frail creatures, and can judge better for ilk ither than in our own
cases. And for me--even myself--I have always observed myself to be much
more prudential in what I have done in your lordship's behalf, than even
in what I have been able to transact for my own interest--whilk last, I
have, indeed, always postponed, as in duty I ought."
"I do believe thou hast," answered Lord Nigel, "having ever found thee
true and faithful."
And his final success is entirely owing to his courage and fidelity, not
to his cunning.
To this subtlety both the men join considerable power of penetration
into the weaknesses of character; but Fairservice only sees the
surface-failings, and has no respect for any kind of nobleness; while
Richie watches the gradual lowering of his master's character and
reputation with earnest sorrow.
"My lord," said Richie, "to be round with you, the grace of God is
better than gold pieces, and, if they were my last words," he said,
raising his voice, "I would say you are misled, and are forsaking
the paths your honorable father trode in; and what is more, you are
going--still under correction--to the devil with a dishclout, for
ye are laughed at by them that lead you into these disordered
bypaths" (i. 282).
116. In the third place, note that the penetration of
Moniplies,--though, as aforesaid, more into faults than virtues,--being
yet founded on the truth of his own nature, is undeceivable. No rogue
can escape him for an instant; and he sees through all the machinations
of Lord Glenvarloch's enemies from the first; while Fairservice, shrewd
enough in detecting the follies of good people, is quite helpless before
knaves, and is deceived three times over by his own chosen
friends--first by the lawyer's clerk, Touthope (ii. 21), then by the
hypocrite MacVittie, and finally by his true blue Presbyterian friend
Laurie.
In these first elements of character the men are thus broadly
distinguished; but in the next, requiring analysis, the differences are
much more subtle. Both of them have, in nearly equal degree, the
peculiar love of doing or saying what is provoking, by an exact
contrariety to the wishes of the person they are dealing with, which is
a fault inherent in the rough side of uneducated Scottish character; but
in Andrew, the habit is checked by his self-interest, so that it is only
behind his master's back that we hear his opinion of him; and only when
he has lost his temper that the inherent provocativeness comes out--(see
the dark ride into Scotland).
On the contrary, Moniplies never speaks but in praise of his _absent_
master; but exults in mortifying him in direct colloquy: yet never
indulges this amiable disposition except with a really kind purpose, and
entirely knowing what he is about. Fairservice, on the other hand,
gradually falls into an unconscious fatality of varied blunder and
provocation; and at last causes the entire catastrophe of the story by
bringing in the candles when he has been ordered to stay downstairs.
117. We have next to remember that with Scott, Truth and Courage are
one. He somewhat overvalued _animal_ courage--holding it the basis of
all other virtue--in his own words, "Without courage there can be no
truth, and without truth no virtue." He would, however, sometimes allow
his villains to possess the basis, without the super-structure, and thus
Rashleigh, Dalgarno, Balfour, Varney, and other men of that stamp are to
be carefully distinguished from his erring _heroes_, Marmion, Bertram,
Christie of the Clinthill, or Nanty Ewart, in whom loyalty is always the
real strength of the character, and the faults of life are owing to
temporary passion or evil fate. Scott differs in this standard of
heroism materially from Byron,[104] in whose eyes mere courage, with
strong affections, are enough for admiration: while Bertram, and even
Marmion, though loyal to his country, are meant only to be pitied--not
honored. But neither Scott nor Byron will ever allow any grain of mercy
to a coward; and the final difference, therefore, between Fairservice
and Moniplies, which decides their fate in Scott's hands, is that
between their courage and cowardice. Fairservice is driven out at the
kitchen door, never to be heard of more, while Richie rises into Sir
Richie of Castle-Collop--the reader may perhaps at the moment think by
too careless grace on the King's part; which, indeed, Scott in some
measure meant;--but the grotesqueness and often evasiveness of Richie's
common manner make us forget how surely his bitter word is backed by his
ready blow, when need is. His first introduction to us (i. 33), is
because his quick temper overcomes his caution,--
"I thought to mysel', 'Ye are owre mony for me to mell with; but
let me catch ye in Barford's Park, or at the fit of the vennel, I
could gar some of ye sing another sang.' Sae, ae auld hirpling
deevil of a potter behoved just to step in my way and offer me a
pig, as he said, just to pit my Scotch ointment in, and _I gave him
a push, as but natural_, and the tottering deevil couped owre amang
his ain pigs, and damaged a score of them. And then the
reird[105] raise"--
while in the close of the events (ii. 365), he wins his wife by a piece
of hand-to-hand fighting, of the value of which his cool and stern
estimate, in answer to the gay Templar, is one of the great sentences
marking Scott's undercurrent of two feelings about war, in spite of his
love of its heroism.
