with any loss, having killed and
wounded nearly four hundred of the enemy.”--_Life of Mina._
[82] Abridged from “The Bivouac.”
[83] “Before the further actions of the British are narrated, a few
pages will be well bestowed to recount the heroic, but unconnected
efforts of resistance made by the Spaniards themselves, of which the
siege of Zaragoza stands foremost. Immediately after the repulse of
the French in the preceding summer, Palafox directed the execution of
various defensive works, which, thrown up in haste, and executed with
greater zeal than judgment, gave more the appearance than the reality
of additional strength to the place; yet, in the defence of them,
Palafox added much to his previously high fame,--this second defence
being far more arduous than the former; as thirty-six thousand men were
employed in the attack, and such a provision of artillery and stores
brought against the town, as rendered success certain. From the day
succeeding the unfortunate action at Tudela, constant skirmishing and
small affairs of posts took place, whilst the French were bringing
up the supplies for the attack; which having accomplished, the siege
commenced on the 20th December, by the assault and capture of the
outposts of the Torrero and Casa-blanca; and by an attempt to lodge in
the suburbs on the left of the Elbro, from which, after several hours’
fighting, and a dreadful slaughter of the Spaniards, the French were
ultimately repulsed. On the 10th January a violent bombardment began,
and frequently three thousand shells were thrown into the devoted town
in twenty-four hours. On the 26th, fifty-five pieces of heavy ordnance
battered the newly-raised works of the _enceinte_, and quickly formed
a practicable breach: the French vigorously assaulted it the following
morning, and, after a desperate resistance, gained the summit; where,
however, they could not maintain themselves, as the citizens, from
behind an interior retrenchment, kept up an incessant fire, and every
moment sallied forth and fought hand to hand with the troops and
workmen endeavouring to form the lodgment. In these fierce encounters,
women and priests were observed among the foremost and most courageous;
and openly to contend with such enthusiasm was hopeless. The besiegers,
therefore, confined themselves to the slow but certain operations of
the sap, and by its insidious advances on the 6th, penetrated into the
principal street, named the Corso, where the buildings are of great
solidity. Then the conflict assumed the greatest degree of obstinacy--
each house became a citadel, and required to be separately attacked;
mining was the art employed, and the courage of the unpractised
Arragonese failed before the skill of their more experienced
antagonists. They nevertheless made the most surprising efforts:
when forced from one room, they renewed the combat in the next; and
frequently, when driven inch by inch out of a building, Palafox, by a
desperate and bold offensive movement, recovered it, and the enemy had
the same resistance a second time to overcome. But courage alone is
of little avail against courage and science united: daily and hourly
the French made some advance; and when exertion was most required,
a pestilential disorder, arising from the number of the unburied
slain, broke out among the defenders, causing far more havoc than the
sword. At last the heroic Palafox himself sickened, and affairs became
desperate. Still the constancy of these dauntless Spaniards remained
unshaken; and a priest of the name of Ric, by his personal example and
the enthusiasm he inspired, directed the defence of the few remaining
streets with undiminished bravery; and at last, on the 20th February,
after thirty thousand citizens had buried themselves under the ruins
of their houses, he, by firmness of conduct, forced Marshal Lannes to
promise good treatment to the survivors.
“The garrison, fifteen thousand in number, marched out, and laid
down their arms, after a resistance of fifty-two days open trenches,
twenty-three of which were a war of houses. The town, on entering it,
presented a dreadful and melancholy spectacle; entire districts of it
were demolished by repeated explosions, and presented merely a mass
of ruins, thickly spread over with mutilated limbs and carcasses; the
few houses which fire and the mine had spared, were riddled by shot
and shells; their interiors were cut through with communications, the
walls loopholed, the doors and windows barricaded, and the streets
blocked up with numberless traverses. The dirt, corruption, and misery
attending the crowding together of more than one hundred thousand souls
into a city calculated for only forty thousand, with all the hardships
attendant on a long siege, had generated a frightful epidemic, more
relentless than the sword.
“In the midst of the ruins and bodies with which the streets were
filled, were observed here and there crawling along a few inhabitants,
pale, emaciated, and cast down, who seemed on the point of following
their dead comrades whom they had been unable to remove. From an
enumeration made at the commencement and at the termination of this
extraordinary and terrible siege, it has been ascertained that in
fifty-two days, fifty-four thousand individuals perished; being
two-thirds of the military, and the half of the inhabitants or
refugees. The loss of the besiegers did not exceed three thousand. * *
* * *
“In no place would they have imagined themselves so secure as in
Zaragoza itself, which had been so wonderfully defended and delivered,
and which they believed to be invincible through the protection of Our
Lady of the Pillar, who had chosen it for the seat of her peculiar
worship. During the former siege, prints of that idol had been
distributed by women in the heat of action, and worn by the men in
their hats both as a badge and an amulet. The many remarkable escapes
and deliverances which had occurred were ascribed not to all-ruling and
omnipotent Providence, but to the immediate interference of the _Magna
Mater_ of Zaragoza.
“Palafox himself had been trained up with more than common care in
the superstition of the place; he and his brethren in their childhood
had been taken every day to attend mass in the Holy Chapel where the
image was enshrined, dressed at such times in the proper costume of
the Infantes, as a mark of greater honour to the present goddess.
