_London, June 12, 1775._
The restraining and fishery bill did not pass through the house of lords
with less opposition than what it had met with in the house of commons.
Upon the motion for committing it after the second reading, the marquis
of _Rockingham_ opposed it with great ability, and in the course of his
speech showed, that in 1704, the whole amount of the exports to the
New-England colonies was only about £.70,000 annually; that in 1754, it
had arisen to £.180,000, in the succeeding ten years to £.400,000, and
in the last ten years, had nearly doubled that sum.
The bill was carried by a majority of more than three to one; but was
productive of a protest, signed by sixteen lords. It is particularly
distinguished, by the severe censure passed upon a lord high in office,
who in the late debates, most unadvisedly threw out a charge of general
cowardice against the Americans.
The fishery bill had scarce cleared the house of commons, when lord
North brought in another, [March 9.] “To restrain the trade and commerce
of the colonies of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and
South-Carolina, to Great-Britain, Ireland, and the British islands in
the West-Indies, under certain conditions and limitation.” While this
bill was in agitation, a long series of evidence, in behalf of the
West-India merchants and planters, was laid before the house. It
appeared, that upon a very moderate computation, the capital in the
West-India islands, consisting of lands, buildings, negroes and stock of
all kinds, did not amount to less than £.60,000,000. sterling; that
their exports of late years to Britain, ran to about 190,000 hogheads
and puncheons of sugar and rum annually; amounting in weight to 95,000
tons, and in value about £.4,000,000 exclusive of a great number of
smaller articles, and of their very great export to North-America; that
their growth was so rapid and improvement so great, that within a few
years, their export of sugar to this kingdom was increased 40,000
hogsheads annually, amounting to about £.800,000 in value. The
probability, was apparent, that more than half of the capital of
£.60,000,000 was either the immediate property of persons resident in
this country, or owing to them; and also that the revenue gained above
£.700,000 a year upon the direct West-India trade, exclusive of its
eventual and circuitous products, and of the African trade.
[March 20.] Mr. Burke made a number of conciliatory propositions with
respect to the colonies, contained in a set of resolutions, which he
accompanied and elucidated by a celebrated speech. He traced that
unconquerable spirit of freedom, that violent passion for liberty, by
which the colonists are distinguished from all other people of the
world, from the sources of their descent, education, manners, religious
principles, forms of government, and distance from the head of the
empire. He made it appear, that the whole exports to North-America, the
West-Indies, and Africa, in 1704 (from England it must be, for the union
of the two kingdoms had not then taken place) amounted only in value to
£.569,930 but the comparative value of money at that period, was much
greater than at present. In 1772, the exports from Great-Britain to the
same places, amounted at a medium, to no less than £.6,024,171. He also
shewed that the _whole export_ trade of England, including that to the
colonies, amounted in 1704, only to £.6,509,000. Thus the trade to the
colonies alone was in 1772, within less than half a million of being
equal to what was carried on by England with the whole world, at the
beginning of the present century. However astonishing this general
increase of the whole colonies may appear, the growth of the province of
Pennsylvania is still more extraordinary. In 1704, the whole exports to
that colony, amounted to no more than £.11,459 and in 1772, they were
risen to £.507,909 being nearly fifty times the original demand, and
almost equal to the whole colony export at the first period.—This
astonishing growth of the colonies, within little more than half a
century, and the prodigious share they contribute to our greatness,
makes them a matter of the first importance to ourselves, and must
excite the admiration of future ages.
The previous question was moved on the first proposition, and carried by
270 to 78; and thus ended the business.
But the ill success which has attended all conciliatory propositions
hitherto, excepting those which have originated from government, did not
deter Mr. Hartley from making a similar attempt. [April 27.] The motion,
however, was rejected without a division.
During the progress of the second restraining bill, an additional clause
was moved for by the minister; whereby the counties of Newcastle, Kent
and Sussex, on the Delaware, were included in the prohibitions of that
bill, and carried without a division.
While these matters were transacting, several petitions were received
from manufacturing towns in Britain and Ireland, against the coercive
acts. Some counter petitions were also received, calling for an
enforcement of the laws of Britain, as the only means of preserving a
trade with the colonies. Much altercation arose on the truth of the
facts alledged on both sides, as well as on the manner of obtaining the
signatures, and the quality o£ those who signed. The minority insisted,
that the most who signed the war petitions, as they called them, were
persons who had little or no interest in the American trade, but of that
description of warm and active party men, commonly called tories. And
they entered into several examinations to prove the truth of the former
part of their assertion. This produced many long and hot debates. Other
petitions were presented to the crown, and equally disregarded; one from
the British settlers in Canada, against the Quebec bill; one from the
quakers, in which besides endeavoring to diffuse the influence of that
spirit of peace which is the predominant principle in their religious
system, they declared themselves persuaded, that there are not in his
majesty’s extensive dominions, subjects more loyal, and more zealously
attached to his royal person, his family and government, than in the
provinces of America, among all religious denominations. His majesty,
however, went in person to the house, and gave the royal assent to the
restraining and fishery bill, in the usual form. In this season of
public discontent, when the minds of all were agitated on one side or
other, the city of London, not discouraged by the fate of all its
applications for a number of years past, once more approached the throne
with an address, remonstrance, and petition [April 10.] upon a subject,
and in a manner as little calculated to obtain a favorable reception, as
any of the preceding. In this remonstrance they recapitluated the whole
catalogue of American grievances; declared their abhorrence of the
measures which had been pursued, and were then pursuing; and justified
the resistance to which the Americans had been driven, upon the great
principles of the constitution; “actuated by which,” they said, “at the
glorious period of the revolution, our ancestors transferred the
imperial crown of these realms to the illustrious house of Brunswick.”
