CAPTAIN COOK, THE DISCOVERER.
From Dr. Hawkesworth's pedantic volumes to Sir Walter Besant's delightful
sketch, there are any number of versions of the story of Cook's life and
work. Let us assume that everyone knows how James Cook, son of a superior
farm labourer in Yorkshire, at thirteen years of age apprenticed to a
fishing village shopkeeper, ran away to sea in a Whitby collier, and
presently got himself properly apprenticed to her owners, two Quaker
brothers named Walker, and how at twenty-seven years of age, when he had
become mate of a small merchantman, he determined to anticipate the hot
press of May, 1755, and so at Wapping volunteered as A.B. on board His
Majesty's ship _Eagle_.
His knowledge of navigation and his good conduct led to such recognition
that when he was under thirty he was appointed master of the _Mercury_.
His surveying work on the St. Lawrence at the siege of Quebec was so
carried out that the Admiralty saw in him one of the most promising
officers in the service; and Sir Hugh Palliser, one of the first men to
"discover" Cook, was from this time, his best friend, giving him, in 1764,
an appointment as marine surveyor of Newfoundland, where Palliser was
governor. Cook was then a good seaman and a clever navigator, but there is
no doubt his special talents were by this particular service afforded an
opportunity for full development, and so he became the best scientific man
in the navy. In 1769 it was determined to send an expedition to the
Pacific to observe the transit of Venus. Cook had just returned from
Newfoundland, and he was appointed to the command.
Seventy years had elapsed since Dampier's voyage in the _Roebuck_.
Meanwhile what had the English done in the way of South Sea exploration?
What was the navy like at this time, a year before Nelson, a youngster of
twelve, first went to sea?
There are books enough in print to reply to these questions; but with how
much more interest could they be answered if the [Sidenote: 1769]
newspaper press, with its interviewers and its photo-reproductions, had
been then what it is now. To put life into the skeleton histories, to give
us sea life as it was and sailors as they were, we have to trust mostly
to the novelists, who, except in rare instances, draw untrustworthy
exaggerations.
No doubt there are families who have, so to speak, specialized their
traditions for generations; and a naval family's traditions for the last
two centuries would make a most entertaining book. Suppose, for instance,
there were living at Portsmouth a man whose family for generations had
prided itself on some one of its members having shaken hands with all the
great sailors who at some time or other in their careers must have sailed
from Spithead. This man could tell us how his father had actually shaken
hands with Nelson.
There died in February, 1898, in Melbourne, Australia, Lieutenant Pascoe,
son of Nelson's flag-lieutenant at Trafalgar, so that the first
proposition is established. Now Nelson's Pascoe could easily have been
patted on the head by Cook, and the father of any of Cook's men could
easily have sailed with Dampier. Looked at in this way, it does not seem
difficult to span the gulfs between each of these naval epochs, and if
one compares Dampier's _Roebuck_ and her crew with Cook's _Endeavour_ and
her crew and with the ships and seamen of Nelson's time, it still seems
easy enough; but between us and them steam and iron have come, and we are
as far apart from those others as the Martians are from us.
At the time when Cook started on his voyage England had for several years
been engaged in, and was almost constantly at, naval war. From the French
and Spanish prizes we got many valuable hints in the designing of ships,
and our builders improved upon them with the best workmanship and
materials in the world, so that the warships of Cook's time differed
little from, and in many cases were, the hulks which, until very recent
years, lay in our naval seaports. It ought not to be necessary to remind
readers that Nelson's _Victory_, still afloat in Portsmouth harbour, was
launched in 1765.
[Illustration: CAPTAIN JAMES COOK, R.N. From picture in the National
Portrait Gallery, painted by John Webber, K.A. _To face p._ 48.]
The sailors were for the most part pressed men, but there was a notable
difference between them and the seamen of Dampier's time. They were, and
remained for long after, wild, improvident, overgrown children such as the
nautical novelists who wrote a few years later [Sidenote: 1769]
have pictured them; but the lawless rascals who manned king's ships or
were pirates by turns, as fortune provided, were rapidly dying out, and
veterans of the Spanish main were mostly to be found spending the evening
of their days spinning yarns of treasure islands to the yokels of the
village alehouse.