An appearance in the sky, which at other times might have passed
unremembered, and perhaps unnoticed, had given strong confirmation to
the popular faith. About a month before the commencement of the first
siege, a white cloud appeared at noon, and gradually assumed the form
of a palm-tree; the sky being in all other parts clear, except that a
few specks of fleecy cloud hovered about the larger one. It was first
observed over the church of N. Lenora del Portillo, and moving from
thence till it seemed to be immediately above that of the pillar,
continued in the same form about half an hour, and then dispersed. The
inhabitants were in a state of such excitement, that crowds joined in
the acclamation of the first beholder, who cried out, ‘a miracle!’ and
after the defeat of the besiegers had confirmed the omen, a miracle it
was universally pronounced to have been, the people proclaiming with
exultation that the Virgin had by this token prefigured the victory she
had given them, and promised Zaragoza her protection as long as the
world should endure.”--_Southey._
[84] “In all this view of the case, the loss of the bridge of Amarante
is a great misfortune, and is the greater from the manner in which
it was lost. Our friend says, it was carried by the French making
two false attacks on the right, under cover of which they mined the
barricade on the bridge, which was very strong, and blew it up in
the morning at daylight; threw a column over it, which surprised
the Portuguese asleep; and they were unable to blow it up as was
intended. The French carried every thing before them.”--_Wellington’s
Despatches._
“To call off the attention of the Portuguese guard, some twenty men
were stationed to keep up a fire upon the intrenchments, so directed as
not to endanger the sappers, who had volunteered for the real service
of the hour. It was a service so hopeful and hazardous as to excite
the liveliest solicitude for its success. The barrel was covered with
a grey cloak, that it might neither be heard nor seen, and the man
who undertook to deposit it in its place wore a cloak of the same
colour. The clear moonlight was favourable to the adventure, by the
blackness of the shadow which the parapet on one side produced. In
that line of darkness the sapper crept along at full length, pushing
the barrel before him with his head, and guiding it with his hands.
His instructions were to stop if he heard the slightest movement on
the Portuguese side: and a string was fastened to one of his feet by
which the French were enabled to know how far he had advanced, and to
communicate with him. Having placed the barrel, and uncovered that
part where it was to be kindled, he returned with the same caution.
Four barrels, one after the other, were thus arranged without alarming
the Portuguese. The fourth adventurer had not the same command of
himself as his predecessors had evinced. Possessed either with fear,
or premature exultation, as soon as he had deposited the barrel in
its place, instead of making his way back slowly and silently along
the line of shadow, he rose and ran along the middle of the bridge in
the moonlight. He was seen, fired at, and shot in the thigh. But the
Portuguese did not take the alarm as they ought to have done; they
kept up a fire upon the entrance of the bridge, and made no attempt to
discover for what purpose their intrenchments had been approached so
closely.
“Four hours had elapsed before the four barrels were placed; by that
time it was midnight, and in another hour, when the Portuguese had
ceased their fire, a fifth volunteer proceeded in the same manner
with a saucisson[A] fastened to his body: this he fixed in its place,
and returned safely. By two o’clock this part of the business was
completed, and Laborde was informed that all was ready. Between three
and four a fog arose from the river and filled the valley, so that the
houses on the opposite shore could scarcely be discerned through it.
This was favourable for the assailants. The saucisson was fired, and
the explosion, as Bouchard had expected, threw down the intrenchments,
and destroyed also the apparatus for communicating with the mine. The
French rushed forward: some threw water into the mine, others cleared
the way; the fog increased the confusion into which the Portuguese were
thrown by being thus surprised: they made so little resistance that the
French lost only nine men.”--_Southey._
[A] _Saucisson_ is a pipe or hose filled with gunpowder, which
reaches from the chamber of the mine to the gallery. It is
used for firing mines, bomb-chests, &c. &c.
[85] “Our arrival at the camp was announced by a general discharge of
artillery, upon which an immense number of torches were made to blaze
up, and we passed the entire Spanish line in review by their light.
The effect produced by these arrangements was one of no ordinary
character. As the torches were held aloft, at moderate intervals from
one another, they threw a red and wavering light over the whole scene,
permitting, at the same time, its minuter parts to be here and there
cast into shade; whilst the grim and swarthy visages of the soldiers,
their bright arms and dark uniforms, appeared peculiarly picturesque
as often as the flashes fell upon them. Then there was the frequent
roar of cannon, the shouldering of firelocks, mingled with the brief
word of command, and rattling of accoutrements and arms, as we passed
from battalion to battalion; all these served to interest the sense of
hearing to the full as much as the spectacle attracted the sense of
sight. Nor was old Cuesta himself an object to be passed by without
notice, even at such a moment and under such circumstances as these.
The old man preceded us,--not so much sitting on his horse as held
upon it by two pages,--at the imminent hazard of being overthrown
whenever a cannon was discharged, or a torch flared out with peculiar
brightness; indeed his physical debility was so remarkable, as clearly
to mark his total unfitness for the situation which he then held. As to
his mental powers, he gave us little opportunity of judging; inasmuch
as he scarcely uttered five words during the continuance of our visit;
but his corporal infirmities alone were at absolute variance with
all a general’s duties, and shewed that he was now fit only for the
retirement of private life.
