CHAPTER XXV

CONCLUSION

The building in which the life of the Hon. George Brown was so

tragically ended, was one that had been presented to him by the

Reformers of Upper Canada before confederation "as a mark of the high

sense entertained by his political friends of the long, faithful and

important services which he has rendered to the people of Canada." It

stood upon the north side of King Street, on ground which is now the

lower end of Victoria Street, for the purpose of extending which, the

building was demolished. The ground floor was occupied by the business

office; on the next, looking out upon King Street, was Mr. Brown's

private office; and above that the rooms occupied by the editorial

staff, with the composing room in the rear. At about half past four

o'clock on the afternoon of March 25th, 1880, several of the occupants

of the editorial rooms heard a shot, followed by a sound of breaking

glass, and cries of "Help!" and "Murder!" Among these were Mr. Avern

Pardoe, now librarian of the legislative assembly of Ontario; Mr.

Archibald Blue, now head of the census bureau at Ottawa; Mr. John A.

Ewan, now leader writer on the _Globe_; and Mr. Allan S. Thompson,

father of the present foreman of the _Globe_ composing room. Mr. Ewan

and Mr. Thompson were first to arrive on the scene. Following the

direction from which the sounds proceeded, they found Mr. Brown on the

landing, struggling with an undersized man, whose head was thrust into

Brown's breast. Mr. Ewan and Mr. Thompson seized the man, while Mr.

Brown himself wrested a smoking pistol from his hand. Mr. Blue, Mr.

Pardoe and others quickly joined the group, and Mr. Brown, though not

apparently severely injured, was induced to lie on the sofa in his

room, where his wound was examined. The bullet had passed through the

outer side of the left thigh, about four inches downward and backward;

it was found on the floor of the office.

The assailant was George Bennett, who had been employed in the engine

room of the _Globe_ for some years, and had been discharged for

intemperance. Mr. Brown said that when Bennett entered the office he

proceeded to shut the door behind him. Thinking the man's movements

singular, Mr. Brown stopped him and asked him what he wanted. Bennett,

after some hesitation, presented a paper for Mr. Brown's signature,

saying that it was a statement that he had been employed in the

_Globe_ for five years. Mr. Brown said he should apply to the head of

the department in which he was employed. Bennett said that the head of

the department had refused to give the certificate. Mr. Brown then

told him to apply to Mr. Henning, the treasurer of the company, who

could furnish the information by examining his books.

Bennett kept insisting that Mr. Brown should sign the paper, and

finally began to fumble in his pistol pocket, whereupon it passed

through Mr. Brown's mind "that the little wretch might be meaning to

shoot me." As he got the pistol out, Mr. Brown seized his wrist and

turned his hand downward. After one shot had been fired, the struggle

continued until the two got outside the landing, where they were found

as already described.

The bullet had struck no vital part, and the wound was not considered

to be mortal. But as week after week passed without substantial

improvement, the anxiety of his friends and of the country deepened.

At the trial the question was raised whether recovery had been

prevented by the fact that Mr. Brown, against the advice of his

physician, transacted business in his room. After the first eight or

ten days there were intervals of delirium. Towards the end of April

when the case looked very serious, Mr. Brown had a long conversation

with the Rev. Dr. Greig, his old pastor, and with members of his

family. "In that conversation," says Mr. Mackenzie, "he spoke freely

to them of his faith and hope, and we are told poured out his soul in

full and fervent prayer," and he joined heartily in the singing of the

hymn "Rock of Ages." A few days afterwards he became unconscious; the

physicians ceased to press stimulants or nourishment upon him, and

early on Sunday, May 10th, he passed away.

Bennett was tried and found guilty of murder on June 22nd following,

and was executed a month afterwards. Though he caused the death of a

man so conspicuous in the public life of Canada, his act is not to be

classed with assassinations committed from political motives, or even

from love of notoriety. On the scaffold he said that he had not

intended to kill Mr. Brown. However this may be, it is certain that it

was not any act of Mr. Brown's that set up that process of brooding

over grievances that had so tragic an ending. By misfortune and by

drinking, a mind, naturally ill-regulated had been reduced to that

condition in which enemies are seen on every hand. A paper was found

upon him in which he set forth a maniacal plan of murdering a supposed

enemy and concealing the remains in the furnace of the _Globe_

building. That the original object of his enmity was not Mr. Brown is

certain; there was not the slightest ground for the suspicion that the

victim was made to suffer for some enmity aroused in his strenuous

career as a public man. Strange that after such a career he should

meet a violent death at the hands of a man who was thinking solely of

private grievances!

Tracing Mr. Brown's career through a long period of history, by his

public actions, his speeches, and the volumes of his newspaper, one

arrives at a somewhat different estimate from that preserved in

familiar gossip and tradition. That tradition pictures a man

impulsive, stormy, imperious, bearing down by sheer force all

opposition to his will. In the main it is probably true; but the

printed record is also true, and out of the two we must strive to

reproduce the man. We are told of a speech delivered with flashing

eye, with gestures that seemed almost to threaten physical violence.

We read the report of the speech and we find something more than the

ordinary transition from warm humanity, to cold print. There is not

only freedom from violence, but there is coherence, close reasoning, a

systematic marshalling of facts and figures and arguments. One might

say of many of his speeches, as was said of Alexander Mackenzie's

sentences, that he built them as he built a stone wall. His tremendous

energy was not spasmodic, but was backed by solid industry, method and

persistence.

