BROWN LEAVES THE COALITION
The series of events which gradually drew Mr. Brown out of the
coalition began with the death of Sir Etienne P. Tache on July 30th,
1865. By his age, his long experience, and a certain mild benignity of
disposition, Tache was admirably fitted to be the dean of the
coalition and the arbiter between its elements. He had served in
Reform and Conservative governments, but without incurring the
reproach of overweening love of office. With his departure that of
Brown became only a matter of time. To work with Macdonald as an equal
was a sufficiently disagreeable duty; to work under him, considering
the personal relations of the two men, would have been humiliating.
Putting aside the question of where the blame for the long-standing
feud lay, it was inevitable that the association should be temporary
and brief. On August 3rd the governer-general asked Mr. Macdonald to
form an administration. Mr. Macdonald consented, obtained the assent
of Mr. Cartier and consulted Mr. Brown. I quote from an authorized
memorandum of the conversation. "Mr. Brown replied that he was quite
prepared to enter into arrangements for the continuance of the
government in the same position as it occupied previous to the death
of Sir Etienne P. Tache; but that the proposal now made involved a
grave departure from that position. The government, heretofore, had
been a coalition of three political parties, each represented by an
active party leader, but all acting under one chief, who had ceased to
be actuated by strong party feelings or personal ambitions, and who
was well fitted to give confidence to all the three sections of the
coalition that the conditions which united them would be carried out
in good faith to the very letter. Mr. Macdonald, Mr. Cartier and
himself [Mr. Brown] were, on the contrary, regarded as party leaders,
with party feelings and aspirations, and to place any one of them in
an attitude of superiority to the others, with the vast advantage of
the premiership, would, in the public mind, lessen the security of
good faith, and seriously endanger the existence of the coalition. It
would be an entire change of the situation. Whichever of the three was
so preferred, the act would amount to an abandonment of the coalition
basis, and a reconstruction of the government on party lines under a
party leader." When the coalition was formed, the Liberals were in a
majority in the legislature; for reasons of State they had
relinquished their party advantage, and a government was formed in
which the Conservatives had nine members and the Liberals three. In
what light would the Liberal party regard this new proposition? Mr.
Brown suggested that an invitation be extended to some gentleman of
good position in the legislative council, under whom all parties could
act with confidence, as successor to Colonel Tache. So far as to the
party. Speaking, however, for himself alone, Mr. Brown said he
occupied the same position as in 1864. He stood prepared to give
outside the ministry a frank and earnest support to any ministry that
might be formed for the purpose of carrying out confederation.
Mr. Macdonald replied that he had no personal feeling as to the
premiership, and would readily stand aside; and he suggested the name
of Mr. Cartier, as leader of the French-Canadians. Mr. Brown said that
it would be necessary for him to consult with his political friends.
Sir Narcisse F. Belleau, a member of the executive council, was then
proposed by Mr. Macdonald, and accepted by Mr. Brown, on condition
that the policy of confederation should be stated in precise terms.
Sir Narcisse Belleau became nominal prime minister of Canada, and the
difficulty was tided over for a few months.
The arrangement, however, was a mere makeshift. The objections set
forth by Brown to Macdonald's assuming the title of leader applied
with equal force to his assuming the leadership in fact, as he
necessarily did under Sir Narcisse Belleau; the discussion over this
point, though couched in language of diplomatic courtesy, must have
irritated both parties, and their relations grew steadily worse. The
immediate and assigned cause of the rupture was a disagreement in
regard to negotiations for the renewal of the reciprocity treaty. It
is admitted that it was only in part the real cause, and would not
have severed the relations between men who were personally and
politically in sympathy.
Mr. Brown had taken a deep interest in the subject of reciprocity. In
1863 he was in communication with John Sandfield Macdonald, then
premier of Canada, and Luther Holton, minister of finance. He dwelt on
the importance of opening communication with the American government
during the administration of Lincoln, whom he regarded as favourable
to the renewal of the treaty. Seward, Lincoln's secretary of state,
suggested that Canada should have an agent at Washington, with whom he
and Lord Lyons, the British ambassador, could confer on Canadian
matters. The premier asked Brown to go, saying that all his colleagues
were agreed upon his eminent fitness for the mission. Brown declined
the mission, contending that Mr. Holton, besides being fully
qualified, was, by virtue of his official position as minister of
finance, the proper person to represent Canada. He kept urging the
importance of taking action early, before the American movement
against the renewal of the treaty could gather headway. But neither
the Macdonald-Sicotte government nor its successor lived long enough
to take action, and the opportunity was lost. The coalition government
was fully employed with other matters during 1864, and it was not
until the spring of 1863 that the matter of reciprocity was taken up.
In the summer of that year the imperial government authorized the
formation of a confederate council on reciprocity, consisting of
representation from Canada and the other North American colonies, and
presided over by the governor-general. Brown and Galt were the
representatives of Canada on the council.