"Bravo, Richie," cried Lowestoffe, "why, man, there lies Sin struck down
like an ox, and Iniquity's throat cut like a calf."
"I know not why you should upbraid me with my upbringing, Master
Lowestoffe," answered Richie, with great composure; "but I can tell you,
the shambles is not a bad place for training one to this work."
118. These then being the radical conditions of native character in the
two men, wholly irrespective of their religious persuasion, we have to
note what form their Presbyterian faith takes in each, and what effect
it has on their consciences.
In Richie, it has little to do; his conscience being, in the deep of it,
frank and clear. His religion commands him nothing which he is not at
once ready to do, or has not habitually done; and it forbids him nothing
which he is unwilling to forego. He pleads no pardon from it for known
faults; he seeks no evasions in the letter of it for violations of its
spirit. We are scarcely therefore aware of its vital power in him,
unless at moments of very grave feeling and its necessary expression.
"Wherefore, as the letter will not avail you with him to whom it is
directed, you may believe that Heaven hath sent it to _me_, who
have a special regard for the writer--have besides, as much mercy
and honesty within me as man can weel mak' his bread with, and am
willing to aid any distressed creature, that is my friend's
friend."
So, again, in the deep feeling which rebukes his master's careless ruin
of the poor apprentice--
"I say, then, as I am a true man, when I saw that puir creature
come through the ha' at that ordinary, whilk is accurst (Heaven
forgive me for swearing) of God and man, with his teeth set, and
his hands clenched, and his bonnet drawn over his brows...." He
stopped a moment, and looked fixedly in his master's face.
--and again in saving the poor lad himself when he takes the street to
his last destruction "with burning heart and bloodshot eye":
"Why do you stop my way?" he said fiercely.
"Because it is a bad one, Master Jenkin," said Richie.
"Nay, never start about it, man; you see you are known.
Alack-a-day! that an honest man's son should live to start at
hearing himself called by his own name."
"I pray you in good fashion to let me go," said Jenkin. "I am in
the humor to be dangerous to myself, or to anyone."
"I will abide the risk," said the Scot, "if you will but come with
me. You are the very lad in the world whom I most wish to
meet."[106]
"And you," answered Vincent, "or any of your beggarly countrymen,
are the last sight I should ever wish to see. You Scots are ever
fair and false."
"As to our poverty, friend," replied Richie, "that is as Heaven
pleases; but touching our falsity, I'll prove to you that a
Scotsman bears as leal and true a heart to his friend as ever beat
in an English doublet."
119. In these, and other such passages, it will be felt that I have done
Richie some injustice in classing him among the religionists who have
little sympathy! For all real distress, his compassion is instant; but
his doctrinal religion becomes immediately to him a cause of failure in
charity.
"Yon divine has another air from powerful Master Rollock, and Mess
David Black of North Leith, and sic like. Alack-a-day, wha can ken,
if it please your lordship, whether sic prayers as the Southrons
read out of their auld blethering black mess-book there, may not be
as powerful to invite fiends, as a right red-het prayer warm from
the heart may be powerful to drive them away; even as the evil
spirit was driven by the smell of the fish's liver from the bridal
chamber of Sara, the daughter of Raguel!"
