Produced by Chuck Greif, Broward County Library and the
Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
THE HISPANIC SERIES
UNDER THE EDITORSHIP OF
JOHN D. FITZ-GERALD, PH.D.
PROFESSOR OF SPANISH, UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS
MEMBER OF THE HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA
CORRESPONDIENTE DE LAS REALES ACADEMIAS
ESPAÑOLA, DE LA HISTORIA DE MADRID, Y DE
BUENAS LETRAS DE BARCELONA
ARGENTINA
LEGEND AND HISTORY
[Illustration: _Blasco Ibáñez, Argentina y sus grandezas_
JOSÉ DE SAN MARTÍN]
ARGENTINA
LEGEND AND HISTORY
READINGS SELECTED AND EDITED
BY
GARIBALDI G. B. LAGUARDIA, A.M.
AND
CINCINATO G. B. LAGUARDIA, A.B.
OF THE UNITED STATES NAVAL ACADEMY
BENJ. H. SANBORN & CO.
CHICAGO NEW YORK BOSTON
COPYRIGHT, 1919,
BY BENJ. H. SANBORN & CO.
Norwood Press
J. S. Cushing Co.--Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
AI
NOSTRI GENITORI
PREFACE
In this book, the editors offer reading material which will give the
student some idea of the history of Argentina, of her great men, of her
development since the dawn of independence, and of her wonderful
possibilities, as shown in Blasco Ibáñez's _Con Rumbo a la Esperanza_.
The choice of material has necessarily been restricted, but within that
limited field, the editors have selected what was representative and
typical and best adapted to the purpose in view.
The book has been arranged to suit the needs of third-year high school
work, or second-year college Spanish. It was taken for granted that the
student would be familiar with the underlying principles of Spanish
grammar before taking up this book; and yet, grammatical explanations
have been given wherever they were deemed necessary, and translations of
difficult passages have been suggested. The Introduction gives a brief
historical sketch of Argentina, which will furnish a background on which
to locate the specific events related in the book. Considerable detailed
information concerning the authors represented and the institutions and
customs of Argentina and her people will be found in the Biographical
Notes and in the annotations to the selections.
If the book succeeds in arousing a sympathetic interest in the struggles
for Argentine independence and her subsequent progress, the editors will
feel more than repaid. Upon that sympathetic interest must rest the ever
growing Pan-American ideal to bring both Americas closer to each other.
The editors gratefully acknowledge their obligation to the Pan-American
Union, Washington, D.C., to The Hispanic Society of America, New York,
and to Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, for their courtesy in permitting
the reprinting of the article on the _Congreso de Tucumán_, taken from
the July, 1916, number of _La Revista del Mundo_. To their colleague,
Mr. Julian Moreno-Lacalle, the editors are sincerely grateful for
valuable suggestions and for many kindnesses, which have made the work
easier to accomplish. Thanks also are due to Professor F. B. Luquiens
(of Yale), Messrs. H. K. Stone (of Grinnell College, Iowa), O. d'Amato
(of the University of Illinois), and J. Pittaro (of the Stuyvesant High
School, New York).
GARIBALDI G. B. LAGUARDIA
CINCINATO G. B. LAGUARDIA
UNITED STATES NAVAL ACADEMY ANNAPOLIS, MARYLAND 1919
CONTENTS
PAGE
DEDICATION v
PREFACE vii
INTRODUCTION xv
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES l
HIMNO NACIONAL ARGENTINO 1
_Vicente López y Planes_
EL GAUCHO ARGENTINO 7
_Vicente Fidel López_
ORIGINALIDAD Y CARACTERES ARGENTINOS 22
_Domingo F. Sarmiento_
I. El Rastreador 36
II. El Baquiano 40
III. El Gaucho Malo 46
IV. El Cantor 49
ASOCIACIÓN 56
_Domingo F. Sarmiento_
La Pulpería 56
LEYENDAS DEL PAÍS DE LA SELVA 74
_C. O. Bunge_ (Según Ricardo Rojas)
I. El País de la Selva, Sus Leyendas y Trovadores 74
II. Zupay 78
III. El Kacuy 80
LA LEYENDA DE SANTOS VEGA 86
_C. O. Bunge_
LA TRADICIÓN DE LUCÍA MIRANDA 91
_C. O. Bunge_
EL LUCERO DEL MANANTIAL: EPISODIC DE LA DICTADURA
DE DON JUAN MANUEL ROSAS 98
_Manuela Gorriti_
I. María 98
II. Un Sueño 100
III. El Encuentro 101
IV. Amor y Agravio 102
V. Dieciséis Años Después 103
VI. Madre e Hijo 108
VII. En la Sala de Representantes 110
VIII. El Terrible Drama 112
IX. Conclusión 114
LOS 3000 PESOS DE DORREGO 116
_C. O. Bunge_
CUMPLIR LA CONSIGNA 120
_C. O. Bunge_ (Según Juan M. Espora)
LA LEALTAD DE SAN MARTÍN 122
_C. O. Bunge_ (Según Juan M. Espora)
LAVALLE EN RÍO BAMBA 125
_Pedro Lacasa_
EL OMBÚ 129
_Marcos Sastre_
EN LA CORDILLERA 133
_Juan María Gutiérrez_
LA NATURALEZA SUDAMERICANA: DE VALPARAÍSO A
BUENOS AIRES 141
_Juan María Gutiérrez_
LINIERS Y LA RECONQUISTA DE BUENOS AIRES 148
_C. O. Bunge_ (Según P. Groussac)
I. Los Preparativos y la Marcha hacia Buenos Aires 148
II. La Reconquista 153
EL NEGRO FALUCHO 161
_Bartolomé Mitre_
LA ABDICACIÓN DE SAN MARTÍN 166
_Bartolomé Mitre_
EL GENERAL BELGRANO 177