As Mr. Bengough said in a little poem published soon after Mr. Brown's

death,

"His nature was a rushing mountain stream;

His faults but eddies which its swiftness bred."

In his business as a journalist, he had not much of that philosophy

which says that the daily difficulties of a newspaper are sure to

solve themselves by the effluxion of time. There are traditions of his

impatience and his outbreaks of wrath when something went wrong, but

there are traditions also of a kindness large enough to include the

lad who carried the proofs to his house. Those who were thoroughly

acquainted with the affairs of the office say that he was extremely

lenient with employees who were intemperate or otherwise incurred

blame, and that his leniency had been extended to Bennett. Intimate

friends and political associates deny that he played the dictator, and

say that he was genial and humorous in familiar intercourse. But it

is, after all, a somewhat unprofitable task to endeavour to sit in

judgment on the personal character of a public man, placing this

virtue against that fault, and solemnly assuming to decide which side

of the ledger exceeds the other. We have to deal with the character of

Brown as a force in its relation to other forces, and to the events of

the period of history covered by his career.

A quarter of a century has now elapsed since the death of George Brown

and a still longer time since the most stirring scenes in his career

were enacted. We ought therefore to be able to see him in something

like his true relation to the history of his times. He came to Canada

at a time when the notion of colonial self-government was regarded as

a startling innovation. He found among the dominant class a curious

revival of the famous Stuart doctrine, "No Bishop, no King;" hence the

rise of such leaders, partly political and partly religious, as Bishop

Strachan, among the Anglicans, and Dr. Ryerson, among the Methodists,

the former vindicating and the latter challenging the exclusive

privileges of the Anglican Church. There was room for a similar

leader among Presbyterians, and in a certain sense this was the

opportunity of George Brown. In founding first a Presbyterian paper

and afterwards a political paper, he was following a line familiar to

the people of his time. But while he had a special influence among

Presbyterians, he appeared, not as claiming special privileges for

them, but as the opponent of all privilege, fighting first the

Anglican Church and afterwards the Roman Catholic Church, and

asserting in each case the principle of the separation of Church and

State.

For some years after Brown's arrival in Canada, those questions in

which politics and religion were blended were subordinated to a

question purely political--colonial self-government. The atmosphere

was not favourable to cool discussion. The colony had been in

rebellion, and the passions aroused by the rebellion were always ready

to burst into flame. French Canada having been more deeply stirred by

the rebellion than Upper Canada, racial animosity was added there to

party bitterness. The task of the Reformers was to work steadily for

the establishment of a new order involving a highly important

principle of government, and, at the same time, to keep the movement

free from all suspicion of incitement to rebellion.

The leading figure of this movement is that of Robert Baldwin, and he

was well supported by Hincks, by Sullivan, by William Hume Blake and

others. The forces were wisely led, and it is not pretended that this

direction was due to Brown. He was in 1844 only twenty-six years of

age, and his position at first was that of a recruit. But he was a

recruit of uncommon vigour and steadiness, and though he did not

originate, he emphasized the idea of carrying on the fight on strictly

constitutional and peaceful lines. His experience in New York and his

deep hatred of slavery had strengthened by contrast his conviction

that Great Britain was the citadel of liberty, and hence his

utterances in favour of British connection were not conventional, but

glowed with enthusiasm.

With 1849 came the triumph of Reform, and the last despairing effort

of the old regime, dying out with the flames of the parliament

buildings at Montreal. Now ensued a change in both parties. The one,

exhausted and discredited by its fight against the inevitable coming

of the new order, remained for a time weak and inactive, under a

leader whose day was done. The other, in the very hour of victory,

began to suffer disintegration. It had its Conservative element

desiring to rest and be thankful, and its Radical element with aims

not unlike those of Chartism in England. Brown stood for a time

between the government and the Conservative element on the one side

and the Clear Grits on the other. Disintegration was hastened by the

retirement of Baldwin and Lafontaine. Then came the brief and troubled

reign of Hincks; then a reconstruction of parties, with Conservatives

under the leadership of Macdonald and Reformers under that of Brown.

The stream of politics between 1854 and 1864 is turbid; there is

pettiness, there is bitterness, there is confusion. But away from this

turmoil the province is growing in population, in wealth, in all the

elements of civilization. Upper Canada especially is growing by

immigration; it overtakes and passes Lower Canada in population, and

thus arises the question of representation by population. Brown takes

up this reform in representation as a means of freeing Upper Canada

from the domination of the Lower Province. He becomes the "favourite

son" of Upper Canada. His rival, through his French-Canadian alliance,

meets him with a majority from Lower Canada; and so, for several

years, there is a period of equally balanced parties and weak

governments, ending in dead-lock.

If Brown's action had only broken this dead-lock, extricated some

struggling politicians from difficulty, and allowed the ordinary

business of government to proceed, it might have deserved only passing

notice. But more than that was involved. The difficulty was inherent

in the system. The legislative union was Lord Durham's plan of

assimilating the races that he had found "warring in the bosom of a

single state." The plan had failed. The line of cleavage was as

sharply defined as ever. The ill-assorted union had produced only

strife and misunderstanding. Yet to break the tie when new duties and

new dangers had emphasized the necessity for union seemed to be an act

of folly. To federalize the union was to combine the advantage of

common action with liberty to each community to work out its own

ideals in education, municipal government and all other matters of

local concern. More than that, to federalize the union was to

substitute for a rigid bond a bond elastic enough to allow of

expansion, eastward to the Atlantic and westward to the Pacific. That

principle which has been called provincial rights, or provincial

autonomy, might be described more accurately and comprehensively as

federalism; and it is the basic principle of Canadian political

institutions, as essential to unity as to peace and local freedom.