“In this manner we passed about six thousand cavalry, drawn up in
rank entire, and not less than twenty battalions of infantry, each
consisting of perhaps from seven to eight hundred men. These formed
but one portion of the army, the rest being either at the bridge of
Arrobispo, or in position along the Tagus; and they were all, with a
few exceptions, remarkably fine men: speaking of them in the aggregate,
they were little better than bold peasantry, armed partially like
soldiers, but completely unacquainted with a soldier’s duty. This
remark applied fully as much to the cavalry as to the infantry. The
horses were many of them good, but their riders manifestly knew nothing
of movement or discipline; and they were, as well on this account as on
the score of a miserable equipment, quite unfit for general service.
The artillery, again, was numerous, but totally unlike, both in order
and arrangement, to that of other armies; and the generals appeared
to have been selected according to one rule alone, namely, that of
seniority. They were almost all old men; and except O’Donaju and
Largas, evidently incapable of bearing the fatigues or surmounting the
difficulties of one hard campaign.
“The place at which we paid this visit, and witnessed these events,
was called Casa del Puertos; where the head-quarters of the Spanish
army were established in a wretched hovel. We alighted here after the
review had ended, and as soon as we entered, Cuesta, who seemed quite
overpowered by fatigue, retired to rest; but he returned again at
eleven o’clock to supper, and sat with us till past midnight. He sat,
however, as he always did under similar circumstances, in profound
silence, neither seeking to take a share in the conversation, nor,
apparently at least, paying the slightest attention to it.
“After a secret conference between Cuesta and Sir Arthur ended, dinner
was announced; and we sat down, at three o’clock, to about forty
dishes, the principal ingredients in which were garlic and onions. Our
meal did not occupy us long; and on Cuesta retiring, as was his custom,
to enjoy his siesta, we mounted our horses, and rode out into the camp.
By this means we were enabled to see more of the regiments separately
than we had seen during the torch-light review. We saw, however,
nothing which served in any degree to raise our opinion of the general
efficiency of our allies; and we returned to our host at a late hour,
more than ever impressed with the persuasion, that if the deliverance
of the Peninsula was to be effected at all, it must be done, not by the
Spaniards, but by ourselves.”--_Lord Londonderry._
[86] “I find General Cuesta more and more impracticable every day. It
is impossible to do business with him, and very uncertain that any
operation will succeed in which he has any concern. O’Donoju expresses
himself to be heartily tired of him, and has declared that he will quit
him at the first moment he is unsuccessful. He has quarrelled with some
of his principal officers; and I understand that all are dissatisfied
with him, for the manner in which he has conducted his operations near
this place.
“He contrived to lose the whole of yesterday, in which, although his
troops were under arms, and mine in march, we did nothing owing to the
whimsical perverseness of his disposition; but that omission I consider
fortunate, as we have dislodged the enemy without a battle, in which
the chances were not much in our favour. His want of communication with
his officers of the plan settled with me for the 22nd, and his absence
from the field, were the cause that we did the French but little
mischief on that day; and of these circumstances his officers are
aware.”--_Wellington’s Despatches._
[87] Lord Londonderry’s Narrative.
[88] These celebrated regiments were then raw battalions--and both
afterwards immortalized themselves, the “_Faugh a balloghs_” (87th)
at Tarifa; the Rangers (88th) as the crack regiment of “The Fighting
Third.”
[89] Joseph Buonaparte nominally commanded, but there were three
marshals on the field, beside General Sebastiani; namely, Jourdan,
Victor, and Mortier.
[90] Between the British and French, even in military duty, the
courtesies of society were respected, and an interchange of kind and
gentlemanly civilities was not unfrequent, as will be evidenced by the
following anecdotes:--
“While Hasparen was the head-quarters of the fifth division, the
pickets of both armies avoided every appearance of hostility. Each
occupied a hill, with sentries about two hundred yards apart. The
French on one occasion pushed forward their videttes, and seemed as if
they designed to trespass on the neutral ground. The captain of the
English picket reported this encroachment, and received orders not to
allow it. On the following morning, he observed that the French vidette
had been advanced about fifty yards, and he thought it most advisable
to demand an interview with the French captain of chasseurs. A peasant
was despatched, and returned with a message, that the commandant would
wait upon the British officer immediately; and, in a few minutes, the
parties met on the neutral ground. The Briton stated the orders he
had received and explained, that, to avoid so _lâche_ a proceeding
as to fire upon a vidette, he had solicited a meeting with the brave
chasseur. The Frenchman expressed himself in the most flattering terms,
and begged that the hussar might point out a situation which would be
agreeable to him. A thorn bush, about one hundred yards behind the
spot the French vidette was posted upon, was mentioned as equally
advantageous for the security of the French picket; while it would be
such as the hussar was permitted by his orders to allow. The chasseur
gave orders accordingly, the vidette was placed at the very spot which
was recommended, and the Frenchman, having expressed his satisfaction
at the interview, produced a bottle of cogniac; two or three officers
on each side now joined the party; a happy termination to the war was
drunk; and the captain, whose name was (we think) Le Brun, said, he
trusted that it would not be the fate of war to bring into collision
the parties who had met in so amicable a manner.”