_Bartolomé Mitre_
EL GENERAL LAS HERAS 184
_Bartolomé Mitre_
DON JUAN MARTÍN DE PUEYRREDÓN 190
_V. F. López_
MARIANO MORENO 195
_Juan María Gutiérrez_
GÜEMES 202
_Bartolomé Mitre_
FACUNDO QUIROGA 209
_Domingo F. Sarmiento_
ESTEBAN ECHEVERRÍA 217
_Pedro Goyena_
EL CONGRESO DE TUCUMÁN: 1816-1916 222
_Ernesto Nelson_
BUENOS AIRES EN 1815 243
_Vicente Fidel López_
BUENOS AIRES: LAS TIENDAS ANTIGUAS 251
_Lucio V. López_
CON RUMBO A LA ESPERANZA (from _La Argentina y sus
grandezas_) 255
_Vicente Blasco Ibáñez_
EL MINISTRO DRAGO AL MINISTRO GARCÍA MÉROU 292
_Luis M. Drago_
VOCABULARY 307
LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
JOSÉ DE SAN MARTÍN _Frontispiece_
REPUBLICA ARGENTINA (_mapa_) xiv
EL 25 DE MAYO DE 1810 xxii
BELGRANO EN TUCUMÁN xxix
LA BAHÍA DE MONTEVIDEO EN 1825 xxxii
EL PASO DE LOS ANDES vxxxv
LOS TREINTA Y TRES ORIENTALES xliii
CHOZA DE GAUCHO EN LA PAMPA 11
VISTA DE UN PAGO DE GAUCHOS 15
DOMINGO F. SARMIENTO 23
ESTANCIA EN LAS PAMPAS 43
UNA PULPERÍA EN EL CAMPO 60
GAUCHO EN EL ACTO DE ARROJAR UN TIRO DE BOLAS 65
RICARDO ROJAS, JOVEN ESCRITOR ARGENTINO 77
UNA PAYADA DE CONTRAPUNTO 87
CARLOS OCTAVIO BUNGE 92
JUAN LAVALLE 126
UNA VISTA DE LA PAMPA 129
UN OMBÚ 130
SUD-AMÉRICA (_mapa_) _facing_ 141
SANTIAGO ANTONIO DE LINIERS 150
PAUL GROUSSAC 154
BUENOS AIRES Y SUS CONTORNOS (mapa) 156
AVANCE DE LOS INGLESES SOBRE BUENOS AIRES 158
ESTATUA AL NEGRO FALUCHO EN BUENOS AIRES 163
BARTOLOMÉ MITRE 167
ESTATUA ECUESTRE DEL GENERAL SAN MARTÍN, PLAZA
SAN MARTÍN, BUENOS AIRES 169
SAN MARTÍN Y BOLÍVAR EN GUAYAQUIL 174
MANUEL BELGRANO 179
JUAN GREGORIO DE LAS HERAS 187
JUAN MARTÍN DE PUEYRREDÓN 191
MARIANO MORENO 197
MARTÍN GÜEMES 204
JUAN FACUNDO QUIROGA 211
CASA DONDE SE REUNIÓ EL CONGRESO DE TUCUMÁN 224
ERNESTO NELSON 232
VISTA DEL PUERTO DE BUENOS AIRES 265
VICENTE BLASCO IBÁÑEZ 273
BUENOS AIRES: LOS ELEVADORES 285
BUENOS AIRES: LA AVENIDA DE MAYO 291
LUIS M. DRAGO 295
[Illustration: REPÚBLICA ARGENTINA]
INTRODUCTION
The material of which this textbook is composed must be so new to the
vast majority of both teachers and students of Spanish in this country,
that the need of an introduction has been deemed imperative by the
editors.
Americans have of late been growing more and more alive to the urgent
necessity of gaining a better knowledge of the vast continent and the
peoples to the south of them. Argentina, as the most prosperous of the
South American republics, has claimed no small share of this newly
awakened interest. It is hoped that this book will aid in promoting and
strengthening this interest, and that this introduction, in its turn,
will be of aid in elucidating and furnishing a proper background for the
material herein presented.
If we wish to understand Argentina, we must begin first of all by
familiarizing ourselves with one pivotal sentiment that has permeated
and controlled every aspect of Argentine life and development since
colonial days. This sentiment is an exalted and haughty patriotism, so
intense, indeed, that the tone with which an Argentine says "_Soy
argentino_", is no whit less assertive and proud than that in which
citizens of ancient Rome were wont to say "_Civis Romanus sum_".
Whatever the origin of this sentiment, the evidences of it are
irrefutable. Argentina has to-day about nine million inhabitants: of
these, fully two thirds are of recent foreign origin, mainly Italian and
Spanish, and to a much smaller extent, English, French, and German.
Argentina, in other words, has relatively a much larger population of
recent foreign extraction than the United States. Nevertheless, the
hyphen does not exist in Argentina; and the terms Italo-Argentine,
Hispano-Argentine, Franco-Argentine, etc., are entirely unknown. The
jealous and uncompromising patriotism of the Argentine makes hyphenated
national designations impossible. If we turn from the evidence of purely
popular sentiment to the more sober and more controlled evidence of
literature, we find the same thing. Take away from the literature of
Argentina the theme of patriotism, and you have taken away its most
distinctive and its greatest life-giving element. It has been said, and
justly, that the Italian literature of the nineteenth century centered
entirely about the theme of Italian unification, voicing during the
first half of the century the aspirations of her great men for a united
Italy, and during the second half intoning the pæan of joy at the
accomplishment of those aspirations. The same may be said of Argentine
literature. The names of the great leaders of her immortal Revolution,
both against the mother country and later against the internal
_caudillo_ tyrants--the most important of whom was Rosas--and the deeds
that they performed, recur again and again through the pages of her men
of letters, whatever be the form of literature they engage in,
narrative, dramatic, or poetic.