One of the causes which led to this improvement in the class of seamen was
the disgraceful behaviour of the crew of the _Wager_, a ship of Anson's
squadron, when she was lost off the Horn in 1740. A good deal of the
trouble was owing to the then state of the law, by which the pay of and
control over a ship's company ceased upon her wreck. The law was so
amended as to enlist seamen until regularly discharged from the service by
the captain of the ship under the orders of the Admiralty.
The food of sailors and the accommodation provided for them were little,
if any, better than these things had been fifty years before--for the
matter of that than they remained for fifty years later, and to the shame
of those responsible, than the food still is in many merchant ships, for
even now occasionally we hear of cases of scurvy on shipboard--a disease
which Cook, over 120 years ago, avoided, though voyaging in such a manner
as nowadays is unknown.
But the most important change that had come to the sea service was in the
methods of finding a ship's position at sea. Hadley's sextant was in use
in 1731, Harrison's chronometer in 1762, and five years later the first
number of the _Nautical Almanac_ was published, so that when Cook sailed
longitude was no longer found by rule of thumb, and the great navigator,
more than any other man, was able to and did, prove the value of these
discoveries.
In 1764 Byron, who had been a midshipman on the _Wager_, sailed as
commodore of an expedition consisting of two ships, the _Dolphin_ and the
_Tamar_, to make discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere. This voyage of
discovery was the first English scientific expedition since that of the
_Roebuck_. Byron returned in 1766 without touching at New Holland, his
principal discovery being the Falkland Islands. Three months after his
return another expedition sailed under the command of Wallis in the
_Dolphin_, and with Carteret in the _Swallow_. The voyage resulted in many
minor discoveries, but will be chiefly remembered for that of Tahiti and
the story of Wallis' stay there. The _Dolphin_ [Sidenote: 1766-1769]
reached England in May, 1768. The two vessels had previously separated in
Magellan Straits; and the _Swallow_, pursuing a different course to that
taken by the _Dolphin_, made many discoveries, including Pitcairn Island;
the Sandwich Group; and several islands in the neighbourhood of New
Guinea, New Ireland and the Admiralty Islands. The _Swallow_ reached
England six months after Cook sailed. The _Dolphin's_ return so long
before her consort alarmed the Admiralty for the safety of the _Swallow_,
and Carteret on his way home, falling in with the French scientific
expedition under Bougainville, who himself had been exploring in the
Pacific, was informed that two vessels had been sent out to search for him
and his men, who, it was thought, might be cast away in the Straits of
Magellan.
Dampier's voyage was made solely for discovery purposes; Anson, who forty
years later went into the South Seas and so near to Australia as the
Philippines, had gone out to fight; Byron, Wallis, and Carteret, who
immediately preceded Cook, had sailed to discover and chart new countries;
but Cook, who made the greatest discovery and did more important charting
than all of them put together, sailed in the _Endeavour_ for the purpose
of making certain astronomical observations, and exploration was only a
secondary object of the voyage. Wallis' return determined the spot where
the observations could best be carried out; and, on his advice, Cook was
ordered to make for Port Royal, in Tahiti.
One incident in the matter of Cook's appointment should be noted in this
connection. The command of the expedition was at first intended for
Dalrymple, the celebrated geographer and then chief hydrographer to the
Admiralty. The precedent of Halley's command of the _Paramour_ in 1698 had
taught a lesson of the danger of giving the command of a ship to a
landsman, and Sir Edward (afterwards Lord) Hawke, First Lord of the
Admiralty in 1768, said, to his everlasting credit, that he would sooner
cut off his right hand than sign a commission for any person who had not
been bred a seaman. Dalrymple, there is little doubt, never forgave Cook
for taking his place, and later on showed his resentment by an unfair
statement which will be presently alluded to.
The _Endeavour_ was what was then known as a "cat-built" ship, of 368 tons
burden, a description of vessel then much used in [Sidenote: 1768]
the Baltic and coal trade, having large carrying capacity, with small
draught. A pencil sketch by Buchan (one of the artists who accompanied
Cook) of her hull, lying at Deptford, shows the short, stumpy
north-country collier, of which even nowadays one may occasionally see
specimens afloat. Her great, square stern has a row of four glazed
windows, alternated with ornamental panels and surrounded by scroll work,
and two square ports underneath them close to the water's edge, probably
for loading and unloading Baltic timber. The usual stern-lantern "tops
off" the structure. There is a framework for a quarterdeck extending to
the waist and the frame of a topgallant poop above this, Buchan probably
having made the sketch when she was refitting for the voyage and this
structure being erected for the accommodation of the officers.
