DISSENSION AMONG REFORMERS
Within the limits of one parliament, less than four years, the
Baldwin-Lafontaine government achieved a large amount of useful work,
including the establishment of cheap and uniform postage, the
reforming of the courts of law, the remodelling of the municipal
system, the establishment of the University of Toronto on a
non-sectarian basis, and the inauguration of a policy by which the
province was covered with a network of railways. With such a record,
the government hardly seemed to be open to a charge of lack of energy
and progressiveness, but it was a time when radicalism was in the air.
It may be more than a coincidence that Chartism in England and a
revolution in France were followed by radical movements in both
Canadas.
The counterpart to the Rouge party in Lower Canada, elsewhere referred
to, was the Clear Grit party in Upper Canada. Among its leaders were
Peter Perry, one of the founders of the Reform party in Upper Canada,
Caleb Hopkins, David Christie, James Lesslie, Dr. John Rolph and
William Macdougall. Rolph had played a leading part in the movement
for reform before the rebellion, and is the leading figure in Dent's
history of that period. Macdougall was a young lawyer and journalist
fighting his way into prominence.
"Grit" afterwards became a nickname for a member of the Reform or
Liberal party, and especially for the enthusiastic followers of George
Brown. Yet in all the history of a quarrelsome period in politics
there is no more violent quarrel than that between Brown and the Clear
Grits. It is said that Brown and Christie were one day discussing the
movement, and that Brown had mentioned the name of a leading Reformer
as one of the opponents of the new party. Christie replied that the
party did not want such men, they wanted only those who were "Clear
Grit." This is one of several theories as to the derivation of the
name. The _Globe_ denounced the party as "a miserable clique of
office-seeking, bunkum-talking cormorants, who met in a certain
lawyer's office on King Street [Macdougall's] and announced their
intention to form a new party on Clear Grit principles." The _North
American_, edited by Macdougall, denounced Brown with equal fury as a
servile adherent of the Baldwin government. Brown for several years
was in this position of hostility to the Radical wing of the party. He
was defeated in Haldimand by William Lyon Mackenzie, who stood on an
advanced Radical platform; and in 1851 his opponent in Kent and
Lambton was Malcolm Cameron, a Clear Grit, who had joined the
Hincks-Morin government. The nature of their relations is shown by a
letter in which Cameron called on one of his friends to come out and
oppose Brown: "I will be out and we will show him up, and let him know
what stuff Liberal Reformers are made of, and how they would treat
fanatical beasts who would allow no one liberty but themselves."
The Clear Grits advocated, (1) the application of the elective
principle to all the officials and institutions of the country, from
the head of the government downwards; (2) universal suffrage; (3) vote
by ballot; (4) biennial parliaments; (5) the abolition of property
qualification for parliamentary representations; (6) a fixed term for
the holding of general elections and for the assembling of the
legislature; (7) retrenchment; (8) the abolition of pensions to
judges; (9) the abolition of the Courts of Common Pleas and Chancery
and the giving of an enlarged jurisdiction to the Court of Queen's
Bench; (10) reduction of lawyers' fees; (11) free trade and direct
taxation; (12) an amended jury law; (13) the abolition or modification
of the usury laws; (14) the abolition of primogeniture; (15) the
secularization of the clergy reserves, and the abolition of the
rectories. The movement was opposed by the _Globe_. No new party, it
said, was required for the advocacy of reform of the suffrage,
retrenchment, law reform, free trade or the liberation of the clergy
reserves. These were practical questions, on which the Reform party
was united. But these were placed on the programme merely to cloak
its revolutionary features, features that simply meant the adoption of
republican institutions, and the taking of the first step towards
annexation. The British system of responsible government was upheld by
the _Globe_ as far superior to the American system in the security it
afforded to life and property.
But while Brown defended the government from the attacks of the Clear
Grits, he was himself growing impatient at their delay in dealing with
certain questions that he had at heart, especially the secularization
of the clergy reserves. He tried, as we should say to-day, "to reform
the party from within." He was attacked for his continued support of a
ministry accused of abandoning principles while "he was endeavouring
to influence the members to a right course without an open rupture."