The scene in which this speech occurs is one of Scott's most finished
pieces, showing with supreme art how far the weakness of Richie's
superstitious formality is increased by his being at the time partially
drunk!
It is on the other hand to be noted to his credit, for an earnest and
searching Bible-reader, that he quotes the Apocrypha. Not so gifted
Gilfillan,--
"But if your honor wad consider the case of Tobit--!"
"Tobit!" exclaimed Gilfillan with great heat; "Tobit and his dog
baith are altogether heathenish and apocryphal, and none but a
prelatist or a papist would draw them into question. I doubt I hae
been mista'en in you, friend."
Gilfillan and Fairservice are exactly alike, and both are distinguished
from Moniplies in their scornfully exclusive dogmatism, which is indeed
the distinctive plague-spot of the lower evangelical sect everywhere,
and the worst blight of the narrow natures, capable of its zealous
profession. In Blattergowl, on the contrary, as his name implies, the
_doctrinal_ teaching has become mere Blather, Blatter, or patter--a
string of commonplaces spoken habitually in performance of his clerical
function, but with no personal or sectarian interest in them on his
part.
"He said fine things on the duty o' resignation to the will of God--that
did he"; but his own mind is fixed under ordinary circumstances only on
the income and privilege of his position. Scott however indicates this
without severity as one of the weaknesses of an established church, to
the general principle of which, as to all other established and
monarchic law, he is wholly submissive, and usually affectionate (see
the description of Colonel Mannering's Edinburgh Sunday), so that
Blattergowl, _out of the pulpit_, does not fail in his serious pastoral
duty, but gives real comfort by his presence and exhortation in the
cottage of the Mucklebackits.
On the other hand, to all kinds of Independents and Nonconformists
(unless of Roderick Dhu type) Scott is adverse with all his powers; and
accordingly, Andrew and Gilfillan are much more sternly and scornfully
drawn than Blattergowl.
120. In all the three, however, the reader must not for an instant
suspect what is commonly called "hypocrisy." Their religion is no
assumed mask or advanced pretense. It is in all a confirmed and intimate
faith, mischievous by its error, in proportion to its sincerity (compare
"Ariadne Florentina," paragraph 87), and although by his cowardice,
petty larceny,[107] and low cunning, Fairservice is absolutely separated
into a different class of men from Moniplies--in his fixed religious
principle and primary conception of moral conduct, he is exactly like
him. Thus when, in an agony of terror, he speaks for once to his master
with entire sincerity, one might for a moment think it was a lecture by
Moniplies to Nigel.
"O, Maister Frank, a' your uncle's follies and your cousin's
fliskies, were nothing to this! Drink clean cap-out, like Sir
Hildebrand; begin the blessed morning with brandy-taps like Squire
Percy; rin wud among the lasses like Squire John; gamble like
Richard; win souls to the Pope and the deevil, like Rashleigh;
rive, rant, _break the Sabbath_, and do the Pope's bidding, like
them a' put thegither--but merciful Providence! tak' care o' your
young bluid, and gang na near Rob Roy."
I said, one might for a moment think it was a Moniplies' lecture to
Nigel. But not for two moments, if we indeed can think at all. We could
not find a passage more concentrated in expression of Andrew's total
character; nor more characteristic of Scott in the calculated precision
and deliberate appliance of every word.
121. Observe first, Richie's rebuke, quoted above, fastens Nigel's mind
instantly on the _nobleness_ of his father. But Andrew's to Frank
fastens as instantly on the _follies_ of his uncle and cousins.
Secondly, the sum of Andrew's lesson is--"do anything that is rascally,
if only you save your skin." But Richie's is summed in "the grace of God
is better than gold pieces."