Again. “I have known several instances of right feeling evinced by
the enemy, worthy of gentlemen who are above turning into individual
strife the quarrels of the two countries. While the light division
was at Gallegos, some greyhounds belonging to an officer strayed
into the enemies’ lines, and an opportunity was found, by means of
the first flag of truce, to request their being returned. The answer
was favourable, stating that they should be sent in on the first
opportunity. A day or two after the enemy made a _reconnoissance_, and
when their skirmishers were thrown out, the greyhounds were seen in
couples in the rear, and on the first carbine being fired, they were
let slip (the dogs of war?), and came curveting through the whistling
balls to their old masters.”--_Recollections by a Subaltern._
There seemed to have existed between these noble armies an honourable
confidence, that was often tried and never violated.
A descriptive passage of the advance across the Pyrenees runs thus:--
“We perceived, not twenty yards off, a wounded voltigeur extended on
the ground, and a young comrade supporting him. The Frenchman never
attempted to retreat, but smiled when we came up, as if he had been
expecting us. ‘Good morning,’ he said; ‘I have been waiting for you,
gentlemen. My poor friend’s leg is broken by a shot, and I could not
leave him till you arrived, lest some of these Portuguese brigands
should murder him.--Pierre,’ he continued, as he addressed his
companion, ‘here are the brave English, and you will be taken care
of. I will leave you a flask of water, and you will soon be succoured
by our noble enemy. Gentlemen, will you honour me by emptying this
canteen. You will find it excellent, for I took it from a portly friar
two days ago.’ There was no need to repeat the invitation. I set
the example, the canteen passed from mouth to mouth, and the monk’s
brandy vanished. The conscript--for he had not joined above a month--
replenished the flask with water from a spring just by. He placed it in
his comrade’s hand, bade him an affectionate farewell, bowed gracefully
to us, threw his musket over his shoulder, and trotted off to join
his regiment, which he pointed out upon a distant height. He seemed
never for a moment to contemplate the possibility of our sending him
in durance to the rear; and there were about him such kindness and
confidence, that on our part no one ever dreamed of detaining him.”--
_The Bivouac._
Again. “From the 3rd until the 12th of July the two armies remained
in presence of each other, encamped on the sides of a river, which at
times is a formidable sheet of water, but which was then little more
than an insignificant stream. Nevertheless, although both armies kept
their guards on their respective sides of the water, and that the
movements of each were cautiously watched, not one life was lost, nor
one shot fired by either army.
“Indeed, so different from hostility was the conduct of both nations,
that the French and British lived upon the most amicable terms. If we
wanted wood for the construction of huts, our men were allowed to pass
without molestation to the French side of the river to cut it. Each
day the soldiers of both armies used to bathe together in the same
stream, and an exchange of rations, such as biscuit and rum, between
the French and our men, was by no means uncommon.”--_Reminiscences of
a Subaltern._
The reverses which attend even successful warfare occasionally require
its rigours to be softened. The French and English felt this--and
those who had the misfortune to be prisoners or wounded, received the
greatest care circumstances would allow, and had baggage or money
conveyed to them from their friends with strict fidelity. The tables
of the commanding officers were open to their captives--their wounds
were carefully dressed--and in some cases their escape connived at. A
parole of honour insured the fullest liberty to the giver; but when it
was not required or was refused, the prisoners were subjected to the
least possible restraint consistent with security, and treated with
gentlemanly attention.
“During three days that some British officers were at Castel Legos as
prisoners of war, with a very slender guard, indeed almost nominal,
they were treated by General Villatte with the utmost kindness. He
sent dinner to them from his own table, with abundance of wine. His
aide-de-camp and brother-in-law, Captain Cholet, visited them twice
each day, to see that they wanted for nothing; and two, and sometimes
three, surgeons visited them (by order) twice a day to dress their
wounds. In fine, the greatest possible kindness and attention were
shewn to them; and even their escape, on the night of the 31st of
August, was easily effected, if not connived at, as the French retired
without insisting on the officers being taken away, although carts had
been provided.”
But a noble instance of an enemy’s humanity remains to be recorded--
and with a similar instance of humane feeling displayed to a friend and
not an enemy, we shall close these anecdotes.
“When the assault on St. Sebastian failed, and our troops retreated to
the trenches, the enemy advanced beyond his defences, or clustered on
the ramparts, shouting defiance, and threatening a descent in pursuit.
To check this movement, an animated fire of round and grape was opened
from our battery, the thickest of which fell on a particular part of
the breach where lay a solitary grenadier of the Royals, shot through
both legs, and unable to extricate himself from his awfully perilous
situation. His fate appeared inevitable; when a French officer stepped
forward, walked coolly through the hottest of our fire, lifted his
wounded enemy in his arms, and bore him off, himself unhurt.”
The subsequent history of Colonel St. Angelo, as the gallant Frenchman
was named, is curious, and instances the vicissitudes of fortune to
which a soldier is exposed. On the fall of the fortress he was sent
a prisoner to England, but, as his humanity well deserved, he was
instantly liberated and sent home. On his arrival in Paris, Napoleon,
having been apprised of his gallant conduct, promoted him to a
regiment on service in the Peninsula. Thither he repaired--joined his
new regiment, and in an attack on our posts was a second time made
prisoner. Thus, as a prisoner he had visited England--had resided in
Paris--been presented to the Emperor--promoted to a regiment--and
made a prisoner again--and all within the space of six weeks from the
taking of St. Sebastian!