Cook was appointed a first lieutenant in the navy and commander of the
_Endeavour_ on May 25th, 1768, and his ship's company, all told, numbered
eighty-five persons.
Sir Joseph Banks (then plain Mr.), Green the astronomer, Dr. Solander the
naturalist, two draughtsmen, and a staff of servants were also on board.
The ship, for defence against savages it is to be presumed, carried ten
four-pound carriage guns and twelve swivels. The food supply was for
eighteen months, and consisted of beef, pork, peas, oatmeal, butter,
cheese, oil, vinegar, beer, and brandy, and included materials for Dr.
McBride's method of treating the scurvy. The Admiralty gave Cook a special
order on this matter, in which they say:--
"The malt must be ground under the direction of the surgeon, and
made into wort (fresh every day, especially in hot weather) in the
following manner viz.: Take one quart of ground malt and pour on
it three quarts of boiling water; stir them well, and let the
mixture stand close covered up for three or four hours, after
which strain off the liquor.
"The wort so prepared is then to be boiled into a panada with
sea-biscuit or dried fruits usually carried to sea. The patient
must make at least two meals a day on the said panada, and should
drink a quart or more of the fresh infusion, as it may agree with
him, every twenty-four hours. The surgeon is to keep an exact
journal of the effects of the wort in scorbutic and other putrid
diseases not attended with pestilential symptoms, carefully and
particularly noting down, previous to its administration, the
cases in which it is given, describing the several symptoms, and
relating the progress and effects from time to time, which journal
is to be transmitted to us at the end of the voyage."
We have a curious illustration of the state [Sidenote: 1748-1768]
of the times in the manner of Cook's treatment by the Viceroy of the
Brazils, where, on the way out, he touched to refresh. The Viceroy
pretended to believe that the ship was a merchantman, and not a king's
ship, and therefore wanted her to comply with certain port regulations
which Cook was of opinion did not become the dignity of his commission. In
evidence of the _Endeavour_ being one of His Majesty's ships, Cook wrote
to the Viceroy and, among other things, drew attention to the distinctive
uniform of his officers, which is a reminder to us that at this time the
dress of naval officers was beginning to assume uniformity. George II.
suggested the colours which were adopted by the Admiralty order in 1748,
and, from admirals to lieutenants, officers were now dressed in blue
coats with white facings, lace collars and cuffs, and gold trimmings. The
uniform was continually changing, even up to within the last few years,
and nowadays one naval officer has as many different suits of uniform as
would have served all the commissioned officers of a line-of-battle ship
in his father's time.
When Cook left on this voyage he had, it has been shown, many advantages
over Dampier in the matter of nautical instruments, but there is little
doubt that he had absolutely no knowledge of the eastern coast of
Australia. Dalrymple was the first to suggest that charts, which there is
no doubt, did exist in Cook's time, and which do indicate the eastern
coast, were known to Cook. Without going into all the evidence rebutting
Dalrymple's insinuation, which has been discussed often enough, one fact
is worth remembering: Dalrymple, the most learned geographer of the
period, published his _Historical Collection of Voyages_ in 1770, and in
that work he makes no mention of the charts; but, on the contrary, his
chart of the Pacific only indicates the coastline on the north and the
west of the continent. Cook, who up to the moment of his appointment had
been too busy at the practical work of his profession to find or study
rare books or search libraries for documents and maps relating to the
Pacific, was scarcely likely in 1768 to know what was not known to
Dalrymple two years later; and also, be it remembered, Dalrymple was very
indignant at being passed over in favour of Cook. It may be taken for
granted that beyond such books as Dampier's _Voyage,_ De Brosses' volumes,
and such charts as the library of the _Endeavour_ furnished, old maps
afforded no help to Cook in his survey of New Holland. Of the charts Cook
says something in his journal. In September, 1770, he writes:--
"The charts with which I compared such parts of this coast as I
visited are bound up with a French work entitled _Histoire des
Navigations aux Terres Australes_, which was published in 1756,
and I found them tolerably exact."