Thirdly, Richie takes little note of creeds, except when he is drunk,
but looks to conduct always; while Andrew clinches his catalogue of
wrong with "doing the Pope's bidding" and Sabbath-breaking; these
definitions of the unpardonable being the worst absurdity of all Scotch
wickedness to this hour--everything being forgiven to people who go to
church on Sunday, and curse the Pope. Scott never loses sight of this
marvelous plague-spot of Presbyterian religion, and the last words of
Andrew Fairservice are:--
"The villain Laurie! to betray an auld friend that sang aff the
same psalm-book wi' him _every Sabbath_ for twenty years,"
and the tragedy of these last words of his, and of his expulsion from
his former happy home--"a jargonelle pear-tree at one end of the
cottage, a rivulet and flower plot of a rood in extent in front, a
kitchen garden behind, and a paddock for a cow" (viii. 6, of the 1830
edition) can only be understood by the reading of the chapter he quotes
on that last Sabbath evening he passes in it--the 5th of Nehemiah.
122. For--and I must again and again point out this to the modern
reader, who, living in a world of affectation, suspects "hypocrisy" in
every creature he sees--the very plague of this lower evangelical piety
is that it is _not_ hypocrisy; that Andrew and Laurie _do_ both expect
to get the grace of God by singing psalms on Sunday, whatever rascality
they practice during the week. In the modern popular drama of
"School,"[108] the only religious figure is a dirty and malicious usher
who appears first reading Hervey's "Meditations," and throws away the
book as soon as he is out of sight of the company. But when Andrew is
found by Frank "perched up like a statue by a range of beehives in an
attitude of devout contemplation, with one eye watching the motions of
the little irritable citizens, and the other fixed on a book of
devotion," you will please observe, suspicious reader, that the devout
gardener has no expectation whatever of Frank's approach, nor has he any
design upon him, nor is he reading or attitudinizing for effect of any
kind on any person. He is following his own ordinary customs, and his
book of devotion has been already so well used that "much attrition had
deprived it of its corners, and worn it into an oval shape"; its
attractiveness to Andrew being twofold--the first, that it contains
doctrine to his mind; the second, that such sound doctrine is set forth
under figures properly belonging to his craft. "I was e'en taking a
spell o' worthy Mess John Quackleben's 'Flower of a Sweet Savour sown on
the Middenstead of this World'" (note in passing Scott's easy, instant,
exquisite invention of the name of author and title of book); and it is
a question of very curious interest how far these sweet "spells" in
Quackleben, and the like religious exercises of a nature compatible with
worldly business (compare Luckie Macleary, "with eyes employed on
Boston's 'Crook in the Lot,' while her ideas were engaged in summing up
the reckoning"--Waverley, i. 112)--do indeed modify in Scotland the
national character for the better or the worse; or, not materially
altering, do at least solemnize and confirm it in what good it may be
capable of. My own Scottish nurse described in "Fors Clavigera" for
April, 1873, would, I doubt not, have been as faithful and affectionate
without her little library of Puritan theology; nor were her minor
faults, so far as I could see, abated by its exhortations; but I cannot
but believe that her uncomplaining endurance of most painful disease,
and steadiness of temper under not unfrequent misapprehension by those
whom she best loved and served, were in great degree aided by so much of
Christian faith and hope as she had succeeded in obtaining, with little
talk about it.
123. I knew however in my earlier days a right old Covenanter in my
Scottish aunt's house, of whom, with Mause Hedrigg and David Deans, I
may be able perhaps to speak further in my next paper.[109] But I can
only now write carefully of what bears on my immediate work: and must
ask the reader's indulgence for the hasty throwing together of materials
intended, before my illness last spring, to have been far more
thoroughly handled. The friends who are fearful for my reputation as an
"écrivain" will perhaps kindly recollect that a sentence of "Modern
Painters" was often written four or five times over in my own hand, and
tried in every word for perhaps an hour--perhaps a forenoon--before it
was passed for the printer. I rarely now fix my mind on a sentence, or a
thought, for five minutes in the quiet of morning, but a telegram comes
announcing that somebody or other will do themselves the pleasure of
calling at eleven o'clock, and that there's two shillings to pay.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 98: October 1881.]