They beseeched his majesty immediately and for ever to dismiss from his
councils, those ministers and advisers who had been at the bottom of the
preceding measures. His majesty delivered the following answer: “It is
with the utmost astonishment, that I find any of my subjects capable of
encouraging the rebellious disposition which unhappily exists in my
colonies in North-America. Having entire confidence in the wisdom of my
parliament, the great council of the nation, I will steadily pursue
those measures which they have recommended for the support of the
constitutional rights of Great-Britain, and the protection of the
commercial rights of my kingdom.”
The earl of Effingham has uniformly opposed the whole system of measures
pursued against the Americans, and finding that the regiment in which he
served was at length destined for America, and thinking it inconsistent
with his character, and beneath his dignity to enforce measures with his
sword, which he had so utterly condemned in his legislative capacity
[Mar. 12.] he wrote a letter of resignation to the secretary of war. In
it he deeply regretted his being necessitated to quit the military
profession; but said, “I cannot, without reproach from my own
conscience, consent to bear arms against my fellow-subjects in America,
in what, to my discernment, is not a clear cause.” Pity that it is not a
point of honor with all military officers, to consider the merits of the
cause wherein their swords are to be employed, and when they are not
satisfied in their own judgments, to practise as the noble earl has
done. Such a point of honor might hinder many a war.
The British ambassador at the Hague, applied to the States to forbid
their subjects supplying the Americans with arms, ammunition, gun-powder
&c. and they by proclamation prohibited the exportation of all such
articles, in Dutch or foreign ships, from any of their dominions,
without licence, on penalty of forfeiting about £.90 sterling. Judge
whether the profits of the voyage will not be so great as to make it
worth the merchants while to run the risk of that sum. Let the American
vessels repair to Holland, and the Dutch will furnish them with
gun-powder in large glass bottles of several gallons dimensions, under
the notion of spirits, or liquor of one kind or other.[117] France was
also applied to, and could have crushed all assistance, by express
prohibition; but only told her subjects, that if they afforded any, it
was at their own risk; tantamount to—if you will venture, you may. Spain
roundly refused giving the least hindrance to her subjects.
[March 13.] His majesty went to the house of peers, and gave the royal
assent to the bill for restraining the trade of New-Jersey,
Pennsylvania, &c. Thus the probability of the colonies dividing from
each other is lessened, and their union becomes more established. Some
future proceedings in the provinces of New-York and North-Carolina will
be likely to consolidate the whole continent.
The American fisheries being now abolished, measures were necessary to
supply their place, and to guard against the consequences of the foreign
markets either changing the course of consumption, or falling into the
hands of strangers. It was also expedient to pay a greater attention to
the interests of Ireland, than what had been practised for many years.
The minister therefore moved for a committee of the whole house [Mar.
27.] to consider of the encouragement proper to be given to the
fisheries of Britain and Ireland. The committee, in its progress,
granted several bounties to the ships of Britain and Ireland, for their
encouragement in prosecuting the Newfoundland fishery; and two
resolutions were introduced and passed, in favor of the latter kingdom.
Complaints, however, were made, that clauses were insidiously stolen
into the act, to prevent its operating in any considerable extent. The
committee agreed also to the granting of bounties for encouraging the
whale fishery, and to take off the duties payable upon the importation
of oil, blubber, and bone, from Newfoundland, &c. and on the importation
of seal skins.
Ministry have not confined themselves to the making of laws; they have
also sent out against the Americans, generals Howe, Clinton, and
Burgoyne, in the Cerberus [Mar. 28.] The transports with troops to
reinforce governor Gage, sailed a week after from Cork.
[May 15.] Toward the close of the session, Mr. Burke acquainted the
house with his having received a paper of great importance from the
general assembly at New-York. He observed that it was a complaint, in
the form of a remonstrance, of several acts of parliament, some of which
they affirmed had established principles, and others had made
regulations subversive of the rights of English subjects. He afterward
moved that it might be brought up. The minister immediately moved an
amendment, which proved an indirect but effectual negative upon Mr.