It is for this reason that for the proper understanding of the Argentine
temperament, as evidenced by her literature as well as by her popular
ideals, the knowledge of her political history, beginning with the time
of the English invasions in 1806 (when the latent nationalism of the
then Viceroyalty of the Plata first manifested itself in action), is a
requisite of prime importance.
Until the year 1776, Argentina had been but a negligible part of the
Spanish possessions in South America, being a dependency of the
Viceroyalty of Peru. Despite, however, the short-sighted commercial
policy of Spain, which forbade the colonies from trading with any
European country, save the mother country, and then by restricted routes
and through specific Spanish ports, Buenos Aires, towards the end of the
eighteenth century, had far outstripped all other colonial cities with
the exception of Lima. By royal decree, therefore, on the 8th of August,
1776, the Viceroyalty of the Plata River was established with Buenos
Aires as its capital. It included what is to-day Argentina, Uruguay,
Paraguay, Bolivia, and the province of Rio Grande, belonging now to
Brazil.
The first Viceroy was Don Pedro de Ceballos, a soldier of ability and an
administrator of unusual talent. As a result of the war he waged against
the Portuguese, who had taken possession of northern Uruguay and the
harbor of La Colonia, this port was won back to the Viceroyalty of the
Plata. It may be said that the driving out of the Portuguese from La
Colonia marks the first of a series of events that finally led to the
independence of Argentina; for, if Buenos Aires had been able to grow
commercially, it had been due, in no small measure, to the clandestine
trade that was carried on through the port of La Colonia. Its capture
forced the Viceroy to assume a very grave responsibility; namely, to
change on his own authority the trade regulations then in force. His
permission to allow certain foreign merchandise to come into Buenos
Aires, an act which was later approved by the Crown, was the first
recognition of the needs of the new Viceroyalty, as well as of the
pressure that the colonists could bring to bear upon the mother country.
Of the Viceroys that followed Ceballos till the period of the English
invasions, there is but one that deserves to be recalled here. He was
Don Juan José de Vértiz, under whose administration still greater
commercial freedom was granted to Buenos Aires. To take the place of the
schools of the Jesuits, who were at this time expelled from Spain and
the colonies, Vértiz founded in Buenos Aires the Colegio de San Carlos.
It was also during his administration that the famous brothers Biedma
explored Patagonia, and that the settlement of this immense region was
begun, forestalling thus the plans contemplated by the English as a
result of the voyages of Thomas Falkner.
The decay into which Spain had fallen towards the beginning of the
nineteenth century, and the rule of the seas that England gained as a
result of the battle of Trafalgar (1805), led the English to attempt the
conquest of the Viceroyalty of the Plata, of whose great possibilities
Falkner, upon his return to England, had given a glowing account. Sir
Home Popham, therefore, who had coöperated with Sir David Baird in the
occupation of the Cape, put 1635 men under the orders of General W.
Beresford for the purpose of capturing Buenos Aires. The English
expedition landed at Quilmes, not far from Buenos Aires, the 25th of
June, 1806. The Viceroy at that time was Don Rafael de Sobremonte, one
of the weakest men who had occupied that important office since the
establishment of the Viceroyalty of the Plata. Instead of leading the
colonies against the invader, he fled to the interior with whatever
moneys he was able to gather from the treasury. Under these
circumstances the English force, small as it was, easily took possession
of Buenos Aires. Meanwhile, the people under the leadership of Don
Santiago de Liniers and Don Juan Martín Pueyrredón, prepared to drive
out the invader, and it was not long before Liniers, with the aid of
forces from Montevideo, and Pueyrredón, with forces hastily raised in
the province, forced Beresford to surrender unconditionally. In
recognition of the valor and ability displayed by Liniers, the people
chose him as their leader, forcing Sobremonte to surrender his power.
This was the second time that the colonists imposed their will; the time
was not distant when they should do so forever.
In July, 1807, another British expedition, composed of 12,000 soldiers,
under General Whitelock, attempted to reconquer Buenos Aires. But
Liniers was fully prepared to meet the new and increased forces sent to
take possession of the colony. In less than a year he had been able to
reorganize the scanty and demoralized forces that protected the capital.
Whitelock, having effected a landing, marched upon Buenos Aires; but
after much fierce street fighting, in which women and children took
part, he was forced to capitulate with the loss of over 3000 of his
effectives. The heroism of the people of Buenos Aires on this occasion
is well attested by the testimony of Whitelock himself, who said: "Each
home was a castle, and each soldier a hero."
These signal victories, which the colonists were able to obtain without
any aid from the home government, coupled with their ancient
dissatisfaction over the trade restrictions forced upon Buenos Aires,
had a double effect: first, they inspired the colonists with a new sense
of self-reliance and confidence; secondly, they heightened the old
discontent, and gave rise to thoughts of independence. When, therefore,
Napoleon, in 1810, dethroned Ferdinand VII, and crowned his own brother
Joseph King of Spain, the occasion presented itself for the colonists to
translate those sentiments of dissatisfaction into actual revolt.