The feeble, isolated and distracted colonies of 1864 have given place

to a commonwealth which, if not in strictness a nation, possesses all

the elements and possibilities of nationality, with a territory open

on three sides to the ocean, lying in the highway of the world's

commerce, and capable of supporting a population as large as that of

the British Islands. Confederation was the first and greatest step in

that process of expansion, and it is speaking only words of truth and

soberness to say that confederation will rank among the landmarks of

the world's history, and that its importance will not decline but will

increase as history throws events into their true perspective. It is

in his association with confederation, with the events that led up to

confederation, and with the addition to Canada of the vast and fertile

plains of the West, that the life of George Brown is of interest to

the student of history.

Brown was not only a member of parliament and an actor in the

political drama, but was the founder of a newspaper, and for

thirty-six years the source of its inspiration and influence. As a

journalist he touched life at many points. He was a man of varied

interests--railways, municipal affairs, prison reform, education,

agriculture, all came within the range of his duty as a journalist and

his interest and sympathy as a man. Those stout-hearted men who amid

all the wrangling and intrigue of the politicians were turning the

wilderness of Canada into a garden, gave to Brown in large measure

their confidence and affection. He, on his part, valued their

friendship more than any victory that could be won in the political

game. That was the standard by which he always asked to be judged.

This story of his life may help to show that he was true to the trust

they reposed in him, and to the principles that were the standards of

his political conduct, to government by the people, to free

institutions, to religious liberty and equality, to the unity and

progress of the confederation of which he was one of the builders.

INDEX

A

_Albion_, the, Peter Brown contributes thereto, 2

Anglican Church, exclusive claims of, 11, 51, 52

Annexation manifesto, result of discontent aroused by Rebellion Losses

Bill, and repeal of preferential trade, 37

B

Bagot, Sir Charles, Governor of Canada,

friendly attitude towards French-Canadians, 16;

accepts Lafontaine and Baldwin as his advisers, 16;

accused of surrender to rebels, 16;

his action threatens to cause ministerial crisis in England, 16;

denounced by Duke of Wellington, 16, 17;

recalled at his own request, 18;

illness and death, 18;

begs his ministers to defend his memory, 18

Baldwin, Robert,

father of responsible government, 21;

criticized by Dr. Ryerson, 22, 23;

his wise leadership, 24;

victory at polls, 33;

achievements of his ministry, 33;

the Rebellion Losses Bill, 34-7;

discontent of Clear Grits, 39;

the Baldwin-Lafontaine government defended by Brown, 42;

resigns because of vote of abolition of Court of Chancery, 47

_Banner_, the,

established by the Browns, 5;

descriptive extracts, 3, 6-8

Belleau, Sir Narcisse F.,

succeeds Sir E. P. Tache as head of the coalition government, 191;

his headship only nominal, 191

Bennett, George,

employed in engine room of the _Globe_, 256;

discharged, 256;

his conversation with Brown, 256;

shoots and wounds Brown, 257;

on death of Brown is tried and found guilty of murder, 258;

his mind disordered by misfortune and by intemperance, 258

Blake, the Hon. Edward, speech at Aurora advocating imperial

federation, 240

British-American League, the, advocates federation, 37

_British Chronicle_, the, established by the Browns in New York, 4

Brown, George,

birth, 1;

education, 1;

leaves Scotland for the United States, 2;

visits Canada, 4;

founds the _Banner_, 5;

founds the _Globe_, 20;

addresses Toronto Reform Association, 21;

refuses to drink health of Lord Metcalfe, 27, 28;

his dwelling attacked by opponents of Lord Elgin, 36;

opposes Clear Grit movement, 40;

attitude towards Baldwin-Lafontaine government, 42;

dissatisfied with delay in dealing with clergy reserves, 42;

causes of rupture with Reform government, 44;

comments on Cardinal Wiseman's pastoral, 44, 45;

attacked as an enemy of Irish Catholics, 44-6;

defeated in Haldimand election by William Lyon Mackenzie, 46;

his election platform, 47;

rupture with Hincks's government, 48;

complains of French and Catholic influence, 48, 49;

series of letters to Hincks, 48;

addresses meeting in favour of secularization of clergy reserves, 55, 56;

candidate for parliament for Kent, 61;

his platform, 61;

advocates free and non-sectarian schools, 62;

advocates similar policy for university education, 62;

elected member for Kent, 64;

his first appearance in parliament, 65;

consequence of parliament being held in city of Quebec, 65;

hostility of French-Canadians to Brown, 65;

Brown's maiden speech, 66;

vindicates responsible government, and insists upon fulfilment of

ministerial pledges, 66, 67;

condition of parties in legislature, 69;