The following interesting anecdote is thus told by Mr. Grattan:--
“Nearly at the opening of the battle of Salamanca, a considerable body
of the enemy’s tirailleurs pressed forward to that part of the ridge
occupied by the third division, and immediately in front of the 88th
regiment, the light infantry company of which, commanded by Captain
Robert Nickle, was ordered to drive back this force: he did so in the
most gallant manner; but the enemy could ill brook such a defeat, the
more annoying, as it was witnessed by the whole division, as also
by a considerable portion of one of the enemy’s _corps d’armée_. A
reinforcement, commanded by an officer of distinction, rushed forward
to redeem the tarnished honour of their nation, while some of the
battalion-men of the Connaught Rangers, seeing the unequal contest
their light infantry company were about to be engaged in--for the
French were upwards of one hundred to sixty of ours--hastened to
take a part in the fray. The detachment of the 88th lay behind a low
ditch, and waited until the French approached to within a few yards of
them; they came on in gallant style, headed by their brave commanding
officer, who was most conspicuous, being several paces in front of
his men. The soldiers of the two armies, posted at a distance, and
lookers-on at this national trial, shouted with joy as they beheld
their respective comrades on the eve of engaging with each other. But
this feeling on the part of the French was of but short duration, for
at the first fire, their detachment turned tail, and were what they
themselves would term ‘culbutés,’ leaving their brave commandant, with
many others, mortally wounded behind. Captain Robert Nickle ran up to
his bleeding opponent, and rendered him every assistance in his power.
He then advanced alone, with his handkerchief tied on the point of his
sword, which he held up as a token of amity, and, thus re-assured,
some of the French soldiers returned without their arms, and carried
away their officer with them. They were delighted with the considerate
conduct of Captain Nickle, and embraced our men on parting.”--
_Reminiscences of a Subaltern._
“The terms of mutual respect in which the British and French soldiers
held each other, and the friendly intercourse it frequently led to,
have been noticed by every writer on the Peninsular war. Nor was this
confined to out-post duty only--the soldiers engaged on which seemed
by a tacit agreement, and as a point of honour perfectly understood
on both sides, to have agreed to avoid the unnecessary destruction of
life; and, as far as consistent with duty, perhaps a little beyond
what was strictly so, to testify the respect with which they had
inspired each other. The officers of the two armies were also not
unfrequently thrown into situations where they had the opportunity of
evincing similar feelings. Of this an instance comes to the writer’s[B]
recollection, as happening, among others, at the battle of Fuentes
d’Onoro. On the morning of the 5th, when the French made their attack
upon the right of our position, the writer of this note was at the time
in conversation with an officer of a picket of the enemy in his front,
where there was no prospect of the lines being immediately engaged;
seeing the state of things which then ensued, after a mutual exchange
of civilities, both parties retired to their respective posts, and were
soon after engaged in warm conflict.”
The following anecdote is highly honourable to the Duke of Belluno:--
When Victor entered the town[C] he found some of the wounded,
French and English alike, lying on the ground in the Plaza. After
complimenting the English, and observing that they understood the
laws and courtesies of war, he told them there was one thing which
they did not understand, and that was how to deal with the Spaniards.
He then sent soldiers to every house, with orders to the inhabitants
immediately to receive and accommodate the wounded of the two nations,
who were lodged together, one English and one Frenchman; and he
expressly directed that the Englishmen should always be served first.
[B] Mackie.
[C] Talavera.
[91] “The Bivouac.”
[92] “As the weather was dreadfully hot, and it was impossible to know
how long we should occupy this ground, orders were given to bury the
men who had fallen the night before and in the morning attack, who were
lying around the hill interspersed with its living defenders.
“The entrenching tools were thus employed; and it was curious to see
soldiers burying their fallen comrades, with cannon-shot falling
thickly around and in the midst of them, leaving it a probable chance
that an individual might actually be employed in digging his own grave.”
[93] “The enemy instantly rallied, followed them, and were so confident
of victory, that their officers were heard to exclaim, ‘_Allons, mes
enfans, ils sont touts nos prisonniers_.’”
[94] “The Bivouac.”
[95] “On comparing a great number of marches, it appears that an army
of forty thousand men requires about eight hours to traverse, in
average weather, a distance of fifteen miles, which may be called an
average military day’s march.”--_Thiery._
* * * * *
British troops have always been celebrated for the style and endurance
with which they move.
“The marching past certainly afforded the best opportunity of observing
the troops (those of the army of occupation) of the different nations
in close contrast. As regards the infantry, it may be asserted without
boast, that the British were acknowledged to move the best. The Grand
Duke Constantine was heard to exclaim, _Les Gardes marchent comme des
Dieux!_”--_Review of the Army at Paris._
[96] “The path which leads from Arzabispo, through the pass of Messa
d’Ibor, into the great road from Almarez to Truxillo, Merida, and
Badajoz, had been represented to us as wholly impassable for artillery.
We found it extremely bad, no doubt, but we nevertheless continued to
drag our guns along, and by dint of extraordinary exertions reached
Torradilla.”--_Lord Londonderry._
[97] “This they did, not as armies usually retreat, but by utterly
dispersing, and again uniting at one particular point of rendezvous,
which, previous to their rout, had been determined upon.”--_Lord
Londonderry._
[98] “Every day now added to the distress of the besieged. Their flour
was exhausted--wheat they had still in store, but men are so much
the slaves of habit, that it was considered as one great evil of the
siege that they had no means of grinding it: two horse-mills, which
had been erected, were of such clumsy construction, that they did not
perform half the needful work; and the Geronans, rather than prepare
the unground corn in any way to which they had not been accustomed,
submitted to the labour of grinding it between two stones, or pounding
it in the shell of a bomb with a cannon-ball. For want of other animal
food, mules and horses were slaughtered for the hospital and for the
shambles; a list was made of all within the city, and they were taken
by lot. Fuel was exceedingly scarce, yet the heaps which were placed in
cressets at the corners of the principal streets, to illuminate them
in case of danger, remained untouched, and not a billet was taken from
them during the whole siege. The summer fever became more prevalent;
the bodies of the sufferers were frequently covered with a minute
eruption, which was usually a fatal symptom: fluxes also began to
prevail.