Liniers was at this time Viceroy, the choice of the people having
received the official sanction of the royal government. As a Frenchman,
however, he was distrusted, and in his place Don Baltasar Cisneros was
appointed in July, 1809. One of his first acts, the throwing open of the
commerce of the Viceroyalty to all nations, quieted for a while the
general discontent, and gained for the new Viceroy a certain measure of
popularity. But his harshness in repressing an outbreak that took place
in La Paz (Bolivia), in February of 1810, lost him at once the prestige
he had at first won.
The minds of the multitude were irrevocably bent on separation; men like
Belgrano, Castelli, Chiclana, Paso, Rodríguez Peña, were secretly
working for the independence of the provinces. On the 25th of May,
1810, after news had been received of the complete subjugation of Spain,
the people _en masse_ demanded the deposition of Cisneros, and a
committee presided over by Cornelio Saavedra was appointed to take the
reins of government. Castelli, Belgrano, Azcuénaga, Alberti, Matheu y
Larra, were the other members of this Junta, and Paso and Moreno were
its secretaries. Thus the change in government was carried out, in form
at least, by a mass meeting of the population of Buenos Aires.
[Illustration: EL 25 DE MAYO DE 1810
_Navarro y Lamarca_ _Fortuny_
_Historia general de América_]
The task of the newly established government was indeed an arduous one;
for, not only did it have to defend its authority against Spain, but
also to make its power felt and obeyed by the provinces of the interior.
The first task was accomplished when the Spaniards were finally driven
from South America; the carrying out of the second task brought on a
second revolution, a fratricidal strife, which came very near
establishing in Argentina a number of petty and insignificant states
instead of a united, strong nation. In this second struggle, though in
principle the battle was lost for Buenos Aires (since the federal form
of government is the one that obtains to-day in Argentina), the
leadership of the capital remained unquestionably established so far as
initiative and spiritual ascendancy are concerned.
Buenos Aires set out, as Rome had done, to expand politically from a
city-state into a vast republican state. She partly failed in this, as
is evidenced by the withdrawal of Paraguay, Uruguay, and Bolivia from
the old Viceroyalty of the Plata, but, as we have said, she succeeded in
establishing, if not the political hegemony of the Plata, the undisputed
spiritual leadership, and the proud claim of being the second largest
and wealthiest Latin city in the world, and the greatest in all the
Southern Hemisphere.
We shall attempt to trace briefly: first, the steps by which the
Spaniards were expelled from the South American countries; second, the
steps by which the provinces of the Plata emerged from the chaos of
civil strife, and came, after the battle of Pavón, to enjoy the sweet
fruits of peace.
After the deposition of Cisneros, the provisional Junta sent out
circulars to the provinces, asking for their recognition of its
authority. The provinces, save Uruguay and Paraguay, signified their
support of the new government. From the very beginning, then, these two
provinces showed a tendency not to accept the leadership of Buenos
Aires. Furthermore, not long thereafter, when it became known that the
Junta aimed at separation, the province of Córdoba and those of Alto
Perú (Bolivia) joined with Uruguay and Paraguay in their opposition to
the provisional government. The "Tory" reaction was thus not long in
manifesting itself.
Montevideo, led by the newly appointed Viceroy, Javier de Elío, made
ready a fleet to attack Buenos Aires; Gutiérrez de la Concha, Governor
of Córdoba, appointed Liniers to lead its forces against the Junta; and
in Alto Perú, General Goyeneche, appointed president of Cuzco by the
Viceroy of Peru, took charge of the resistance to the Revolution. The
gravity of the reaction that set in, the increasing number of forces
that were being arrayed against the new government, demanded firm and
instant action. Happily for the independence of Argentina, there was in
the Junta a leader of force and vision. He was Mariano Moreno, the
secretary of the Junta; he was the soul of the revolutionary movement in
its early stages; he was the pilot that steered it safely through the
perilous shoals of the dawn of independence. It is in recognition of
these great services that Argentina acclaims him to-day as one of her
greatest champions, ranking with San Martín, Belgrano, and Rivadavia.
To meet these dangers, two expeditions were sent out: one against
Córdoba and Alto Perú, under the orders of Ortiz de Ocampo; and another
against Paraguay, under the orders of General Belgrano.
Liniers and Concha were taken prisoners, and by order of the Junta were
put to death. Thus died Santiago de Liniers, defender of Buenos Aires
during the English invasions. Many historians and writers have denounced
this act of the Junta as ruthless and unnecessarily severe; practically
as many others have defended it in view of the inexorable need for
sternness demanded by the conditions of the times. We mention it as the
first instance of internecine struggle, and as typical of the
unrelenting character of the Revolution that came later. The expedition
continued its northward march, under the orders of Balcarce, and
defeating the Royalists at Suipacha, soon had control of the north as
far as the Desaguadero, the boundary between the Viceroyalties of Peru
and of the Plata. Here we shall leave it for a while in order to follow
the campaign against Paraguay.
Heartened by the successes of Balcarce, the Junta decided to hasten the
expedition against Paraguay under the orders of Belgrano. But, whereas
the expeditionary force of Alto Perú had met until then with remarkable
success, Belgrano, after having his communications impeded by the
control of the Paraná, which the Royalists held, and taking part in two
unsuccessful engagements, was glad to sign an agreement whereby he was
allowed to withdraw unmolested from Paraguay with all his forces. Though
this expedition failed of its purpose to bring Paraguay under the
control of the Junta, it helped in no small degree to create a
separatist movement in Paraguay which led in a few years to the defeat
of the Spaniards and the establishment of an independent government.