Brown's temporary isolation, 69;

his industry, 69;

opposes legislation granting privileges to Roman Catholic

institutions, 70;

his course leads towards reconstruction of legislative union, 70;

growth of his popularity in Upper Canada, 71;

remarkable testimony of a Conservative journal, 71, 72;

his appearance on the platform in 1853 described by the Hon. James

Young, 73;

favours prohibition, 76;

elected for Lambton, 77;

forms friendship with the Rouge leader, A. A. Dorion, 80, 81;

advocates representation by population, 82-4;

charged by J. A. Macdonald with misconduct as secretary of prison

commission, 87;

moves for committee of inquiry, 88;

forcibly repels attack, 89;

exposes cruelties and abuses in prison, 90;

his relations with Macdonald embittered by this incident, 91;

delivers address on prison reform, 91, 92;

repels charge that he had been a defaulter in Edinburgh, and defends

his father, 93-7;

elected for city of Toronto in 1857, 99;

defeats government on question of seat of government, 100;

called upon to form a government, 101;

confers with Dorion, 101;

forms Brown-Dorion administration, 102;

waits upon the governor-general, 102;

receives communication from the governor-general, 102;

forms belief that obstacles are being placed in his way by intrigue, 102;

criticizes the governor-general's communication, 103;

meets his colleagues, 104;

his government defeated in parliament, 104;

asks for dissolution and is refused, 105, 106;

his government resigns, 106;

his part in work of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada, 112;

denounces Fugitive Slave Law, 113, 114;

discusses Lincoln's proclamation of emancipation, 114-19;

his relations with Roman Catholics, 121;

opposes separate schools, 121;

accepts compromise, 122;

his "no popery" campaign, 123;

his letter to Roman Catholics, 124-6;

his position considered, 127, 128;

his course leads up to confederation, 130;

letter to Holton, 131;

his speech at Reform convention of 1859, 137;

fails to obtain support of legislature for proposals to federalize

the union, 139;

contemplates retirement from leadership of Reform party, 141;

defeated in East Toronto, 141;

opposes John Sandfield's "double majority" plan, 143;

visits England, 143;

marriage in Edinburgh, 144;

his attitude towards separate schools, 145;

accepts compromise of 1863, 145;

describes dead-lock situation, 149;

lays before legislature report of special committee advocating

federation of Canada as a remedy, 150;

negotiations with government, 151-6;

consults Reformers of Upper Canada, 156, 157;

urged by governor-general (Monk) to enter government, 157;

consents, 158;

enters ministry, 159;

visits Maritime Provinces, 161;

addresses meeting at Halifax in furtherance of confederation, 161;

advocates nominative as against elective senate, 164;

describes result of Quebec conference, 165;

addresses meeting at Music Hall, Toronto, 166;

visits England, 167;

describes English feeling in favour of confederation, 167;

his speech in parliament advocating confederation, 171-5;

describes crisis created by defeat of New Brunswick government, 181, 182;

visits England with Macdonald, Cartier and Galt, 186;

on the death of Tache objects to Macdonald assuming premiership, 189;

consents to succession of Sir N. F. Belleau, 191;

his work in connection with reciprocity, 192;

appointed member of confederate council on reciprocity, 193;

protests against Galt's proceedings in Washington, 194;

objects strongly to proposal for reciprocity by legislation, 194;

resigns from coalition, 195;

letter to Cartier, 196;

his reasons for resigning, 196;

the rupture inevitable, 199;

reasons why coalition could not endure, 199;

Holton's warning, 200, 201;

experience of Howland, Macdougall and Tilley, 202;

experience of Joseph Howe, 203, 204;

coalition endangers Liberal principles, 204-7;

Brown's course after leaving coalition, 208;

addresses Reform convention of 1867 against continuance of

coalition, 209;

interest in North-West Territories, 211, 213;

advocates union of North-West Territories with Canada, 218-20;

takes part in negotiations with British government, 220;

his services as to North-West Territories acknowledged by Macdonald, 221;

sent to Washington by Mackenzie government to inquire as to

reciprocity (1874), 226;

appointed with Sir Edward Thornton to negotiate treaty, 226;

finds much ignorance of value of Canadian trade, 228;

prepares memorandum as to trade, 229;

carries on propaganda in American journals, 230;

falsely accused of bribing them, 230;

describes progress of negotiations, 231;

joins issue with Canadian protectionists, 232, 233;

effect of his hostility to Canada First movement, 241, 242;

his family, 243, 244;

determines to retire from public life, 245;

describes difficulty of combining journalism with politics, 246-8;

his relations with party leaders after retirement, 247;

acquires Bow Park estate, and engages in raising of fine cattle, 248;

engaged in a famous case of contempt of court, 249;

accused by Mr. Justice Wilson of bribery, 249;

Mr. Justice Wilson attacked by the _Globe_, 250-2;

Brown charged with contempt of court, appears in person, and defends

himself, 252-4;

attacked and shot by George Bennett, 255;

the wound not regarded as mortal, 257;

unfavourable progress of case, 257;

death, 258;

motives of Bennett, 258;

character of Brown, 259;

his career in relation to history, 260-3;

his share in achievement of confederation, 264, 265

Brown, J. Gordon, succeeds George as managing editor of the _Globe_, 244

Brown, Peter, father of the Hon. George Brown,

leaves Scotland for New York, 2;

contributes to the _Albion_, 2;

author of _Fame and Glory of England Vindicated_, 3;

establishes the _British Chronicle_, 4;

establishes the _Banner_, 5;

his business troubles in Edinburgh lead to an attack on George Brown, 93;