[Footnote 99: "Jean François Millet." Twenty Etching's and Woodcuts
reproduced in Facsimile, and Biographical Notice by William Ernest
Henley. London, 1881.]
[Footnote 100: I am sorry to find that my former allusion to the boating
expedition in this novel has been misconstrued by a young authoress of
promise into disparagement of her own work; not supposing it possible
that I could only have been forced to look at George Eliot's by a
friend's imperfect account of it.]
[Footnote 101: I am ashamed to exemplify the miserable work of "review"
by mangling and mumbling this noble closing chapter of the "Monastery,"
but I cannot show the web of work without unweaving it.]
[Footnote 102: With ludicrously fatal retouch in the later edition "was
deprived of" his sword.]
[Footnote 103: Again I am obliged, by review necessity, to omit half the
points of the scene.]
[Footnote 104: I must deeply and earnestly express my thanks to my
friend Mr. Hale White for his vindication of Goethe's real opinion of
Byron from the mangled representation of it by Mr. Matthew Arnold
(_Contemporary Review_, August, 1881).]
[Footnote 105: "Reirde, rerde, Anglo-Saxon reord, lingua, sermo, clamor,
shouting" (Douglas glossary). No Scottish sentence in the Scott novels
should be passed without examining every word in it, his dialect, as
already noticed, being always pure and classic in the highest degree,
and his meaning always the fuller, the further it is traced.]
[Footnote 106: The reader must observe that in quoting Scott for
illustration of particular points I am obliged sometimes to alter the
succession and omit much of the context of the pieces I want, for Scott
never lets you see his hand, nor get at his points without remembering
and comparing far-away pieces carefully. To collect the evidence of any
one phase of character, is like pulling up the detached roots of a
creeper.]
[Footnote 107: Note the "wee business of my ain," i. 213.]
[Footnote 108: Its "hero" is a tall youth with handsome calves to his
legs, who shoots a bull with a fowling-piece, eats a large lunch, thinks
it witty to call Othello a "nigger," and, having nothing to live on, and
being capable of doing nothing for his living, establishes himself in
lunches and cigars forever, by marrying a girl with a fortune. The
heroine is an amiable governess, who, for the general encouragement of
virtue in governesses, is rewarded by marrying a lord.]
[Footnote 109: The present paper was, however, the last.--ED.]
FAIRY STORIES.[110]
124. Long since, longer ago than the opening of some fairy tales, I was
asked by the publisher who has been rash enough, at my request, to
reprint these my favorite old stories in their earliest English form, to
set down for him my reasons for preferring them to the more polished
legends, moral and satiric, which are now, with rich adornment of every
page by very admirable art, presented to the acceptance of the Nursery.
But it seemed to me to matter so little to the majestic independence of
the child-public, who, beside themselves, liked, or who disliked, what
they pronounced entertaining, that it is only on strict claims of a
promise unwarily given that I venture on the impertinence of eulogy; and
my reluctance is the greater, because there is in fact nothing very
notable in these tales, unless it be their freedom from faults which for
some time have been held to be quite the reverse of faults by the
majority of readers.
125. In the best stories recently written for the young, there is a
taint which it is not easy to define, but which inevitably follows on
the author's addressing himself to children bred in schoolrooms and
drawing-rooms, instead of fields and woods--children whose favorite
amusements are premature imitations of the vanities of elder people, and
whose conceptions of beauty are dependent partly on costliness of dress.
The fairies who interfere in the fortunes of these little ones are apt
to be resplendent chiefly in millinery and satin slippers, and appalling
more by their airs than their enchantments.
The fine satire which, gleaming through every playful word, renders some
of these recent stories as attractive to the old as to the young, seems
to me no less to unfit them for their proper function. Children should
laugh, but not mock; and when they laugh, it should not be at the
weaknesses and the faults of others. They should be taught, as far as
they are permitted to concern themselves with the characters of those
around them, to seek faithfully for good, not to lie in wait maliciously
to make themselves merry with evil: they should be too painfully
sensitive to wrong to smile at it; and too modest to constitute
themselves its judges.