By this time also the situation in Uruguay called for the attention of
the Junta. The people of the country, despite the pro-Spanish sentiment
prevalent in Montevideo, were manifesting signs of revolt against the
Spaniards, and when Artigas, the Uruguayan leader, came to Buenos Aires
to enlist the aid of the provisional government, the forces of Belgrano
that had returned from Paraguay were intrusted to Rondeau to coöperate
with Artigas in Uruguay. With the aid of these troops from Buenos Aires,
Artigas obtained a signal victory against the Spaniards at Las Piedras,
which enabled him to lay siege to Montevideo.
With the exception of Belgrano's expedition to Paraguay, which, though
unsuccessful in its attempt to bring that province under the control of
the Junta, had nevertheless caused no serious military loss, the forces
of the Revolution were everywhere successful. Unfortunately, the
stinging defeat of Huaquí that the army of Alto Perú met at the hands of
Goyeneche in 1811, on the boundary between Bolivia and Peru, threatened
for a moment to reëstablish the power of Spain. Had the Argentine forces
been successful, Bolivia and Uruguay would never have become separate
republics. The complete independence of South America would have been
attained ten years before the battle of Ayacucho (1824), and, very
likely, with its victorious armies, Buenos Aires would have been able to
avoid the terrible civil struggle that, through the lack of a wise and
strong central government, lasted till the downfall of Rosas. As it was,
the siege of Montevideo had to be abandoned at a time when its garrison
was on the point of surrendering; and it was only through the energetic
and skillful leadership of Pueyrredón, who was put in command after
Huaquí, that of the 23,000 men who composed the original Army of the
North, one thousand succeeded in reaching Tucumán. From a purely
military point of view, the disaster of Huaquí meant the passing of the
initiative from the revolutionary Army to the forces of Spain. In fact,
not until 1817, when San Martín crossed the Andes and defeated the
Royalists in Chile, were the provinces once more on the offensive. It
meant also that the way for a _decisive_ blow at the Spaniards through
the north was forever barred; that the attack had to be carried through
the west to Chile, first, and then by sea to the heart of Spanish power
in Lima; that while troops were being prepared slowly and patiently for
this purpose, the constant pressure of the victorious Spanish armies
from the north had to be withstood; and last, but by no means least, it
emphasized the need for the presence of a strong man to bolster up the
provisional government in Buenos Aires itself, which, after the death of
Mariano Moreno, was left without a leader of ability and strength
commensurate with the magnitude of the task to be accomplished.
Fortunately for the independence of the provinces of the Plata, there
arose, at this critical juncture, men like Belgrano, who by his
victories of Tucumán and Salta, stemmed the flood of Spanish invasion
after Huaquí; San Martín, who by his conquest of Chile and Lima, was to
force the Spaniards into the fastnesses of the mountains of Peru, where
his veteran troops, delivered by one of the greatest acts of self-denial
in the record of history into the hands of Bolívar, sounded the knell of
Spanish dominion on the battlefields of Junín and Ayacucho; Güemes, who
after the battle of Sipe-Sipe, a disaster comparable only to Huaquí,
was able, with the aid of his intrepid _gauchos_, to protect the
communications of the army that was being prepared by San Martín in
Mendoza; Rivadavia and Pueyrredón, without the stimulus of whose
leadership the provisional government would have succumbed under the
weight of the responsibilities it had assumed.
[Illustration: BELGRANO EN TUCUMÁN
_Navarro y Lamarca, Historia general de América_
_Fortuny_]
Immediately after the victory of Tucumán, obtained by Belgrano against
the Spanish forces that invaded northern Argentina after the defeat of
Huaquí, the siege of Montevideo was begun once more, both as a result of
that victory and of negotiations with Brazil, whereby the troops of that
empire, which had come to the aid of the Spaniards, were to withdraw
from Uruguay. The patriots were soon able, in spite of the friction
that arose between Artigas and the Argentine troops, to pin the Spanish
forces within the inner circle of the defenses of Montevideo. It was in
connection with this campaign against Montevideo that San Martín in 1813
won his first victory against the Spaniards, at San Lorenzo, on the
shores of the Paraná. By this victory an end was put to the foraging
expeditions that the beleaguered garrison of Montevideo sent to the
province of Entre Ríos. Thus the only immediate avenue for the supplying
of provisions was closed. The desertion, however, of Artigas, and the
harassing by his Uruguayan bands of the besieging forces, threatened
once more to bring about the abandonment of the siege. The defeat of the
naval forces of Spain in the Plata River by Admiral Brown, an Irish
sailor in the service of the government of Buenos Aires, came at this
time most opportunely to close _all_ avenues of replenishing, and the
garrison was forced to capitulate. The taking of Montevideo was an event
of the utmost importance for the Revolution, since it made possible the
concentrating of all forces for an attack upon Peru, the heart of
Spanish power in South America.