George Brown's speech in the legislature, 93-8;

his work on the _Globe_, 243, 244

C

Canada First,

its platform, 235;

severely criticized by the _Globe_, 236;

the _Globe_ suspects that it means Canadian independence, 237;

the _Globe's_ attack on Canada First and Goldwin Smith, 237, 238;

Mr. Goldwin Smith's reply, 238;

national spirit evinced by movement, 239;

effect of Canada First movement, 240, 241;

Edward Blake at Aurora advocates imperial federation, 240;

Liberal party injured by hostility to Canada First, 240-2

Cartier, Georges E., asks Brown to reconsider his resignation from

coalition ministry, 196

Cartwright, Sir Richard, on confederation, 148, 153

Cathcart, Earl, governor of Canada, 28

_Church_, the, opposes responsible government as impious, 6

Clear Grit party,

its leaders, 39;

opposed by George Brown and the _Globe_, 40;

its platform, 41

Clergy reserves,

intended to endow Protestant clergy, 51;

claim of Church of England to exclusive enjoyment, 51;

evidence of intention to establish Church of England, 52;

effect of policy on Canada, 52;

described as one of the causes of rebellion, 53;

settlement retarded by locking up of lands, 53, 54;

Brown advocates secularization, 54;

Brown addresses meeting in Toronto, 55, 56;

the meeting mobbed, 58;

Riot Act read, and military aid used to protect meeting, 58;

secularization accomplished, 59, 60

Confederation of British American provinces advocated by British

American League, 37, 38;

the proposal attributed to various persons, 129;

D'Arcy McGee says it was due to events more powerful than men, 129, 130;

Brown's course leads up to confederation, 130;

his letter to Luther Holton treating it as an open question, 131;

advocated by Dorion, 132;

by A. T. Galt, 132;

failure of attempt made in 1858, 133;

Liberals of Lower Canada declare for federal union, 133;

convention of Upper Canada Reformers, 133, 134;

the evils of the legislative union set forth, 134;

account of the convention, 134;

divided between dissolving and federalizing the union, 135;

Sheppard's acute criticism of plan of federation, 135;

convention declares for local legislatures, with joint authority for

matters of common interest, 136, 138;

George Brown opposes dissolution of union, 137;

the legislature rejects Brown's resolutions founded on those of the

convention, 139;

becomes an urgent question, 147;

causes of that change, 147;

Canada urged by Great Britain to take measures for defence, 147;

effect of the American Civil War, 147;

abrogation of reciprocity treaty and loss of American trade, 148;

fears of abolition of bonding system, 148;

isolated position of Canada, 148;

the credit of the country low, 148 (note);

the dead-lock in the government of Canada, 149;

attempts to form a stable government fail, 149;

Brown describes the situation, 150;

Brown brings into the House report of a special committee favouring

federation as a remedy for difficulties in the government of

Canada, 150;

the Tache' government defeated, 151;

negotiations with Brown, 151;

Ferrier's account of the meeting, 152;

Brown's account of negotiations, 152, 153;

Sir Richard Cartwright describes a scene in the House, 153;

official account of negotiations, 154;

Brown reluctant to join coalition ministry, 154;

question whether federation should include Maritime Provinces and

North-West Territories, 155, 156;

Brown consults Reform members for Upper Canada, 156;

they approve of confederation and of coalition, 157;

the governor-general (Monk) urges Brown to enter coalition, 157;

Brown consents, 158;

letter from Brown, 158;

formation of the coalition, 159;

predominance of Conservatives in government, 160;

the bye-elections generally favour confederation, 160, 161;

movement for Maritime union, 161;

meeting of Canadian and Maritime representatives at Charlottetown, 161;

conference at Quebec, 163;

anxiety to avoid danger of "State sovereignty," 163;

powers not defined to reside in central parliament, 163;

constitution of the senate, 164;

Brown advocates nominated senate, 164;

Brown describes result of conference, 165;

the Maritime delegates visit Canada, 166;

cordial reception at Toronto, 166;

Brown there describes scheme of confederation, 166;

Brown visits England, 167;

Brown finds English opinion favourable, 167;

debate in the legislature of Canada, 169;

speech of Sir E. P. Tache, 169;

of John A. Macdonald, 170;

of Brown, 171-4;

of Dorion, 175;

Dorion's objections to centralization considered, 178;

the plan endangered by defeat of New Brunswick government, 181;

debate in the Canadian legislature, 182;

John Sandfield Macdonald charges coalition with attempting to mislead

people, 183;

John A. Macdonald announces that a deputation will be sent to England

to consult as to defence, and as to attitude of New Brunswick, 183;

Macdonald refers to debate in House of Lords on Canadian

defences, 183, 184;

Macdonald moves previous question, 185;

ministers charged with burking discussion, 185;

the Maritime Provinces inclined to withdraw, 186;

Macdonald, Brown, Carrier and Galt visit England and confer with

British ministers, 186;

an agreement made as to defence, etc., 186;

pressure brought to bear on New Brunswick, 186-8;

death of Sir E. P. Tache, 189;

discussion as to succession, 189;

Brown's objection to Macdonald becoming premier, 189, 190;