There was an undercurrent of discontent drawing him away from the
government. In October, 1850, the _Globe_ contained a series of
articles on the subject. It was pointed out that there were four
parties in the country: the old-time Tories, the opponents of
responsible government, whose members were fast diminishing; the new
party led by John A. Macdonald; the Ministerialists; and the Clear
Grits, who were described as composed of English Radicals, Republicans
and annexationists. The Ministerialists had an overwhelming majority
over all, but were disunited. What was the trouble? The ministers
might be a little slow, a little wanting in tact, a little less
democratic than some of their followers. They were not traitors to the
Reform cause, and intemperate attacks on them might be disastrous to
that cause. A union of French-Canadians with Upper Canadian
Conservatives would, it was prophesied, make the Reform party
powerless. Though in later years George Brown became known as the
chief opponent of French-Canadian influence, he was well aware of the
value of the alliance, and he gave the French-Canadians full credit
for their support to measures of reform. "Let the truth be known,"
said the _Globe_ at this time, "to the French-Canadians of Lower
Canada are the Reformers of Upper Canada indebted for the sweeping
majorities which carried their best measures." He gave the government
credit for an immense mass of useful legislation enacted in a very
short period. But more remained to be done. The clergy reserves must
be abolished, and all connection between Church and State swept away.
"The party in power has no policy before the country. No one knows
what measures are to be brought forward by the leaders. Each man
fancies a policy for himself. The conductors of the public press must
take ground on all the questions of the day, and each accordingly
strikes out such a line as suits his own leanings, the palates of his
readers, or what he deems for the good of the country. All sorts of
vague schemes are thus thrown on the sea of public opinion to agitate
the waters, with the triple result of poisoning the public mind,
producing unnecessary divisions, and committing sections of the party
to views and principles which they might never have contemplated under
a better system."
For some time the articles in the _Globe_ did not pass the bounds of
friendly, though outspoken, criticism. The events that drew Brown into
opposition were his breach with the Roman Catholic Church, the
campaign in Haldimand in which he was defeated by William Lyon
Mackenzie, the retirement of Baldwin and the accession to power of the
Hincks-Morin administration.
Towards the end of 1850 there arrived in Canada copies of a pastoral
letter by Cardinal Wiseman, defending the famous papal bull which
divided England into sees of the Roman Catholic Church, and gave
territorial titles to the bishops. Sir E. P. Tache, a member of the
government, showed one of these to Mr. Brown, and jocularly challenged
him to publish it in the _Globe_. Brown accepted the challenge,
declaring that he would also publish a reply, to be written by
himself. The reply, which will be found in the _Globe_ of December
10th, 1850, is argumentative in tone, and probably would not of itself
have involved Brown in a violent quarrel with the Church. The
following passage was afterwards cited by the _Globe_ as defining its
position: "In offering a few remarks upon Dr. Wiseman's production, we
have no intention to discuss the tenets of the Roman Catholic Church,
but merely to look at the question in its secular aspect. As advocates
of the voluntary principle we give to every man full liberty to
worship as his conscience dictates, and without penalty, civil or
ecclesiastical, attaching to his exercise thereof. We would allow each
sect to give to its pastors what titles it sees fit, and to prescribe
the extent of spiritual duties; but we would have the State recognize
no ecclesiastical titles or boundaries whatever. The public may, from
courtesy, award what titles they please; but the statute-book should
recognize none. The voluntary principle is the great cure for such
dissensions as now agitate Great Britain."
The cause of conflict lay outside the bounds of that article. Cardinal
Wiseman's letter and Lord John Russell's reply had thrown England into
a ferment of religious excitement. "Lord John Russell," says Justin
McCarthy, "who had more than any man living been identified with the
principles of religious liberty, who had sat at the feet of Fox and
had for his closest friend the poet, Thomas Moore, came to be regarded
by the Roman Catholics as the bitterest enemy of their creed and their
rights of worship."