As to what Cook did in the matter of dry geographical details, if the
reader wants them he must go to one or other of the hundred or more books
on the subject. In a few words, he sailed between the two main islands of
New Zealand, discovering for himself the existence of the straits
separating them. He first saw the south-east coast of New Holland at Point
Hicks, named by him after his first lieutenant, and now called Cape
Everard, in the colony of Victoria; from here he ran north to Botany Bay,
where he anchored, took in water and wood, and buried a sailor named Forby
Sutherland, who died of consumption and whose name was given to the
southern headland of the bay. It is worth noting that in every original
document relating to this voyage, save one chart, this bay is called
Stingray Bay, after, as Cook himself says, the great number of stingrays
caught in it. In one chart, in Cook's own writing, the name Botany Bay is
given; but all the _Endeavour_ logs call it Stingray Bay, and the name
Botany Bay was probably an afterthought.
From here Cook coasted north, marking almost every point and inlet with
such accuracy and such minuteness as fully justifies in its particular
meaning the statement that Cook discovered and surveyed the whole of the
eastern coast of Australia. He then sailed through Torres Straits, proving
that New Guinea was a separate island, and thence made his way to Batavia.
Before leaving the coast he landed on August 21st on Possession Island,
which lies about a couple of miles off the western shore of the Cape York
peninsula, and there formally took possession of the continent, observing
the usual ceremony of hoisting the colours and firing a volley. According
to Hawkesworth, Cook took possession of the country, and named it New
South Wales. There is no evidence whatever of this, and Hawkesworth
himself was probably the first person to write the name. In none of the
official log-books or other documents does any other name than New Holland
occur, and until Flinders suggested the name "Australia," "New Holland"
was the generally accepted title of the continent.
Another remarkable mis-statement, which is believed by many, relates to
the discovery and naming of Port Jackson, the port of Sydney. On Sunday,
May 6th, 1770, Cook's official log contains this entry:--
"Abrest of an open bay; dist. off the nearest shore, two or three
miles. Lat'd. obs., 33 degrees 47.
"At this time (noon) we were between two or three miles distant
from the land, and abrest of a bay or harbour, in which there
appeared to be a good anchorage, and which I called Port Jackson."
It is still often written that the "open bay" was so named after a seaman
by the name of Jackson on board the ship; but Sir George Jackson, who
afterwards changed his name to Duckett, was at this time, with Mr. Philip
Stephens, joint secretary to the Admiralty. Cook named Port Jackson and
Port Stephens after these two officials, and there was no seaman named
Jackson on board the _Endeavour_. Cook did not enter Port Jackson, and the
discovery of the finest harbour in the world was left for another less
well remembered, but no less efficient and zealous, naval officer.
The simple entries in the _Endeavour's_ logbooks, to the sailor who reads
them, tell far better than the fine writing of Dr. Hawkesworth the
difficulties which Cook laboured under on this voyage. For example, His
Majesty's ship _Endeavour_ was so well found that on April 14th, 1770,
Cook has this entry:--
"The spritsail topsail being wore to rags, it was condemned as
unfit for its proper use, and taken to repair the topgall'ntsails,
they being so bad as not to be worth the expense of new canvas,
but, with the help of this sail, will be made to last some time;
also took out one of the ship's tents (50) yards of canvas to
repair the jibb that was split on the 1st instant, there being
neither new canvas nor twine in the ship to spare for that
purpose."
But the most serious trouble was when on the 11th of June the _Endeavour_
got ashore on the Barrier Reef. Here is Cook's entry:--
"Shoal'd the water from 20 to 17 faths., and before the man in the
chains could have another cast the ship struck and lay fast on
some rocks, upon which we took in all sail, hoisted out the boats,
and sounded round the ship, and found that we had got upon the
edge of a reef of coral rocks, which lay to the N.W. of us, having
in some places round the ship 3 or 4 fathoms, and in others about
as many feet; but about 100 feet from her starboard side, she
laying with her head to the N.E., were 7, 8, and 10 fathom.
Carried out the stream anchor and two hawsers on the starboard
bow and the coasting anchor and cable upon the starboard quarters,
got down yards and topmasts, and hove taught upon the hawser and
cable; but as we had gone ashore about high water, the ship by
this time was quite fast. Turned all hands to lighten the ship,
and in order to do this we not only started water, but hove
overboard guns, iron and stone ballast, casks, hoops, staves,
oyl-jars, stores, and whatever was of weight or in the way at
coming at heavy articles. All this time the ship made but little
water. Being now high water, as we thought, hove a strain upon the
stern anchor, as I found the ship must go off that way, if at all,
but all we could do was to no purpose, she not being afloat by a
foot or more, notwithstanding we had hove overboard 40 or 50-ton
weight; but as this was not sufficient, we continued to lighten
her by every method we could think of. By that time she begun to
make water as much as two pumps could free. At noon she lay with
three streaks heel to starboard. Lat obs'ed, 15 degrees 45 So."