126. With these minor errors a far graver one is involved. As the
simplicity of the sense of beauty has been lost in recent tales for
children, so also the simplicity of their conception of love. That word
which, in the heart of a child, should represent the most constant and
vital part of its being; which ought to be the sign of the most solemn
thoughts that inform its awakening soul and, in one wide mystery of pure
sunrise, should flood the zenith of its heaven, and gleam on the dew at
its feet; this word, which should be consecrated on its lips, together
with the Name which it may not take in vain, and whose meaning should
soften and animate every emotion through which the inferior things and
the feeble creatures, set beneath it in its narrow world, are revealed
to its curiosity or companionship; this word, in modern child-story, is
too often restrained and darkened into the hieroglyph of an evil
mystery, troubling the sweet peace of youth with premature gleams of
uncomprehended passion, and flitting shadows of unrecognized sin.
These great faults in the spirit of recent child-fiction are connected
with a parallel folly of purpose. Parents who are too indolent and
self-indulgent to form their children's characters by wholesome
discipline, or in their own habits and principles of life are conscious
of setting before them no faultless example, vainly endeavor to
substitute the persuasive influence of moral precept, intruded in the
guise of amusement, for the strength of moral habit compelled by
righteous authority:--vainly think to inform the heart of infancy with
deliberative wisdom, while they abdicate the guardianship of its
unquestioning innocence; and warp into the agonies of an immature
philosophy of conscience the once fearless strength of its unsullied and
unhesitating virtue.
127. A child should not need to choose between right and wrong. It
should not be capable of wrong; it should not conceive of wrong.
Obedient, as bark to helm, not by sudden strain or effort, but in the
freedom of its bright course of constant life; true, with an
undistinguished, praiseless, unboastful truth, in a crystalline
household world of truth; gentle, through daily entreatings of
gentleness, and honorable trusts, and pretty prides of child-fellowship
in offices of good; strong, not in bitter and doubtful contest with
temptation, but in peace of heart, and armor of habitual right, from
which temptation falls like thawing hail; self-commanding, not in sick
restraint of mean appetites and covetous thoughts, but in vital joy of
unluxurious life, and contentment in narrow possession, wisely esteemed.
Children so trained have no need of moral fairy tales; but they will
find in the apparently vain and fitful courses of any tradition of old
time, honestly delivered to them, a teaching for which no other can be
substituted, and of which the power cannot be measured; animating for
them the material world with inextinguishable life, fortifying them
against the glacial cold of selfish science, and preparing them
submissively, and with no bitterness of astonishment, to behold, in
later years, the mystery--divinely appointed to remain such to all human
thought--of the fates that happen alike to the evil and the good.
128. And the effect of the endeavor to make stories moral upon the
literary merit of the work itself, is as harmful as the motive of the
effort is false. For every fairy tale worth recording at all is the
remnant of a tradition possessing true historical value;--historical, at
least in so far as it has naturally arisen out of the mind of a people
under special circumstances, and risen not without meaning, nor removed
altogether from their sphere of religious faith. It sustains afterwards
natural changes from the sincere action of the fear or fancy of
successive generations; it takes new color from their manner of life,
and new form from their changing moral tempers. As long as these changes
are natural and effortless, accidental and inevitable, the story remains
essentially true, altering its form, indeed, like a flying cloud, but
remaining a sign of the sky; a shadowy image, as truly a part of the
great firmament of the human mind as the light of reason which it seems
to interrupt. But the fair deceit and innocent error of it cannot be
interpreted nor restrained by a willful purpose, and all additions to it
by act do but defile, as the shepherd disturbs the flakes of morning
mist with smoke from his fire of dead leaves.