It is evident that this hatred of Russell was carried across the
Atlantic, and that Brown was regarded as his ally. In the Haldimand
election a hand-bill signed, "An Irish Roman Catholic" was circulated.
It assailed Brown fiercely for the support he had given to Russell,
and for the general course of the _Globe_ in regard to Catholic
questions. Russell was described as attempting "to twine again around
the writhing limbs of ten millions of Catholics the chains that our
own O'Connell rescued us from in 1829." A vote for George Brown would
help to rivet these spiritual chains round the souls of Irishmen, and
to crush the religion for which Ireland had wept oceans of blood;
those who voted for Brown would be prostrating themselves like
cowardly slaves or beasts of burden before the avowed enemies of their
country, their religion and their God. "You will think of the gibbets,
the triangles, the lime-pits, the tortures, the hangings of the past.
You will reflect on the struggles of the present against the new penal
bill. You will look forward to the dangers, the triumphs, the hopes of
the future, and then you will go to the polls and vote against George
Brown."
This was not the only handicap with which Brown entered on his first
election contest. There was no cordial sympathy between him and the
government, yet he was hampered by his connection with the government.
The dissatisfied Radicals rallied to the support of William Lyon
Mackenzie, whose sufferings in exile also made a strong appeal to the
hearts of Reformers, and Mackenzie was elected.
In his election address Brown declared himself for perfect religious
equality, the separation of Church and State, and the diversion of
the clergy reserves from denominational to educational purposes. "I am
in favour of national school education free from sectarian teaching,
and available without charge to every child in the province. I desire
to see efficient grammar schools established in each county, and that
the fees of these institutions and of the national university should
be placed on such a scale as will bring a high literary and scientific
education within the reach of men of talent in any rank of life." He
advocated free trade in the fullest sense, expressing the hope that
the revenue from public lands and canals, with strict economy, would
enable Canada "to dispense with the whole customs department."
Brown's estrangement from the government did not become an open
rupture so long as Baldwin and Lafontaine were at the head of affairs.
In the summer following Brown's defeat in Haldimand, Baldwin resigned
owing to a resolution introduced by William Lyon Mackenzie, for the
abolition of the Court of Chancery. The resolution was defeated, but
obtained the votes of a majority of the Upper Canadian members, and
Mr. Baldwin regarded their action as an indication of want of
confidence in himself. He dropped some expressions, too, which
indicated that he was moved by larger considerations. He was
conservative in his views, and he regarded the Mackenzie vote as a
sign of a flood of radicalism which he felt powerless to stay.
Shortly afterwards Lafontaine retired. He, also, was conservative in
his temperament, and weary of public life. The passing of Baldwin and
Lafontaine from the scene helped to clear the way for Mr. Brown to
take his own course, and it was not long before the open breach
occurred. When Mr. Hincks became premier, Mr. Brown judged that the
time had come for him to speak out. He felt that he must make a fair
start with the new government, and have a clear understanding at the
outset. A new general election was approaching, and he thought that
the issue of separation of Church and State must be clearly placed
before the country. In an article in the _Globe_ entitled "The
Crisis," it was declared that the time for action had come. One
parliament had been lost to the friends of religious equality; they
could not afford to lose another. It was contended that the Upper
Canadian Reformers suffered by their connection with the Lower
Canadian party. Complaint was made that the Hon. E. P. Tache had
advised Roman Catholics to make common cause with Anglicans in
resisting the secularization of the clergy reserves, had described the
advocates of secularization as "pharisaical brawlers," and had said
that the Church of England need not fear their hostility, because the
"contra-balancing power" of the Lower Canadians would be used to
protect the Anglican Church. This, said the _Globe_, was a challenge
which the friends of religious equality could not refuse. Later on,
Mr. Brown wrote a series of letters to Mr. Hincks, setting forth
fully his grounds of complaint against the government: failure to
reform the representation of Upper Canada, slackness in dealing with
the secularization of the clergy reserves, weakness in yielding to the
demand for separate schools. All this he attributed to Roman Catholic
or French-Canadian influence.