This was off what Cook called Cape Tribulation, and on the two following
days these entries appear:--
"Light airs and fine weather, which gave us an opportunity to
carry out boath the bowers, the one on the starboard quarter and
the other right astern. The spare stream anchor we likewise
carried out, and got purchases upon all the cables, and hove
taught upon all the 5 anchors. At 4 it was low water, so far as we
could judge by the rocks about the ship and part of the shoal
being dry, which we had not seen before. The rise and fall of the
water did not appear to exceed 3 or 4 feet. As the tide began to
rise the leak incresed, which obliged us to set the 3rd pump to
work, which we should have done the 4th also could we have made it
deliver any water. The ship now righted, and the leak gained on
the pumps in such a manner that it became a matter of
consideration whether we should heave her off or no in case she
floated, for fear of her going down with us in the deep water; but
as I thought we should be able to run her ashore, either upon the
same shoal or upon the main, in case we could not keep her, I
resolved at all risks to heave her off if possible, and
accordingly tur'nd as many men to the capstan and windlass as
could be spar'd from the pumps, and at 20 minutes past ten hove
her afloat and into deep water." (He did not do this without
losing his anchors, as he tells us, but)
"The pumps gain'd on the leak these 4 hours. Some hands employ'd
sowing oakem, wool, etc., into a sail to fother the ship. Weigh'd
the coasting anchor and warped out to the S.E., and at 11 got
under sail, with a light breeze at E.S.E., and stood in for the
land, having a small boat laying upon the point of the shoal, the
south point of which at noon bore north, distant one mile. The
pumps gain'd upon the leak this 4 hours. Light airs and clear
weather. Standing off the shore in for the main. Got up the main
topmast and main-yard. Having got the sail ready for fothering the
ship, we put it over under the starboard fore chains, where we
suspected she suffer'd most, and soon after the leak decreas'd so
much as to be kept clear with one pump with ease. This fortunate
circumstance gave new life to everyone on board. Anchor'd in 17
fathom water, 5 leagues from the land, and about 3 miles from the
shore."
On the 17th they found a harbour where they hove the ship down and
repaired her, when it was found that--
"One of the holes, which was big enough to have sunk us if we had
had eight pumps instead of four, and had been able to keep them
incessantly going, was in great measure plugged up by a fragment
of the rock, which, after having made the wound, was left sticking
in it; so that the water which had at first gained upon our pumps
was what came in at the interstices between the stone and the
edges of the hole that received it."
Endeavour River, Cape Flattery, Providential Channel, and other names on
the chart commemorate the accident; yet after all this trouble Cook
continued his survey, sailing safely through the cluster of rocks between
New Guinea and the mainland. This passage and the Barrier Reef are
probably two of the most dangerous places in the world, and more vessels
have been wrecked on that bit of coast between the southern end of the
Barrier Reef and the Indian Ocean side of Torres Straits than on any
similar stretch of coast-line anywhere.
So far the voyage had been without other disaster than this, but on the
way back the _Endeavour_ put into Batavia to refresh, and in a letter to
the Secretary of the Admiralty, dated the 9th of May, 1771, Cook wrote:--
"That uninterrupted state of health we have all along enjoyed was,
soon after our arrival at Batavia, succeeded by a general
sickness, which delayed us there so much that it was the 20th of
December before we were able to leave that place. We were
fortunate enough to loose but few men at Batavia, but on our
passage from thence to the Cape of Good Hope we had twenty-four
men died, all, or most of them, of the bloody flux. This fatal
disorder reign'd in the ship with such obstinacy that medicines,
however skilfully administered, had not the least effect. I
arrived at the Cape on the 14th of March, and quitted it again on
the 14th of April, and on the 1st of May arrived at St. Helena,
where I joined His Maj.'s ship _Portland_, which I found ready to
sail with the convoy";
and on the 12th of July he brought up in the Downs, reporting one more
death--that of Lieutenant Hicks.
For his services Cook was promoted a step. His after-life and death need
no mention here, and although in both his second and third voyages he
touched at New Zealand and Tasmania, his connection with Australia
practically ends with the _Endeavour_ voyage. But a word or two about the
_Endeavour's_ officers, taken from documents recently obtained by the New
South Wales Government, which perhaps contain some things new to many
readers.