* * * * *
“Augereau now straitened the blockade; and, that the garrison might
neither follow the example of O’Donnell, nor receive any supplies,
however small, he drew his lines closer, stretched cords with bells
along the interspaces, and kept watch-dogs at all the posts. The
bombardment was continued, and always with greater violence during the
night than the day, as if to exhaust the Geronans by depriving them of
sleep.
* * * * *
“There did not remain a single building in Gerona which had not been
injured by the bombardment; not a house was habitable; the people slept
in cellars, and vaults, and holes, amid the ruins; and it had not
unfrequently happened that the wounded were killed in the hospitals.
The streets were broken up, so that the rain-water and the sewers
stagnated there: and the pestilential vapours which arose were rendered
more noxious by the dead bodies which lay rolling amid the ruins.
The siege had now endured seven months; scarcely a woman had become
pregnant during that time: the very dogs, before hunger consumed them,
had ceased to follow after their kind; they did not even fawn upon
their masters; the almost incessant thunder of artillery seemed to make
them sensible of the state of the city, and the unnatural atmosphere
affected them as well as human kind. It even affected vegetation. In
the gardens within the walls the fruits withered, and scarcely any
vegetable could be raised. Within the last three weeks above five
hundred of the garrison had died in the hospitals: a dysentery was
raging and spreading; the sick were lying upon the ground, without
beds, almost without food; and there was scarcely fuel to dress
the little wheat that remained, and the few horses which were yet
unconsumed.”--_Southey._
[99] “Gerona surrendered on the 10th December, after a memorable
defence of six months, which places the name of the governor, Don
Marian Alvarez, on a level with that of Palafox; and some particulars
of his heroic conduct deserve to be recorded. The town stands low, at
the confluence of the Ona and Ter rivers, which cover and protect the
northern side; and on the opposite quarter the approaches are commanded
by a small square fort of ninety toises exterior side, situated on a
height of five hundred and fifty yards from the place called Montjuic.
In this petty work, Alvarez, not having altogether five thousand men
under his command, defied for three months the utmost efforts of
General St. Cyr with twenty thousand French. Sixty pieces of heavy
ordnance fired against the fort incessantly for twenty-two days, which,
besides effecting an enormous breach, levelled all the upper works. The
enemy then offered terms, which being rejected, they gave the assault,
and were repulsed with loss. During the three succeeding days the
besiegers’ batteries thundered without intermission, and on the fourth
morning they again tried the force of arms. Several heavy columns
advanced to the breach, and persisted in their attempts to ascend it
with so much courage and obstinacy, that success was long balanced, and
on their repulse, sixteen hundred killed and wounded remained in the
ditch. After this effort, the French, finding all open attacks useless,
resorted to the sap and the mine, and one entire month passed in the
dispute of a ravelin, which (after several attempts to form a lodgment
in it had failed) remained, as if by tacit agreement, unoccupied by
either party, and all personal conflict ceased. The fire of artillery
and the mine, however, gradually levelled the walls, and blew up the
very interior of the place; when, there being no longer any thing worth
disputing, the garrison withdrew on the 11th of August.
* * * * *
“The walls of Hostalrich fell shortly afterwards, an ignoble conquest
to the same officer. The siege commenced on the 20th January, and the
place was contested with the greatest obstinacy till the 12th May
following, when the brave garrison, having consumed their last day’s
food, sallied out to cut their way through the blockading corps.
A large proportion nobly fell in the attempt; amongst others the
heroic Don Juan de Estrada, the governor; but many hundreds restored
themselves to liberty.”--_Jones’s Account of the War._
[100] The fire of forty-eight guns and mortars were concentrated on
the little fort of Matagorda, and the feeble parapet disappeared in
a moment before this crushing flight of metal. * * * The troops fell
fast; the enemy shot quick and close; a staff, bearing the Spanish
flag, was broken six times within an hour. * * * Thirty hours the
tempest raged, and sixty-four men out of one hundred and forty were
down, when the remnant of the garrison was removed. During this
tremendous fire, a young drum-boy was ordered to fetch water from
the well, but the youth hesitated; a sergeant’s wife, called Ritson,
instantly caught up the bucket, crossed the line of fire, and though
the cord that held the vessel was cut by a shot, she filled, and
brought it safely back to the wounded men who were lying in the
casemate.--_Abridged from Napier._
[101] Forty-two thousand shells were thrown into the city, and
five-and-twenty thousand from it. During the last sixteen days, the
consumption of powder amounted to eight hundred and ninety-three
quintals, each quintal containing one hundred and thirty-two pounds.
