RECONSTRUCTION OF PARTIES
In June, 1854, the Hincks-Morin government was defeated in the
legislature on a vote of censure for delay in dealing with the
question of the clergy reserves. A combination of Tories and Radicals
deprived Hincks of all but five of his Upper Canadian supporters.
Parliament was immediately dissolved, and the ensuing election was a
_melee_ in which Hincks Reformers, Brown Reformers, Tories and Clear
Grits were mingled in confusion. Brown was returned for Lambton, where
he defeated the Hon. Malcolm Cameron, postmaster-general under Hincks.
The Reform party was in a large majority in the new legislature, and
if united could have controlled it with ease. But the internal quarrel
was irreconcilable. Hincks was defeated by a combination of Tories and
dissatisfied Reformers, and a general reconstruction of parties
followed. Sir Allan MacNab, as leader of the Conservative opposition,
formed an alliance with the French-Canadian members of the Hincks
government and with some of its Upper Canadian supporters. Hincks
retired, but gave his support to the new combination, "being of
opinion that the combination of parties by which the new government
was supported presented the only solution of the difficulties caused
by a coalition of parties holding no sentiments in common, a coalition
which rarely takes place in England. I deemed it my duty to give my
support to that government during the short period that I continued in
public life."[9]
Whether the MacNab-Morin government was a true coalition or a Tory
combination under that name was a question fiercely debated at that
time. It certainly did not stand for the Toryism that had resisted
responsible government, the secularization of the clergy reserves, and
the participation of French-Canadians in the government of the
country. It had at first some of the elements of a coalition, but it
gradually came to represent Conservatism and the personal ascendency
of John A. Macdonald. Robert Baldwin, from his retirement, gave his
approval to the combination, and hence arose the "Baldwin Reformer,"
blessed as a convert by one party, and cursed as a renegade by the
other.
Reconstruction on one side was followed by reconstruction on the
other. Upper Canadian Reformers rallied round Brown, and an alliance
was formed with the Quebec Rouges. This was a natural alliance of
radical Reformers in both provinces. Some light is thrown on it by an
article published in the _Globe_ in 1855. The writer said that in
1849, some young men of Montreal, fresh from the schools and filled
to the brim with the Republican opinions which had spread from France
throughout all Europe, formed associations and established newspapers
advocating extreme political views. They declaimed in favour of
liberty and against priestcraft and tyranny with all the ardour and
freshness of youth. Their talents and the evident purity and sincerity
of their motives made a strong impression on their countrymen,
contrasting as they did with the selfishness and mediocrity of other
French-Canadian leaders, and the result was that the Rouge party was
growing in strength both in the House and in the country. With the
growth of strength there had come a growing sense of responsibility,
greater moderation and prudence. In the legislature, at least, the
Rouges had not expressed a single sentiment on general policy to which
a British constitutional Reformer might not assent. They were the true
allies of the Upper Canadian Reformers, and in fact the only Liberals
among the French-Canadians. They had Reform principles, they
maintained a high standard of political morality. They stood for the
advance of education and for liberty of speech. They were the hope of
Canada, and their attitude gave promise that a brighter day was about
to dawn on the political horizon.
It was unreasonable to expect that the Liberals could continue to
receive that solid support from Lower Canada which they had received
in the days of the Baldwin-Lafontaine alliance. In those days the
issue was whether French-Canadians should be allowed to take part in
the government of the country, or should be excluded as rebels. The
Reformers championed their cause and received the solid support of the
French-Canadian people. But when once the principle for which they
contested was conceded, it was perceived that Lower Canada, like Upper
Canada, had its Conservative element, and party lines were formed. Mr.
Brown held that there could be no lasting alliance between Upper
Canadian Reformers and Lower Canadian Conservatives, and especially
with those Lower Canadians who defended the power and privileges of
the Church. He was perfectly willing that electors holding these views
should go to the Conservative party, which was their proper place. The
Rouges could not bring to the Liberal party the numerical strength of
the supporters of Lafontaine, but as they really held Liberal
principles, the alliance was solidly based and was more likely to
endure.
The leader of the Rouges was A. A. Dorion, a distinguished advocate,
and a man of culture, refinement and eloquence. He was Brown's
desk-mate, and while in physique and manner the two were strongly
contrasted, they were drawn together by the chivalry and devotion to
principle which characterized both, and they formed a strong
friendship. "For four years," said Mr. Brown, in a public address, "I
acted with him in the ranks of the Opposition, learned to value most
highly the uprightness of his character, the liberality of his
opinions, and the firmness of his convictions. On most questions of
public general policy we heartily agreed, and regularly voted
together; on the questions that divided all Upper Canadians and all
Lower Canadians alone we differed, and on these we had held many
earnest consultations from year to year with a view to their removal,
without arriving at the conviction that when we had the opportunity we
could find the mode." Their habit was not to attempt to conceal these
sectional differences, but to recognize them frankly with a view to
finding the remedy. It was rarely that either presented a resolution
to the House without asking the advice of the other. They knew each
other's views perfectly, and on many questions, especially of commerce
and finance, they were in perfect accord.