Mr. Brown was in the Maritime Provinces in November, 1865, on
government business. On his return to Toronto he was surprised to read
in American papers a statement that Mr. Galt and Mr. Howland were
negotiating with the Committee of Ways and Means at Washington.
Explanations were given by Galt at a meeting of the cabinet at Ottawa
on December 17th. Seward had told him that the treaty could not be
renewed, but that something might be done by reciprocal legislation.
After some demur, Mr. Galt went on to discuss the matter on that
basis. He suggested the free exchange of natural products, and a
designated list of manufactures. The customs duties on foreign goods
were to be assimilated as far as possible. Inland waters and canals
might be used in common, and maintained at the joint expense of the
two countries. Mr. Galt followed up his narrative by proposing that a
minute of council be adopted, ratifying what he had done, and
authorizing him to proceed to Washington and continue the
negotiations.
The discussion that followed lasted several days. Mr. Brown objected
strongly to the proceeding. He declared that "Mr. Galt had flung at
the heads of the Americans every concession that we had in our power
to make, and some that we certainly could not make, so that our case
was foreclosed before the commission was opened." He objected still
more strongly to the plan of reciprocal legislation, which would keep
the people of Canada "dangling from year to year on the legislation of
the American congress, looking to Washington instead of to Ottawa as
the controller of their commerce and prosperity." The scheme was
admirably designed by the Americans to promote annexation. Before each
congress the United States press would contain articles threatening
ruin to Canadian trade. The Maritime Provinces would take offence at
being ignored, and confederation as well as reciprocity might be lost.
His own proposal was to treat Mr. Galt's proceedings at Washington as
unofficial, call the confederate council, and begin anew to "make a
dead set to have this reciprocal legislation idea upset before
proceeding with the discussion."
Galt at length suggested a compromise. His proceedings at Washington
were to be treated as unofficial, and no order-in-council passed. Galt
and Howland were to be sent to Washington to obtain a treaty if
possible, and if not to learn what terms could be arranged, and report
to the government.
Brown regarded this motion as intended to remove him from the
confederate council, and substitute Mr. Howland, and said so; but he
declared that he would accept the compromise nevertheless. It
appeared, however, that there had been a misunderstanding as to the
recording of a minute of the proceedings. The first minute was
withdrawn; but as Mr. Brown considered that the second minute still
sanctioned the idea of reciprocal legislation, he refused to sign it,
and decided to place his resignation in the hands of the premier, and
to wait upon the governor-general. After hearing the explanation, His
Excellency said: "Then, Mr. Brown, I am called upon to decide between
your policy and that of the other members of the government?" Mr.
Brown replied, "Yes, sir, and if I am allowed to give advice in the
matter, I should say that the government ought to be sustained, though
the decision is against myself. I consider the great question of
confederation as of far greater consequence to the country than
reciprocity negotiations. My resignation may aid in preventing their
policy on the reciprocity question from being carried out, or at least
call forth a full expression of opinion on the subject, and the
government should be sustained, if wrong in this, for the sake of
confederation."
The debate in council had occupied several days, and had evidently
aroused strong feelings. Undoubtedly Mr. Brown's decision was affected
by the affront that he considered had been put upon him by virtually
removing him from the confederate council and sending Mr. Howland
instead of himself to Washington as the colleague of Mr. Galt. He
disapproved on public grounds of the policy of the government, and he
resented the manner in which he had been ignored throughout the
transaction. On the day after the rupture Mr. Cartier wrote Mr. Brown
asking him whether he could reconsider his resignation. Mr. Brown
replied, "I have received your kind note, and think it right to state
frankly at once that the step I have taken cannot be revoked. The
interests involved are too great. I think a very great blunder has
been committed in a matter involving the most important interests of
the country, and that the order-in-council you have passed endorses
that blunder and authorizes persistence in it.... I confess I was much
annoyed at the personal affront offered me, but that feeling has
passed away in view of the serious character of the matter at issue,
which casts all personal feeling aside."
If it were necessary to seek for justification of Mr. Brown's action
in leaving the ministry at this time, it might be found either in his
disagreement with the government on the question of policy, or in the
treatment accorded to him by his colleagues. Sandfield Macdonald and
his colleagues had on a former occasion recognized Mr. Brown's eminent
fitness to represent Canada in the negotiations at Washington, not
only because of his thorough acquaintance with the subject, but
because of his steadily maintained attitude of friendship for the
North. He was a member of the confederate council on reciprocity. His
position in the ministry was not that of a subordinate, but of the
representative of a powerful party. In resenting the manner in which
his position was ignored, he does not seem to have exceeded the bounds
of proper self-assertion. However, this controversy assumes less
importance if it is recognized that the rupture was inevitable. The
precise time or occasion is of less importance than the force which
was always and under all circumstances operating to draw Mr. Brown
away from an association injurious to himself and to Liberalism, in
its broad sense as well as in its party sense, and to his influence as
a public man. This had better be considered in another place.