Undeterred by the disastrous results of the first Army of the North at
Huaquí, the provisional government decided upon a second expedition to
Alto Perú. In addition to the strategic difficulties of this plan, new
obstacles arose from the jealousies and ill-feeling caused by the
ambition of General Alvear. He has truly been called the Alcibiades of
Argentina. Handsome, young, accomplished, and erratically brilliant in
the conception of his military plans, he was consumed by a
disproportionate ambition to be the leading military hero of the
Revolution. It was in order to satisfy this inordinate craving for glory
that he had himself appointed general-in-chief of the besieging forces
of Montevideo, at a moment when that city was doomed to fall, thus
depriving Rondeau of a victory which in reality was his. As in the case
of the campaign of Montevideo, Rondeau was first selected to command the
second Army of the North, but Alvear intended to keep him in command
only until the time should come for decisive action, when he himself,
aided by the ascendancy he had gained with the provisional government,
would assume command and reap the fruits of victory. In accordance with
this plan, he attempted to supplant Rondeau towards the end of the year
1814. This time, however, Rondeau refused to deliver his command to
Alvear, and, as his troops supported him, Alvear was forced to return to
Buenos Aires. The great popularity that he enjoyed in the capital raised
him to the supreme honor of Director of the United Provinces, but his
harshness in dealing with opposing political parties, and his weakness
in meeting the rebellion of Artigas, combined with the opposition of
both the Army of the North and the army that San Martín was quietly
getting together in Mendoza for the invasion of Chile, made his tenure
of office very short-lived, and he was forced to surrender the reins of
government and flee to Río Janeiro. This was the first serious defection
among the makers of the Revolution, if we except the work of the
Uruguayan leader, Artigas, who by his constant opposition to the
provisional government of Buenos Aires delayed and prevented the
unification of forces necessary to bring about the fall of Spanish
power, but who at least worked for the independence of Uruguay, whereas
Alvear sought primarily to aggrandize himself. It was not surprising
therefore that the Army of the North, its discipline shaken by the
recent rebellion caused by Alvear's ambition, and confronted, as it was,
by the naturally difficult task of attacking Peru by a road which had
been marked by the previous defeat of Huaquí, met a second disastrous
defeat at Sipe-Sipe. So complete was this defeat that the Army of the
North ceased to exist entirely, never to be reorganized again as it had
been after Huaquí. What Belgrano did for the defense of the provinces
after the defeat of the first Army of the North, the _caudillo_ Güemes
accomplished after Sipe-Sipe. With his swift band of _gauchos_ he
conducted such an effective guerrilla warfare against the victorious
Spanish army, that they were unable to derive the full benefit of their
great victory.
[Illustration: LA BAHÍA DE MONTEVIDEO EN 1825
_Navarro y Lamarca, Historia general de America_]
The fortunes of the Revolution had never sunk so low as after the battle
of Sipe-Sipe. Yet, it was immediately after this disaster that the
Congress of Tucumán, on the 9th of July, 1816, proclaimed officially the
independence of the United Provinces of the Plata. This was an
artificial way of reviving the hopes of the Revolution, for what was
wanted then was action, not words. Withal it did serve to rouse the
failing enthusiasm of the people. Moreover, to substantiate the
rhetorical enthusiasm of the Declaration of Independence, there soon
came from an unexpected quarter deeds of such magnitude as to destroy
for all time the power of Spain in America.
A few months after the meeting of the Congress of Tucumán, San Martín
started on his great liberating campaign of Chile, after more than two
years of patient preparation. Left to his own resources in the province
of Cuyo (to-day, Mendoza, San Luis, and San Juan), unaided for a long
time by the central government, who saw in him only a mediocre soldier
(mistaking his modesty, his stoic disregard for the glamour of
popularity, and above all his stanch insistence on systematic and
careful preparation, for lack of military genius and dash), San Martín
never lost heart, but bided his time till the rise to power in Buenos
Aires of Pueyrredón assured him of support. On the 17th of January,
1817, the Army of the Andes set out by the now historic passes of Los
Patos and Uspallata on the expedition which was to win for democracy
half a continent.
[Illustration: EL PASO DE LOS ANDES
_Navarro y Lamarca, Historia general de América Fortuny_]
The crossing of the snow-capped Andes was rapidly and successfully
accomplished, and on the 12th of February, 1817, the Spanish Army,
commanded by General Maroto, was completely defeated on the slopes of
Chacabuco, not far from Santiago. Maroto himself was captured, and San
Martín entered Santiago de Chile with his army on the 14th of February.
Meantime, the remaining Spanish forces fled to Talcahuano, where,
having been reënforced by 3000 fresh troops from Peru, they attacked the
detachment under Las Heras that San Martín had sent in their pursuit.
The siege of Talcahuano had to be raised, and Las Heras withdrew in 1818
to join the corps of the main army. On the 19th of March, San Martín was
again closely pressing the enemy, and after a cavalry skirmish the
Spaniards sought the protection of the city of Talca. The Argentine
forces encamped outside of the city, and the Spaniards, surprising the
patriots at night, charged their bivouac, dispersing and killing many of
the patriot troops. This night attack is known as the battle of Cancha
Rayada. It came very close to wrecking the long-prepared and carefully
thought-out plans of San Martín. His coolness and the indomitable
courage of his generals, particularly Las Heras, saved the day, and
hardly two weeks later, on the 5th of April, he was able to meet the
Spaniards on the shores of the River Maipú or Maipo, defeating them
decisively, and sealing forever the independence of Chile.
Now, San Martín was able to carry out his long-cherished plan of
attacking Peru from the Chilean side, transporting his army by water to
Pisco. With the aid of Lord Thomas Cochrane, an English sailor in the
service of Chile, he was able to clear the seas of Spanish ships, and on
the 7th of September, 1820, he landed his forces in the Bay of Paracas.
San Martín drove the Spaniards before him, and Lima and Callao were
captured in quick succession. The former was evacuated by La Serna,
Spanish viceroy of Peru, the 19th of July, 1821, and Callao was
surrendered on the 21st of September of the same year. Once in Lima, the
first thing that San Martín did was to call together an assembly to find
out the wishes of the people of Peru. The Junta met and notified the
Protector, the title given to San Martín by the Peruvians, that the
unanimous wish of all was the independence of Peru. At a great
demonstration, held in the Plaza Mayor of Lima, San Martín rose before
the assembled multitude and unfolding for the first time the national
flag of Peru, created by San Martín himself, he exclaimed amid the
thunderous applause of the people: "Peru is from this moment free and
independent, by the will of its people and the justness of its cause,
which God defends."