In the Record Office, London, there are no fewer than ten logs of Cook's
voyage; three of these are anonymous, but six of them are signed by the
ship's officers, and one, from circumstantial evidence, is no doubt by
Green, the astronomer. The signed logs are by Hicks, Cook's first
lieutenant; Forwood, the gunner; and Pickersgill, Clerke, Wilkinson, and
Bootie, mates. Hicks, as we have seen, died on the passage home; Forwood,
after the _Endeavour's_ return, is not heard of again. Pickersgill was
promoted to be master on the death of that officer (Robert Molineux) in
April, 1771. He had previously served as a midshipman under Wallis in
1766-1788, and he served again under Cook in the _Resolution_ as third
lieutenant. On the return of Cook from his second voyage, Pickersgill was
appointed commander of the _Lion_, and sent to survey Baffin's Bay, but he
was relieved of the command early in 1777, and then we lose sight of him.
Wilkinson also had served under Wallis, but he died soon after the return
of the _Endeavour_, and Bootie died on the way home.
The best-known of these log-writers is Charles Clerke. Though only a
youngster, he had seen much service. When the Seven Years' War in 1756
broke out, he was, at fifteen years of age, serving on a man-of-war. He
was on the _Bellona_ in her celebrated engagement with the _Courageux_,
off Vigo, in 1761, and he accompanied Byron in the _Dolphin_, afterwards
serving in America, where it is probable Cook first met him. Consequent on
the many deaths, Clerke was made third lieutenant of the _Endeavour_ after
the ship left Batavia, and Cook, referring to his appointment, wrote to
the Admiralty that Clerke was a young man well worthy of the step. He
again served with Cook as second lieutenant of the _Resolution_, and in
Cook's third voyage he was captain of the _Discovery_ and second in
command of the expedition. When Cook was killed on February 14th, 1779, he
took charge, but only survived his superior until the 22nd of August. He
died off the Kamschatka coast, and was buried at the harbour of St. Peter
and St. Paul. His shipmates erected a board with an inscription upon it
over his grave; and La Pérouse, when in 1787 he visited the spot, caused
the board to be replaced by a copper plate, on which the inscription was
re-engraved.
In a volume of the _New South Wales Records_ is printed for the first
time a batch of letters from Clerke to Sir Joseph Banks, and these
documents so well depict poor Clerke's cheery disposition, notwithstanding
that he was suffering from a fear of the King's Bench, and, what was more
serious, the sad disease which ended in his death, that we may be pardoned
for reproducing extracts from them. The first was written just before
Clerke sailed with Cook on that fatal third voyage as commander of the
_Discovery_:--
"DEAR SIR,--I am very sorry to inform you that I am fairly cast
away. The damnation Bench of Justices fell out among themselves,
upset and fairly frustrated the friendly intentions of Sir
Fletcher Norton, &c., wrote a rascally letter, hoping that I would
not find any inconvenience from it, and put off the adjournment to
Monday se'nnight. Now, you know, this is quite beyond our reach;
it seems the whole legends of the Bench do not furnish such
another incident. Indeed, there's a fatality attends my every
undertaking; those people whom I most honour and esteem, that
favour me with the name of friend--to them I become a trouble and
burthen. However, though we cannot help misfortunes, we can help
deserving them, and I am determined that want of gratitude and
attention shall never be an accusation against me; therefore I'm
resolved to decamp without beat of drum and, if I can, outsail the
Israelites, get to sea, and make every return in my power. I think
I had better write to Lord Sandwich to thank him, as I cannot now
wait upon him--for my visitations must be very private--and ask
him if he has any orders for me. Do tell me what I must do on that
head, and if you would have me wait on you ere I depart, &c., &c.,
and believe me in prosperity or adversity.
"Yours, &c.,
"CHAS. CLERKE."
This is followed by another, written on the evening of the same day, in
which he says:--
"I this day received a letter from Lord Sandwich, acquainting me
he shall certainly order the _Discovery_ to sea very soon, in
short giving me to understand that if I cannot leave town by the
10th or 11th instant I must give up all. Now, that completes the
wretchedness of my situation. I find the Jews are exasperated and
determined to spare no pains to arrest me if they could once catch
me out of the rules of the Bench; this, you know, would be
striking the finishing stroke. Let me, my good friend, entreat the
influence of your friendship here. I shall certainly be cleared
the 16th or 18th instant, and shall then be happy."