Burke’s motion. The amendment was carried by a majority of 186 to 67;
the question being then put on the amended motion, it was rejected
without a division. The New-York memorial to the lords was brought in by
the duke of Manchester, who moved for its being read. After some
altercation the question was called for, and upon a division, the motion
was rejected by a majority of 45 against 25. The petition to the king
was received, but the prayer of the petition was not granted. Such is
the fate of the applications made by the general assembly of New-York,
for a redress of their supposed grievances. It must tend to widen the
breach between Britain and the colonies.
[May 17.] Lord Camden presented a petition to the house of lords, from
the British inhabitants of the province of Quebec, in which they stated
their grievances, and implored their lordships favorable interposition
that the Quebec act might be repealed or amended, and that they might
enjoy their constitutional rights, privileges, and franchises. His
lordship, after expatiating on the evils of the act, proposed a bill,
which was read, for the repeal of the late act. This measure was
strongly opposed by administration, and a motion was made by lord
Dartmouth, that the bill be rejected, which was carried by a majority of
60 out of 88, there being only twenty-eight lords who supported the
bill. Much censure having been expressed or implied, both within doors
and without, relative to the whole conduct of the bishops in the Canada
transactions, the reverend father of that bench, stood up during the
debate to justify the Quebec act, so far as it related to religious
matters, which he did upon the principles of toleration, the faith of
the capitulation, and the terms of the definitive treaty of peace, but
many were far from being convinced, that these principles required such
a full and perfect establishment of the popish religion, as is granted
by the act itself.
[May 18.] Sir George Saville presented to the house of commons, another
petition from the same inhabitants of Quebec, in which, among other
things, they represented with too much truth, that the petition to his
majesty, in the name of all the French inhabitatnts of that province,
and upon which the late law had been avowedly founded, was not fairly
obtained, and had neither received the concurrence of the people in
general, nor even been communicated to them, but had been carried about
in a secret manner, and signed by a few of the noblesse, advocates, and
others, who were in their confidence. They affirmed that the inhabitants
in general were as much alarmed as themselves, at the introduction of
the Canadian laws. They concluded by praying, that the said act might be
repealed or amended. Sir George examined and laid open the week or
obnoxious parts of the act, and threw new light even upon those which
had already undergone the highest degree of colouring, and then
concluded his speech with moving for a repeal of the late act for the
better government of the province of Quebec. Considerable debates
ensued, in the course of which the minister avowed his intention, if it
should become necessary, of arming the Canadians against the other
colonies. But he declared his firm persuasion, that the troubles in
America, would be speedily and happily settled without blood-shed.
Notwithstanding this declaration it was whispered, that he was uneasy
and from what general Gage wrote last, dreaded the news by the April
packet. For some, who professed to have the best information, asserted
that orders were sent to apprehend Messrs. Cushing, Samuel Adams,
Hancock and others, and to transport them to Great-Britain; and that the
receipt of these orders had been acknowledged; but that second orders
had been dispatched to hang them at Boston. Sir George Saville’s motion
was rejected by a majority of more than two to one, the numbers being
174 to 86.
[May 26.] The speaker, when he presented the money bills for the royal
assent, gave an assurance in his speech to his majesty, that if the
Americans persisted in their resolutions, and the sword must be drawn,
the commons would do every thing in their power to maintain and support
the supremacy of this legislature.
The king gave his royal assent to the several bills, both public and
private, which remained to be passed into acts; and closed the session
by a speech from the throne, in which he expressed the most perfect
satisfaction in the conduct of the parliament, during the course of
their session; and his persuasion, that the most salutry effects must,
in the end, result from measures formed and conducted on such
principles, as those on which they had acted. A favorable representation
was made of the pacific disposition of other powers, and the usual
assurence given of endeavoring to secure the public tranquility.
[May 28.] Captain Derby arrived with his dispatches for Dr. Franklin got
to London in the evening, and delivered them to Dr. Lee, as the other
agent had left the country. The circulated accounts of the action were
vague; is was plain however, that the troops had been worsted; and that
government feared it, though they disclaimed all knowledge of what had
happened.
The Sukey, captain Brown, though she sailed four days before captain
Derby’s vessel, did not arrive till the ninth of June with general
Gage’s dispatches. The Gazette has given us the govermental account of
the Lexington engagement. From the praises bestowed upon officers and
men for their activity and bravery, it is evident, that the Americans
made the business of the day a hard, difficult and dangerous service to
them. The nation in general is not so shocked with this transaction as
the importance of it requires. It was a fatal mistake to send soldiers
instead of shipping; and no less so to order them to Boston, instead of
planting them in New-York (where government has a strong interest) and
securing a fortified line of communication from thence to Canada, with
which to divide he southern from the New-England colonies.
Six more regiments of foot have received orders to hold themselves in
readiness to embark for America. They are encouraged by an expectation,
into which they are drawn by the informations given them, of possessing
farms and other confiscated property.