129. There is also a deeper collateral mischief in this indulgence of
licentious change and retouching of stories to suit particular tastes,
or inculcate favorite doctrines. It directly destroys the child's power
of rendering any such belief as it would otherwise have been in his
nature to give to an imaginative vision. How far it is expedient to
occupy his mind with ideal forms at all may be questionable to many,
though not to me; but it is quite beyond question that if we do allow of
the fictitious representation, that representation should be calm and
complete, possessed to the full, and read down its utmost depth. The
little reader's attention should never be confused or disturbed, whether
he is possessing himself of fairy tale or history. Let him know his
fairy tale accurately, and have perfect joy or awe in the conception of
it as if it were real; thus he will always be exercising his power of
grasping realities: but a confused, careless, or discrediting tenure of
the fiction will lead to as confused and careless reading of fact. Let
the circumstances of both be strictly perceived and long dwelt upon, and
let the child's own mind develop fruit of thought from both. It is of
the greatest importance early to secure this habit of contemplation, and
therefore it is a grave error, either to multiply unnecessarily, or to
illustrate with extravagant richness, the incidents presented to the
imagination. It should multiply and illustrate them for itself; and, if
the intellect is of any real value, there will be a mystery and
wonderfulness in its own dreams which would only be thwarted by external
illustration. Yet I do not bring forward the text or the etchings in
this volume as examples of what either ought to be in works of the kind:
they are in many respects common, imperfect, vulgar; but their vulgarity
is of a wholesome and harmless kind. It is not, for instance, graceful
English, to say that a thought "popped into Catherine's head"; but it
nevertheless is far better, as an initiation into literary style, that a
child should be told this than that "a subject attracted Catherine's
attention." And in genuine forms of minor tradition, a rude and more or
less illiterate tone will always be discernible; for all the best fairy
tales have owed their birth, and the greater part of their power, to
narrowness of social circumstances; they belonged properly to districts
in which walled cities are surrounded by bright and unblemished country,
and in which a healthy and bustling town life, not highly refined, is
relieved by, and contrasted with, the calm enchantment of pastoral and
woodland scenery, either under humble cultivation by peasant masters, or
left in its natural solitude. Under conditions of this kind the
imagination is enough excited to invent instinctively (and rejoice in
the invention of) spiritual forms of wildness and beauty, while yet it
is restrained and made cheerful by the familiar accidents and relations
of town life, mingling always in its fancy humorous and vulgar
circumstances with pathetic ones, and never so much impressed with its
supernatural fantasies as to be in danger of retaining them as any part
of its religious faith. The good spirit descends gradually from an
angel into a fairy, and the demon shrinks into a playful grotesque of
diminutive malevolence, while yet both keep an accredited and vital
influence upon the character and mind. But the language in which such
ideas will be usually clothed, must necessarily partake of their
narrowness; and art is systematically incognizant of them, having only
strength under the conditions which awake them to express itself in an
irregular and gross grotesque, fit only for external architectural
decoration.
130. The illustrations of this volume are almost the only exceptions I
know to the general rule. They are of quite sterling and admirable art,
in a class precisely parallel in elevation to the character of the tales
which they illustrate; and the original etchings, as I have before said
in the Appendix to my "Elements of Drawing," were quite unrivaled in
masterfulness of touch since Rembrandt (in some qualities of delineation
unrivaled even by him). These copies have been so carefully executed,
that at first I was deceived by them, and supposed them to be late
impressions from the plates (and what is more, I believe the master
himself was deceived by them, and supposed them to be his own); and
although on careful comparison with the first proofs they will be found
no exception to the terrible law that literal repetition of entirely
fine work shall be, even to the hand that produced it,--much more to any
other,--forever impossible, they still represent, with sufficient
fidelity to be in the highest degree instructive, the harmonious light
and shade, the manly simplicity of execution, and the easy, unincumbered
fancy, of designs which belonged to the best period of Cruikshank's
genius. To make somewhat enlarged copies of them, looking at them
through a magnifying glass, and never putting two lines where Cruikshank
has put only one, would be an exercise in decision and severe drawing
which would leave afterwards little to be learnt in schools, I would
gladly also say much in their praise as imaginative designs; but the
power of genuine imaginative work, and its difference from that which is
compounded and patched together from borrowed sources, is of all
qualities of art the most difficult to explain; and I must be content
with the simple assertions of it.