Sir N. F. Belleau chosen, 191;

causes which led to Brown's leaving the ministry, 191;

the reciprocity negotiations, 192;

a confederate council on reciprocity formed, 193;

Galt and Howland visit Washington, 193;

Seward, American secretary of state, proposes reciprocal legislation

instead of treaty, 193;

Brown protests against that, and generally against Galt's

proceedings, 194;

Brown resigns his place in coalition, 195;

his reasons considered, 195-201;

violation of self-government involved in steps taken to bring about

confederation, 204, 205;

absence of popular approval, 205, 206;

undue centralization, 207

D

Dorion, A. A.,

leader of Rouges, 80;

his friendship with George Brown, 80;

joins Brown-Dorion government, 102;

proposes federal union, 132;

his speech in Canadian legislature against confederation, 175;

declares that real authors of confederation were owners of Grand Trunk

Railway Company, 176;

contends that too much power is vested in central authority, 177;

some of his objections well-founded, 178;

declares that Macdonald accepted confederation merely to retain

office, 199

"Double majority," the, advocated by John Sandfield Macdonald, 142

"Double Shuffle," the, 100;

the Cartier-Macdonald government defeated on question of seat of

government, 100;

resigns, 101;

George Brown asked to form ministry, 101;

conference between Brown and Dorion, 101;

the government formed, 102;

the governor-general notifies Brown that he will not pledge himself to

grant dissolution, 102, 103;

his action criticized by Brown, 103, 104;

the government defeated in the legislature, 104;

policy of the government, 104;

a dissolution asked for, 105;

dissolution refused and government resigns, 106;

former government resumes office, 106;

artifice by which ministers avoid fresh elections, 107

Drummond, L. T., a member of the Brown-Dorion government, 102

Durham, Lord, extracts from his report, 11, 12, 52, 53, 54, 82, 83

E

Elgin, Lord, (see also _Rebellion Losses Bill_)

condemns system of preferential trade, 32;

reconciles colonial self-government with imperial unity, 33;

concedes responsible government, 33;

attacked by Canadian Tories as a sympathizer with rebels

and Frenchmen, 33;

assents to Rebellion Losses Bill, 36;

mobbed at Montreal, 30;

firm attitude during disturbance, 37

F

Ferrier, Mr., describes negotiations for confederation, 152

French-Canadians,

Lord Durham's plan of benevolent assimilation, 12;

its failure, 12;

friendly attitude of Bagot towards, 16;

their attitude towards representation by population, 83, 84

G

Galt, A. T.,

asked to form a ministry, 106;

enters reconstructed Cartier-Macdonald government, 107;

advocates confederation of Canada, 132, 133;

appointed with Brown to represent Canada in confederate council on

reciprocity, 193;

visits Washington and confers with Mr. Seward, secretary of state, 193;

discusses with him question of reciprocity by legislation, 193;

his course condemned by Brown, 194

Gladstone, W. E.,

his eulogy of Peel government, 14;

replies to despatch of Canadian government complaining of repeal of

preferential tariff, 31

_Globe_, the,

founded, 20;

its motto, 20;

its prospectus, 20;

champions responsible government, 20;

advocates war with United States to free slaves, 28, 29;

defends abolition of Corn Laws in England, 31;

defends Lord Elgin, 36;

opposes Clear Grit movement, 40;

discusses dissensions among Reformers, 42, 43;

comments on Cardinal Wiseman's pastoral, 44;

attacks Hincks-Morin government, 48;

first issued as a daily in 1853, 74;

absorbs _North American_ and _Examiner_, 74;

declaration of principles, 74, 75;

advocates alliance with Quebec Rouges, 78;

befriends fugitive slaves, 112;

opposes slavery, 119;

"no popery" campaign, 123, 124;

attacks Separate School Bill, 145;

the early article showing value of North-West Territories, 213-17;

severely criticizes Canada First party, 236-8;

its attitude considered, 239;

Brown declares his preference for editorship of _Globe_ to any

official position, 247;

its attack on Mr. Justice Wilson, 250-2;

the article gives rise to proceedings for contempt of court, 252;

Brown's defence, 252-4;

the court disagrees, 254;

description of building where Mr. Brown was shot, 255

Gordon, Arthur Hamilton, governor of New Brunswick,

opposes confederation, 187;

is censured by British government and instructed to reverse his

policy, 187;

brings pressure to bear on his ministers to abandon opposition to

confederation, 188;

the ministry resigns and is succeeded by a ministry favourable to

confederation, 188

H

Head, Sir Edmund Bond,

sends for George Brown to form government, 101;

notifies Brown that he gives no pledge to dissolve, 102;

refuses dissolution, 106;

charge of partiality considered, 107, 108

Hincks, Sir Francis,

succeeds Robert Baldwin, 48;

attacked by Brown and the _Globe_, 48;

policy as to secularization of clergy reserves, 59;

his government defeated, 77;

he retires and gives his support to the MacNab-Morin government, 77, 78

Holton, Luther,

a member of the Brown-Dorion government, 102;

opposes coalition of 1864, 199;

his remarkable appeal to Brown to leave coalition, 200, 201

Howe, Joseph, his relations with Sir John Macdonald, 203

Howland, Sir W. P.,

visits Washington in connection with reciprocity, 193;

his relations with Sir John A. Macdonald's ministry, 202;

defends his course in adhering to coalition, 209

I

Isbester, Mr., services in calling attention to North-West Territories, 212

L

_Liberal_, the, founded during Canada First movement, 235

M

Macdonald, John A.,

rises to leadership of reconstructed Conservative party, 42;

charges Brown with misconduct as secretary of prison commission, 87-90;

enmity with Brown, 91;

recounts negotiations with Brown as to confederation, 154;

speech in legislature supporting confederation, 170;

informs House of crisis caused by defeat of New Brunswick

government, 182;

announces mission to England, 182;

deals with question of defence, 183;

moves previous question, 185;

goes to England to confer with British government, 186;

asked to form an administration on death of Sir E. P. Tache, 189;