[102] “A little before midnight Sanchez collected his troops in the
Plaza; the two of his company who were married men, took their wives
behind them; they sallied out, and their leader, in the spirit of
Scanderbeg, instead of contenting himself with merely effecting his own
retreat, charged a post of cavalry, routed them, and carried away eight
prisoners with their horses. The two women were armed with pistols;
and one of them, by name Maria Fraile, saved her husband by shooting a
dragoon who was about to attack him on one side.”
One of Julian’s exploits is thus related:--“It was the custom of the
French garrison of Badajoz to send out their cattle every morning
beyond the walls for the purpose of grazing, under the protection of
a guard, which at once tended them, and watched the movements of our
parties. Don Julian determined, if possible, to surprise the herd;
for which purpose he concealed his people, day after day, among the
broken ground on the bank of the river, not far from the town; but
the guard proved for a time so vigilant, that no opportunity occurred
of effecting his design. At last, however, an accident occurred which
enabled him to accomplish, not only his original purpose, but one which
he did not dream of accomplishing. It so happened, that on the morning
of the 15th of October, General Regnaud, the governor of the place,
rode out, attended by his staff and a slender escort, and ventured
incautiously to pass the Agueda, at the very spot where Don Julian’s
ambuscade lay concealed. He was instantly surrounded by the Spanish
cavalry and made prisoner; and, as if fortune had determined to reward
the latter for their patience, the cattle appeared at the same moment
at a sufficient distance from the walls to authorize an attack. The
attack was made with the must perfect success, and both governor and
cattle were conveyed in triumph to our head-quarters. In a native of
any country, except France, such an unlucky coincidence would have
produced a degree of gloom not to be shaken off; but by General Regnaud
his misfortunes were borne with the utmost philosophy and good humour.
He became a frequent guest at Lord Wellington’s table, and we found him
an extremely entertaining as well as intelligent companion.”--_Lord
Londonderry._
[103] “The enemy’s force did not exceed thirty cavalry and two hundred
infantry; but they were advantageously posted in an open space, just
beyond a narrow defile; and to reach them it was necessary to thread
that defile in a long line. The consequence was, that though the
hussars who led, formed up in succession as they got through, and
charged their opponents with great gallantry, they effected nothing
more than the dispersion of the handful of horse; for the infantry had
time to form a square, and not all the efforts of our people could
succeed in breaking it. The hussars rode bravely up to the bayonets,
but were repulsed by a volley closely thrown in, which killed or
wounded upwards of a dozen men. The remainder wheeled off, and pursuing
the French cavalry, made way for a squadron of the 16th. These galloped
forward, but also took to the left, and leaving the infantry uninjured,
joined in pursuit of the cavalry. When the last charge was made, the
French square was without fire, every man having discharged his piece,
and none having been able to load again; but when a third attempt was
made, they were better prepared to receive it. It fell to the lot of
Colonel Talbot of the 14th to lead this attack. It was made with daring
intrepidity; but the enemy remained perfectly steady, and reserving
their fire till the bridles of the horses touched their bayonets, gave
it with such effect, that Colonel Talbot, with several of his men, were
killed on the spot. The rest drew off--upon which General Craufurd,
despairing of success by the exertions of cavalry alone, despatched an
orderly to bring up a detachment of the 43rd, which chanced to be at no
great distance.
“Whilst this was doing, the enemy’s little column began its retreat,
which it conducted with singular steadiness and great order. The 14th
dragoons, seeing this, prepared to launch another squadron against it;
and it was already in speed for the purpose, when Colonel Arenschild,
of the hussars, observed cavalry advancing both in front and flank,
and checked the movement. It was much to be regretted afterwards
that he took this step, for the horse which alarmed him proved to be
detachments from our own people on their return from pursuing the
enemy’s dragoons, the whole of whom they had captured. The French
infantry lost no time in availing themselves of the indecision of our
cavalry. They marched on, and returned to their main body, without
having lost a single prisoner, or suffered in killed or wounded.”--
_Lord Londonderry._
[104] “They passed Azava at sunrise, and their cavalry, driving in
our advanced videttes, came on with great rapidity; three regiments
on the direct road from Gallegos to Almeida, and two by a path to the
left, with the view of turning our right flank. There were two pieces
of cannon, of the horse-artillery, stationed at a small brook, about
half a mile to the rear of Gallegos. These instantly opened upon the
French column; but though the fire was well-directed, and evidently
galled them, it did not succeed in stopping them. Our cavalry, in the
mean while, formed in the rear of the guns, sending out three or four
squadrons, with the hussars, to skirmish; and rather a sharp contest
took place near a bridge which crossed the brook. The French made a
dash to secure it, and passed some officers, with about thirty or forty
men, to the other side; in accomplishing which however, as the bridge
was extremely narrow, they were compelled to defile from column. An
opportunity was thus afforded of attacking them to advantage, which
was not permitted to escape. Captain Crackenbourg, of the German
hussars, an officer of gallantry and high character, saw in a moment
the predicament into which they had thrust themselves. He instantly
drew out two divisions of the hussars, and charging the body which
had passed the bridge, cut down their officer, and drove the rest,
with the loss of several killed and wounded, back upon the column.
The affair was accomplished in an instant, but the promptitude and
vigour which characterized its execution both merited and received the
approbation of all present. The brave men were saluted by the cheers of
their comrades as they returned, and the officer’s name was justly and
honourably mentioned at head quarters.”--_Lord Londonderry._
[105] “At this moment the right wing of the 52nd was seen marching
towards the bridge, which was still crowded with the passing troops.