San Martín had insured the independence of Argentina, which then
included Bolivia, had driven the Spaniards from Chile, and now declared
the independence of Peru. But the last remnants of the Spanish forces
that had fled to the mountains of northern Peru had still to be
vanquished before his task could be said to be fully accomplished. As
the Argentine historian Mitre says, San Martín might have attempted this
task with the forces at his command, unaided by either Chile or
Argentina, which were then in the throes of civil discord, but he had
too much at heart the independence of those lands in whose cause he had
been fighting for over ten years. He preferred to take no chances. He
invoked the coöperation of Simón Bolívar, who had done for Colombia and
Venezuela what he himself had done for Argentina, Chile, and Peru. On
the 26th of July, 1822, therefore, there took place at Guayaquil,
Ecuador, a famous interview between the two greatest generals of South
America. What took place at that meeting has been wrapped in mystery,
though the results are known full well. San Martín delivered his armies
into Bolívar's hands, so that he might strike the last blow in behalf of
the independence of South America. The combined forces of Colombia and
Argentina under the command of General Sucre, Bolívar's lieutenant, won
a brilliant victory at Ayacucho in 1824, which crowned once for all the
efforts of the peoples of South America to obtain their independence.
Thus, first by the military prowess of her greatest son, San Martín, and
later by his greatness of soul and self-denial, worthy of the best
traditions of Rome, Argentina insured the independence of South America.
Though the words exchanged between Bolívar and San Martín at Guayaquil
are not known, acquainted as we are with the natures of both, we can
easily surmise what took place. Bolívar was a brilliant military genius,
but like Alvear, was consumed by an unquenchable thirst for power, save
that he surpassed Alvear in ambition in the same ratio that his military
ability was superior to that of the Argentine Alcibiades. San Martín was
a thorough military leader, leaving nothing to chance, a great
disciplinarian, and once his plans were completed, as powerful in their
execution as he had been patient in their preparation; but above all,
San Martín was preëminently a man of lofty ideals and high moral worth.
He may not have been endowed with the keen intuitive military genius of
Bolívar; he was averse to all dramatic appeal and display, and hence
never became popular in the sense that Bolívar and Alvear were popular;
but in the unselfish qualities of devotion to a cause, even to the point
of self-effacement, he stands the equal of the greatest men in history,
a worthy peer of Cincinnatus and Regulus.
After the conference with Bolívar in Guayaquil, San Martín returned to
Peru to find that the people whose independence he had declared were
hostile to him. He immediately called a meeting of the constitutional
congress, and, on the 20th of September, 1822, resigned his title of
Protector.
Coming to Chile, he met with equal, if not greater, hostility. He
retired to the province of Mendoza in Argentina, where for a while he
devoted himself to farming, and then made a voyage to Buenos Aires, then
torn by contending factions, to meet there, in his own country, with
indifference and disregard. San Martín clearly saw that despite his
devotion to the cause of independence, despite his mighty
accomplishments in behalf of his country, his presence, if anything,
would only lead to greater strife. Stoically, therefore, and without a
murmur, he betook himself to voluntary exile in France, where he died in
poverty, in 1850, forgotten by his countrymen, attended only by his
daughter, who faithfully remained by his side throughout the long years
of his exile. Once only, in 1829, he returned to Buenos Aires; but the
newspapers of the times published this insulting paragraph:
"Ambiguities--General San Martín has returned to his country after an
absence of five years, but only after knowing that peace has been
signed with the Emperor of Brazil." Even after this crowning insult San
Martín uttered no plaint, but quietly returned to France to devote his
time to the cultivation of flowers of his native land. His was not the
Marian temperament; no messenger was ever sent by him to his
fellow-countrymen to tell them that their liberator had been seen in
France eating the bitter bread of exile.
"A truly great man...", Shakespeare has said of Cæsar. Much more aptly
could that apply to San Martín in point of pure manhood. Argentina,
to-day, has made reparation for the oblivion with which she requited her
greatest man during his lifetime, by erecting imposing monuments to his
memory; but, above all, by enshrining his name in the heart of every one
of her sons.
* * * * *
But to return to Argentina herself: thanks to San Martín, the Revolution
was successful, both at home and abroad. Even as early as 1820, however,
the discordant elements that were to delay her progress almost half a
century were clearly patent, not only in thought, but also in action.
Each province had its _caudillo_, who was fiercely jealous of any
limitations upon his power. Thus, Ramírez in Entre Ríos, Güemes in
Salta, Facundo Quiroga (known for his cruelty as "El Tigre de los
Llanos") in La Rioja, López in Santa Fé, Ibarra in Santiago, were
practically overlords of independent provinces, ready to make common
cause against Spain, but just as ready to quarrel with each other. The
situation was similar to that of the colonies in North America, which,
though willing to unite against England, resented any attempt at
interference in their internal affairs by a central government. Buenos
Aires, the city, as the center of Argentine wealth, culture, and
civilization, was the exponent of a unitarian form of government, that
is, a strong, centralized government with Buenos Aires at the head.
Naturally, the _caudillos_ resented any interference on the part of
Buenos Aires. In 1820, the first important battle between these two
antagonistic elements took place at Cepeda, on the borders of Santa Fé
and Buenos Aires. Here Rondeau, representing Buenos Aires and the
unitarian principle, suffered defeat at the hands of Ramírez, known as
"El Supremo Entrerriano."