Brown objects, 190;

proposes Sir N. F. Belleau, who is accepted, 191;

relations with Brown, 201;

relations with Joseph Howe, 203

Macdonald, John Sandfield,

a member of Brown-Dorion government, 102;

advocates the "double majority," 142;

his government adopts Separate School Bill, 144

Macdougall, William,

one of the Clear Grits, 39;

editor of the _North American_, 40;

enters coalition ministry for purpose of carrying out confederation, 159;

argues for continuance of coalition, 210

Mackenzie, Alexander,

opposed to Reformers entering coalition ministry in 1864, 199;

his government sends Brown to Washington in connection with

reciprocity, 1874, 226

Metcalfe, Sir Charles (afterwards Lord),

asked to undertake government of Canada, 18;

difficulty of position emphasized by Lord Stanley, 18;

misinformed as to intentions of Canadian Reformers, 19;

his dispute with Baldwin and Lafontaine, 19;

regards himself as defending unity of empire, 19;

willing to grant responsible government in a qualified sense, 19;

personal character, 19;

dissolves legislature, 24;

his view of the contest, 24;

votes offered for him personally, 25;

his victory, 26;

subsequent difficulties, 26;

illness and death, 27;

raised to peerage, 27

Mowat, Oliver,

a member of the Brown-Dorion government, 102;

a member of committee of Anti-Slavery Society, 112;

advocates federal union, 135;

enters coalition to carry out confederation, 159

N

_Nation_, the,

founded to advocate Canada First movement, 235;

sets forth programme of Canada First party, 236

National Club, the, founded during the Canada First movement, 235

New Brunswick,

defeat of local government, 181;

the confederation scheme endangered by this defeat, 181;

the situation discussed in the legislature of Canada, 182, 183;

the Canadian mission to England, 186;

the British government agrees to bring influence to bear on Maritime

Provinces to enter confederation, 186;

position of Mr. Gordon, lieutenant-governor of New Brunswick, 187;

he at first opposes confederation, 187;

receives instructions from England to promote confederation, 187;

brings pressure to bear on his government to abandon opposition

to confederation, 187, 188;

the government resigns, 188;

a general election follows, and a government favourable to

confederation is returned, 188

New York, experience of the Browns in, 2, 3

_North American_, the organ of the Clear Grits, 40

Nova Scotia, the province of, forced into confederation, 206

North-West Territories,

Brown's interest in, 211;

address by Robert Baldwin Sullivan, 211;

article in the _Globe_ describing resources of country, 213-15;

letters of "Huron" in Toronto _Globe_, 215;

meeting of Toronto Board of Trade, 216;

Reform convention of 1857 advocates addition of territories

to Canada, 217;

scepticism as to value of country, 217, 218;

Brown speaks in favour of extension of Canada to Pacific Ocean, 219;

negotiations with British government, 220;

Macdonald's testimony to Brown's services, 221

P

Parties, political,

in state of transition on Brown's entry into parliament, 69;

reconstruction on defeat of Hincks-Morin government, and formation

of MacNab-Morin government, 77;

the new government described as a coalition by its friends and as

Tory by its opponents, 77;

gradually comes to represent personal influence of John A. Macdonald, 78;

the Baldwin Reformers, 78;

opposition gathers under Brown, 78;

alliance between Upper Canadian Reformers and Rouges, 78

Peel government, its attitude towards responsible government in Canada, 13;

Gladstone's eulogium on, 14;

misunderstands Canadian situation, 14;

controversy with Governor Bagot, 16;

regards Bagot's action as a surrender to rebels, 16, 17;

appoints Metcalfe, 17-19

Preferential trade,

abolished by repeal of Corn Laws, 31;

complaints from Canada, 31;

the _Globe_ defends British position, 31;

Lord Elgin condemns imperial protection, 32

Prison commission,

Macdonald charges Brown with falsifying testimony and suborning

prisoners to commit perjury, 87;

scene in the House, 88;

Brown moves for a committee of inquiry, 88;

unexpectedly produces report of commission, 88;

proceedings of committee, 89;

Brown describes abuses revealed by commission, 90;

the incident embitters relations between Brown and Macdonald, 91;

Brown delivers public address on prison reform, 91, 92

Prohibition,

advocated by the _Globe_ in 1853, 75;

discussed in legislature, 75;

drinking habits of Canada in early days, 75, 76

Protection,

beginning of agitation in Canada, 231;

opposed by Brown, 232, 233

R

Rebellion in Canada (1837),

causes of, 11;

remedies proposed, 12

Rebellion Losses Bill, 34;

disturbance occasioned by, 35;

burning of parliament buildings at Montreal, 37;

mobbing of Lord Elgin, 37

Reciprocity,

abrogation of treaty of 1854 one of the causes of confederation, 148;

negotiations for renewal of treaty, 192;

confederate council on reciprocity formed, 193;