M’Leod, a very young man, but with a natural genius for war,
immediately turned his horse round, called to the troops to follow, and
taking off his cap, rode with a shout towards the enemy: the suddenness
of the thing, and the distinguished action of the man, produced the
effect he designed--a mob of soldiers rushed after him, cheering and
charging as if a whole army had been at their backs, and the enemy’s
skirmishers, astonished at this unexpected movement, stopped short.
Before they could recover from their surprise, the 52nd crossed the
river, and M’Leod, following at full speed, gained the other side also
without disaster.”
* * * * *
“During the fight, General Picton came up alone from Pinhel. Craufurd
desired the support of the third division, it was refused, and, excited
by some previous disputes, the generals separated after a sharp
altercation. Picton was decidedly wrong, because Craufurd’s situation
was one of extreme danger; he durst not retire, and Massena might,
undoubtedly, have thrown his reserves by the bridge of Castello Bom
upon the right flank of the division and destroyed it.”
* * * * *
“It was at first supposed that Lieutenant Dawson and half a company
of the 52nd, which had been posted in the unfinished tower, were also
captured; but that officer kept close until the evening, and then, with
great intelligence, passed all the enemy’s posts, and crossing the Coa
at a ford, rejoined his regiment.”--_Napier._
[106] Nothing can be more spirited and graphic than this description of
the affair, as given by Colonel Napier.
[107] There is something particularly _naïve_ in Southey’s remarks:--
“The lieutenant-governor,” says the doctor, “had behaved well till the
batteries opened; he was then so terrified, that he shut himself up in
the bomb-proofs.” This commendatory notice is excessively amusing. To
the moment when “the batteries opened,” the fellow was as safe as if he
had been sitting _tête-à-tête_ with the doctor; and, to do him justice,
on the first intimation of danger, he lost no time in establishing his
cowardice. “The major of artillery” is also lauded for his conduct
“during the siege;” but it appears that he, too, took the earliest
opportunity to prove himself a traitor. In our poor opinion, two
scoundrels never deserved a “cast of office” from the provost-marshal
better than the lieutenant of Almeida, and his confederate, the “major
of artillery.”
[108] “The colonel reports, that the explosion of the magazine
destroyed the whole town, made a breach in the place, blew all the
guns, excepting three, into the ditch, destroyed all the ammunition,
excepting ten or twelve barrels of powder, and killed or wounded the
greater part of the artillerymen. The garrison, till this accident, had
sustained no loss, and was in the best order and spirits, and had no
thoughts of surrender, and expected to hold the place for two months.
The colonel talks highly of the conduct of Governor Cox.
“The major commanding the artillery was the person employed by Cox to
settle the capitulation for him. He went out and informed the French of
the exact state of the place after the explosion, and never returned!!
Massena has made him a colonel!!”--_Wellington’s Despatches._
[109] Lord Londonderry.
[110] At this period (immediately before the battle of Busaco), the
best information made the French united force exceed seventy thousand
men. The exact strength of the allies was, 23,868 infantry, 2,870
cavalry, and about 2,000 artillery; making 28,738 British soldiers. The
Portuguese corps numbered 21,712 infantry, 1,696 cavalry, and 1,000
gunners; making a grand total of 52,136 men, of which nearly 25,000
were detached under Hill and Leith, leaving only 28,000 disposable
troops with Lord Wellington.
[111] “It is the only place in that kingdom where the bare-footed
Carmelites possessed what, in monastic language, is called a desert; by
which term an establishment is designated where those brethren, whose
piety flies the highest pitch, may at once enjoy the advantages of the
eremite and the discipline of the cenobite life, and thus indulge the
heroism of ascetic devotion in security. The convent, surrounded by an
extensive and almost impervious wood, stands in what may be called the
crater of the loftiest part of the ridge; its precincts, which included
a circumference of about four miles, were walled in. Within that
circuit were various chapels and religious stations; and on the summit
of the mountain, which is within the enclosure, a stone cross was
erected of enormous size upon so huge a foundation that three thousand
cart-loads of stone were employed in constructing its base. The cells
of the brethren were round the church, not in a regular building, but
accommodated to the irregularities of the ground, and lined with cork,
which was everywhere used instead of wood, because of the dampness
of the situation. Every cell had its garden and its watercourse for
irrigating it, the cultivation of these little spots being the only
recreation which the inhabitants allowed themselves as lawful. In
one of these gardens the first cedars which grew in Portugal were
raised. It was indeed one of those places where man has converted an
earthly paradise into a purgatory for himself, but where superstition
almost seems sanctified by everything around it. Lord Wellington’s
head-quarters were in the convent; and the solitude and silence of
Busaco were now broken by events, in which its hermits, dead as they
were to the world, might be permitted to partake all the agitations of
earthly hope and fear.”--_Southey._
[112] A singular circumstance, which occurred that night in the bivouac
of Craufurd’s division, is thus related:
“One of those extraordinary panics that, in ancient times, were
attributed to the influence of a hostile god, took place. No enemy was
near, no alarm was given, yet suddenly the troops, as if seized with
a frenzy, started from sleep, and dispersed in every direction; nor
was there any possibility of allaying this strange terror, until some
persons called out that the enemy’s cavalry were among them, when the
soldiers mechanically ran together in masses, and the illusion was
instantly dissipated.”--_Napier._