He got away all right, and on November 23rd, 1776, wrote from the Cape of
Good Hope:--
"Here I am hard and fast moor'd alongside my old friend Capt'n
Cook, so that our battles with the Israelites cannot now have any
ill effects upon our intending attack upon the North Pole. I think
I acquainted you from Plymouth, on the 1st of August, that I was
getting under-way; I then got a good outset with [Sidenote: 1779]
a fresh easterly breeze, and made a very good passage to within
a few leagues of this land without any kind of accident befalling
us.... We shall now sail in a very few days, and return to the old
trade of exploring, so can only say adieu, adieu, my very good
friend. Be assured that, happen what will, it is wholly out of
the power of durance of time or length of space in the least to
alleviate that sense of gratitude your goodness has inspired; but,
indeed, I shall ever endeavour upon all and every occasion to acquit
myself," etc.
The next letter is a pathetic farewell to his friend, written on the 17th
of August, 1779, five days before the author's death:--
"MY EVER-HONOURED FRIEND,--The disorder I was attacked with in the
King's Bench Prison has proved consumptive, with which I have
battled with various success, although without one single day's
health, since I took leave of you in Burlington Street; it is now
so far got the better of me that I am not able to turn myself in
my bed, so that my stay in this world must be of very short
duration. However, I hope my friends will have no occasion to
blush in owning themselves such, for I have most perfectly and
justly done my duty to my country as far as my abilities would
enable me, for where that has been concerned the attention to my
health, which I was most sensible was in the most imminent danger,
has never swerved me a single half-mile out of the road of duty;
so that I flatter myself I shall leave behind that character that
it has ever been my utmost ambition to attain, which is that of an
honest and faithful servant to the public whom I had undertaken
to serve.
"I have made you the best collections of all kinds of matter I
could that have fallen in our way in the course of the voyage; but
they are by no means so complete as they would have been had my
health enabled me to pay more attention to them. I hope, however,
you will find many among them worthy of your attention and
acceptance. In my will I have bequeathed you the whole of every
kind. There are great abundance, so that you will have ample
choice.
"I must beg you to present my warmest and most affectionate
compliments to Dr. Solander, and assure him I leave the world
replete with the most social ideas for his much-esteemed and
ever-respected friendship.
"I must beg leave to recommend to your notice Mr. Will. Ellis, one
of the surgeon's mates, who will furnish you with some drawings
and accounts of the various birds which will come to your
possession. He has been very useful to me in your service in that
particular, and is, I believe, a very worthy young man, and, I
hope, will prove worthy of any services that may be in your way to
confer upon him.
"The two clerks of the two ships, Mr. W. Dewar and Mr. Greg
Santham, have, I believe, been very honest servants in their
stations, and having by Captain Cook's (and very soon by my death)
lost those to whom they looked up to for protection, are, I fear,
destitute of friends. If it should be in your power to render them
any services, I flatter myself they will be worthy of such
attention.
"If I should recollect anything more to say to you, I will
trouble my friend Mr. King with it, who is so kind as to be my
amanuensis on this occasion. He is my very dear and particular
friend, and I will make no apology in recommending him to a share
in your friends ship [sic: friendship], as I am perfectly assured
of his being
deserving of it, as in that also of the worthy doctors.
"Now, my dear and honoured friend, I must bid you a final adieu.
May you enjoy many happy years in this world, and in the end
attain that fame your indefatigable industry so richly deserves.
These are most sincerely the warmest and sincerest wishes of your
devoted, affectionate, and departing servant,
"CHARLES CLERKE."
It will take nothing from the fame of Cook to call his connection with the
discovery of Australia an accident. He himself says that, having
circumnavigated New Zealand, "we intended to return home by the Cape of
Good Hope or by Cape Horn to determine the question of a southern
continent," but the season of the year was against this course, and "we
ultimately resolved to return by the East Indies. With this in view, we
resolved to steer west till we should fall in with the coast of New
Holland, and then follow that coast to the north till we should arrive at
its northern extremity."
Having adopted this course and having reached the coast, Cook made the
very best use of his time, and surveyed it as probably no other man then
living would have done, but that he did so is unquestionably due to the
fact that the season did not admit of the old regulation pursuit of
explorers--the search for the solution of the southern continent problem.