Galt and Howland visit Washington, 193;

Seward, American secretary of state, proposes reciprocal legislation

instead of treaty, 193;

Brown's objections, 194, 223;

reasons for failure of negotiations of 1866, 224;

Americans set little value on Canadian trade, 224;

attempts at renewal in 1869 and 1871, 225;

the Brown mission of 1874, 225;

meeting with Mr. Rothery, agent of British government, 226;

Brown visits Washington, 226;

Sir Edward Thornton and Brown appointed to negotiate a treaty, 226;

reasons for selection of Brown, 227;

opening of negotiations, 227;

sketch of proposed treaty, 227;

list of articles on free list, 228;

Brown finds value of Canadian trade greatly under-estimated in

Washington, 228;

Brown prepares a memorandum showing extent of trade, 229;

carries on propaganda in American newspapers, 230;

falsely charged with corrupting the press, 230;

the treaty goes to the American senate, 231;

failure of negotiations, 231;

objections made in Canada, 231;

Canadian movement for protection, 231;

Brown opposes protection, 232, 233

Reformers, Canadian,

open campaign for responsible government against Governor Metcalfe, 21;

wise leadership of Baldwin and Lafontaine, 24;

convention of 1857 advocates addition of North-West Territories to

Canada, 217;

convention of 1859 to consider relations of Upper and Lower

Canada, 133, 134;

arguments for confederation, 135;

George Sheppard's powerful speech against federation, 135, 136;

the advocates of federation agree to amendment minimizing powers of

central government, 130, 137;

Brown advocates confederation, 137, 138;

Reformers consulted by George Brown as to confederation, 156;

they agree to Brown and others entering coalition cabinet, 157;

Reform party inadequately represented in coalition, 159;

question of Reform representation again raised on death of

Sir E. P. Tache, 190;

Reform convention of 1867, 208;

approves of confederation, 208;

but declares that coalition should come to an end, its objects

having been achieved, 208, 209

Representation by population,

proposed by George Brown, 82-4;

objections raised on behalf of Lower Canada, 84;

strength of Lower Canadian case, 84;

federalism the real remedy, 85

Responsible Government (see also _Peel Government_, _Bagot_, and

_Metcalfe_), recommended by Lord Durham, 12, 13;

attitude of British government, 13;

Governor Bagot's concessions, 16-18;

Governor Metcalfe's attitude, 19;

Dr. Ryerson champions Governor Metcalfe, 22;

the legislature dissolved, 1844, 24;

fierce election contest follows, 24;

personal victory for Governor Metcalfe, 25, 26

Roman Catholics,

relations of George Brown with, 44 _et seq._, 121 _et seq_;

Brown's letter to prominent Roman Catholics, 124 _et seq._

Rouges, described by the _Globe_, 78

Ryerson, Dr. leader among Methodists, 22;

espouses cause of Governor Metcalfe against Reformers, 22;

correctly describes attitude of British government, 23;

supports Mr. R. W. Scott's Separate School Bill, 144

S

Scottish Church,

disruption of, 2;

opinions of the Browns thereon, 2;

comment of the _Banner_, 6

Sheppard, George,

his speech at Reform convention of 1859, 135;

predicts growth of central authority under federal system, 136

Separate Schools,

opposed by George Brown, 121;

a compromise arranged, 122, 123;

bill introduced by Mr. R. W. Scott, 144;

supported by Dr. Ryerson, 144;

adopted by Macdonald-Sicotte government, 144;

becomes law, 145;

assailed by the _Globe_, 145;

accepted by Brown, 145

Slavery,

Brown's opposition to, 1, 2, 3;

Canada a refuge for slaves, 111;

passage of Fugitive Slave Law, 111;

Anti-Slavery Society formed in Canada, 112;

settlements of refugee slaves, 113;

Brown at Toronto denounces Fugitive Slave Law, 113, 114;

Brown discusses Lincoln's proclamation of emancipation, 114;

describes feeling in Great Britain, 115;

Brown's insight into Lincoln's policy, 115;

insists that slavery was cause of Civil War, 116;

shows Canada's interest in the struggle, 117;

consequences of growth of a slave power in North America, 118, 119

Smith, Goldwin,

his connection with Canada First movement, 235;

elected president of the National Club, 237;

attacked by the _Globe_, 237, 238;

his reply, 238, 239

Stanley, Lord, colonial secretary under Peel, advocates preferential

trade and imperial protection, 15, 31

Sullivan, Robert Baldwin, delivers an address on resources of

North-West Territories, 211

_Star_, the Cobourg, its estimate of George Brown, 71, 72

Scott, R. W., introduces Separate School Bill, 144

Strachan, Bishop, opposes secularization of King's College, 8

T

Tache, Sir E. P.,

forms government in effort to break dead-lock, 149;

his government defeated, 149;

heads coalition to carry out confederation, 159;

his speech in the legislature, 169;

his death, 189

Thompson, Samuel, describes meeting with George Brown in 1843, 4, 5

Toronto Board of Trade, advocates incorporation of North-West

Territories with Canada, 216

W

Wiseman, Cardinal,

his pastoral published and criticized in the _Globe_, 44

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