By this process of evolution Liberals and Conservatives were restored
to their proper and historic places, and the way was cleared for new
issues. These issues arose out of the ill-advised attempt to join
Upper and Lower Canada in a legislative union. A large part of the
history of this period is the history of an attempt to escape the
consequences of that blunder. This was the reason why every ministry
had its double name--the Lafontaine-Baldwin, the Hincks-Morin, the
Tache-Macdonald, the Brown-Dorion, the Macdonald-Sicotte. This was the
reason why every ministry had its attorney-general east for Lower
Canada and its attorney-general west for Upper Canada. In his speech
on confederation Sir John Macdonald said that although the union was
legislative in name, it was federal in fact--that in matters affecting
Upper Canada alone, Upper Canadian members claimed and usually
exercised, exclusive power, and so with Lower Canada. The consolidated
statutes of Canada and the consolidated statutes of Upper Canada must
be sought in separate volumes. The practice of legislating for one
province alone was not confined to local or private matters. For
instance, as the two communities had widely different ideas as to
Sabbath observance, the stricter law was enacted for Upper Canada
alone. Hence also arose the theory of the double majority--that a
ministry must, for the support of its general policy, have a majority
from each province.
But all these shifts and devices could not stay the agitation for a
radical remedy. Some Reformers proposed to dissolve the union. Brown
believed that the difficulty would be solved by representation by
population, concerning which a word of explanation is necessary. When
the provinces were united in 1841, the population of Lower Canada
exceeded that of Upper Canada in the proportion of three to two. "If,"
said Lord Durham, "the population of Upper Canada is rightly estimated
at four hundred thousand, the English inhabitants of Lower Canada at
one hundred and fifty thousand, and the French at four hundred and
fifty thousand, the union of the two provinces would not only give a
clear English majority, but one which would be increased every year by
the influence of English emigration, and I have little doubt that the
French, when once placed by the legitimate course of events in a
minority, would abandon their vain hopes of nationality." But he added
that he was averse to every plan that had been proposed for giving an
equal number of members to the two provinces. The object could be
attained without any violation of the principles of representation,
such as would antagonize public opinion, and "when emigration shall
have increased the English population of the Upper Province, the
adoption of such a principle would operate to defeat the very purpose
it is intended to serve. It appears to me that any such electoral
arrangement, founded on the present provincial divisions, would tend
to defeat the purpose of union and perpetuate the idea of disunion."
Counsels less wise and just prevailed, and the united province was
"gerrymandered" against Lord Durham's protest. Lower Canada complained
of the injustice, and with good reason. In the course of time Lord
Durham's prediction was fulfilled; by immigration the population of
Upper Canada overtook and passed that of Lower Canada. The census of
1852 gave Upper Canada a population of nine hundred and fifty-two
thousand, and Lower Canada a population of eight hundred and ninety
thousand two hundred and sixty-one. Brown began to press for
representation by population. He was met by two objections. It was
argued on behalf of the French-Canadians that they had submitted to
the injustice while they had the larger population, and that the Upper
Canadians ought to follow their example. Mr. Brown admitted the force
of this argument, but he met it by showing that the Lower Canadians
had been under-represented for eight years, and that by the time the
new representation went into force, the Upper Canadians would have
suffered injustice for about an equal term, so that a balance might be
struck. A more formidable objection was raised by Mr. Hincks, who said
that the union was in the nature of a compact between two nations
having widely different institutions; that the basis of the compact
was equal representation, and that Brown's proposition would destroy
that basis. Cartier said that representation by population could not
be had without repeal of the union. The French-Canadians were afraid
that they would be swamped, and would be obliged to accept the laws
and institutions of the majority.
It is impossible to deny the force of these objections. In 1841 Lower
Canada had been compelled to join a union in which the voting power of
Upper Canada was arbitrarily increased. If this was due to distrust,
to fear of "French domination," French-Canadians could not be blamed
for showing an equal distrust of English domination, and for refusing
to give up the barrier which, as they believed, protected their
peculiar institutions. Ultimately the solution was found in the
application of the federal system, giving unity in matters requiring
common action, and freedom to differ in matters of local concern.
Towards this solution events were tending, and the importance of
Brown's agitation for representation by population, which gained
immense force in Upper Canada, lies in its relation to the larger plan
of confederation.
FOOTNOTES:
[9] Hincks's _Political History of Canada_, p. 80.