Varying fortunes attended the civil strife which went on between these
two factions. In 1822, a pact was entered upon by Buenos Aires and the
_caudillos_ of Entre Ríos, Santa Fé, and Corrientes, by the terms of
which common cause was to be made against an expected Spanish invasion,
which never materialized, and the other provinces were to be urged to
join the Confederation.
Rivadavia now appears on the scene in Buenos Aires as Minister of
Education, and later, as President of the Confederation in 1826. He
introduced many noteworthy reforms, founded libraries and universities,
and attempted to establish the government on a firm unitarian basis with
Buenos Aires as the capital. He resigned in 1827, following the treaty
which his envoy signed with Brazil in the same year, after the battle of
Ituzaingó. Despite the victory of Argentine arms, Uruguay had been ceded
to Brazil.
[Illustration: LOS TREINTA Y TRES ORIENTALES
_Navarro y Lamarca, Historia general de América Fortuny_]
As far back as 1680, Uruguay had been a bone of contention between
Portugal and Spain, but at the outbreak of the Revolution in 1810, the
country was Spanish and was an integral part of the Viceroyalty of the
Plata. Montevideo became, as we have seen, the center of Spanish
resistance to the movement of independence, and following Artigas'
victory at Las Piedras, was besieged by his troops and the Argentine
forces under Rondeau. The city would have fallen, but news of the defeat
at Huaquí reached Buenos Aires, and the besiegers were recalled to
protect the Argentine soil. Civil strife between Buenos Aires and
Artigas ensued because the latter stood for a federal republic, while
Buenos Aires, of course, was unitarian, and wished to retain her
supremacy over the provinces. In 1817, Artigas became embroiled with the
Portuguese, who routed him and captured Montevideo. Rivera, Oribe, and
Lavalleja, lieutenants of Artigas, and later famous in the history of
Uruguay, had to take refuge in the interior. Artigas himself retired to
Paraguay and died there of old age in 1850. By 1821 all resistance to
Brazil was at an end. Rivera and many of the other _caudillos_ had
accepted commissions in the Brazilian army of occupation. Uruguay itself
had become the cisplatine province of Brazil, and so matters stood until
the 19th of April, 1825, when Lavalleja gathered the famous "Treinta y
Tres", a band of thirty-three Uruguayan patriots, and landed in Uruguay
from the Argentine province of Entre Ríos. So great was their success
that by May of that year, the whole country was in revolt against the
Brazilians, and the forces of the Empire were confined within
Montevideo and La Colonia. The patriot victory at Sarandí under
Lavalleja and Rivera caused Argentina to declare formally that Uruguay
was again a part of the Argentine Confederation. War between Argentina
and Brazil was declared and at Ituzaingó, far within the Brazilian
territory, the Brazilians suffered a terrible defeat in 1827. This, as
we saw above, happened during Rivadavia's presidency, and led to his
resignation because of the peace signed by his envoy. The upshot of the
whole matter was that both Brazil and Argentina gave up all claims to
Uruguay and guaranteed its independence as a separate republic for five
years. Argentina was being torn by federalist and unitarian dissensions,
and could not press her claim. In Uruguay itself there were rival
factions led by Rivera and Lavalleja, who held the presidency in turn,
Rivera becoming the first official head of the nation in 1830.
In Argentina, after Rivadavia's resignation, Dorrego, leader of the
federalists in Buenos Aires, became Director. The chief names until
1829, date of the advent of Rosas, are La Paz and Lavalle, as
unitarians; Dorrego and the _caudillos_ from the various provinces, as
federalists. Lavalle, who had been the hero of Ituzaingó, put himself at
the head of the unitarians and forced Dorrego to flee, capturing him
later and putting him to death. It is now that Rosas comes to the fore,
although Quiroga and the other _caudillos_ all joined forces to help
defeat Lavalle, who retired to Uruguay. La Paz, however, more than
managed to hold his own in the provinces of the interior, defeating
Quiroga twice with terrific slaughter. But he, too, was finally defeated
and taken prisoner in 1831. Since 1829, Rosas had become the provisional
governor of Buenos Aires, that is, the head, in so far as there was any
head, of the Argentine government. One of his first acts as governor of
Buenos Aires was to carry on an expedition against the Indians to the
south of Buenos Aires, and extend the frontiers of the whites down to
the Río Negro.
And now for a few words on Rosas himself. He is referred to as the
Argentine tyrant and has been compared to Nero for his wanton cruelty.
True it is that he committed many deeds of cruelty, yet the times and
conditions in which he lived were such that stern measures were
necessary. He was of noble family and one of the wealthiest men in
Argentina. From his own _estancias_ he could raise a cavalry corps of
_gauchos_ and keep it in the field. He made it a point to afford shelter
to outlaw _gauchos_, and gathered about him a band of adventurous
spirits ready to dare anything. His victories against the Indians
increased his prestige, and in 1835 he was given supreme power by the
Legislature in Buenos Aires. His control of the supreme power lasted
until 1852. Immediately upon his assuming command, federalists were put
in office everywhere instead of unitarians, who were forced to flee into
exile. In the course of his long career, Rosas waged war for the
re-annexation of Uruguay, which had become independent in 1827, after
the battle of Ituzaingó. He incurred the enmity of France and England,
and had to put down many revolts against his power. Lavalle played an
important part in one of these and met his death at the hands of Oribe,
who had aligned himself with Rosas. Throughout Rosas' reign, for such
was his administration, Argentine exiles kept alive the hope of
overthrowing the tyrant. Sarmiento founded a newspaper, _El Progreso_,
in Copiapó, Chile, which had for its object a campaign against Rosas. In
it Sarmiento published for the first time in serial form his _Facundo_,
selections from which are given in this book.