And so I trust the good old book, and the honest work that adorns it, to
such favor as they may find with children of open hearts and lowly
lives.
DENMARK HILL, _Easter_, 1868.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 110: This paper forms the introduction to a volume entitled
"German Popular Stories, with Illustrations after the original designs
of George Cruikshank, edited by Edgar Taylor, with Introduction by John
Ruskin, M.A." London: Chatto and Windus, 1868. The book is a reprint of
Mr. Edgar Taylor's original (1823) selections of the "Hausmärchen," or
"German Popular Stories" of the Brothers Grimm. The original selections
were in two octavo volumes; the reprint in one of smaller size, it being
(the publisher states in his preface) "Mr. Ruskin's wish that the new
edition should appeal to young readers rather than to adults."--ED.]
* * * * *
ECONOMY.
HOME, AND ITS ECONOMIES.
(_Contemporary Review, May_ 1873.)
USURY. A REPLY AND A REJOINDER.
(_Contemporary Review, February_ 1880.)
USURY. A PREFACE.
(_Pamphlet_, 1885.)
* * * * *
HOME, AND ITS ECONOMIES.[111]
131. In the March number of the _Contemporary Review_ appeared two
papers,[112] by writers of reputation, which I cannot but hope their
authors will perceive upon reflection to have involved errors only the
more grave in that they have become, of late, in the minds of nearly all
public men, facile and familiar. I have, therefore, requested the
editor's permission to offer some reply to both of these essays, their
subjects being intimately connected.
The first of which I speak was Mr. Herbert Spencer's, which appeared
under the title of "The Bias of Patriotism." But the real subject of the
paper (discussed in its special extent, with singular care and equity)
was only the bias of National vanity; and the debate was opened by this
very curious sentence,--"Patriotism is nationally, that which Egoism is
individually."
Mr. Spencer would not, I think, himself accept this statement, if put
into the clear form, "What is Egoism in one man, is Patriotism in two or
more, and the vice of an individual, the virtue of a multitude."[113]
But it is strange,--however strictly Mr. Spencer may of late have
confined his attention to metaphysical or scientific subjects,
disregarding the language of historical or imaginative literature--it
is strange, I repeat, that so careful a student should be unaware that
the term "patriotism" cannot, in classical usage, be extended to the
action of a multitude. No writer of authority ever speaks of a nation as
having felt, or acted, patriotically. Patriotism is, by definition, a
virtue of individuals; and so far from being in those individuals a mode
of egoism, it is precisely in the sacrifice of their egoism that it
consists. It is the temper of mind which determines them to defer their
own interests to those of their country.
132. Supposing it possible for any parallel sentiment to animate a
nation as one body, it could have reference only to the position it held
among other families of the world. The name of the emotion would then be
properly "Cosmism," and would signify the resolution of such a people to
sacrifice its own special interests to those of Mankind. Cosmism
hitherto has indeed generally asserted itself only in the desire of the
Cosmic nation that all others should adopt its theological opinions, and
permit it to adopt their personal property; but Patriotism has truly
existed, and even as a dominant feeling, in the minds of many persons
who have been greatly influential on the fates of their races, and that
one of our leading philosophers should be unconscious of the nature of
this sentiment, and ignorant of its political power, is to be noted as
painfully characteristic of the present state of England itself.
It does not indeed follow that a feeling of which we are unaware is
necessarily extinguished in us; and the faculties of perception and
analysis are always so paralyzed by the lingual ingenuities of logic
that it is impossible to say, of any professed logician, whether he may
not yet be acting under the real force of ideas of which he has lost
both the consciousness and conception. No man who has once entangled
himself in what Mr. Spencer defines, farther on, as the "science of the
relations implied by the conclusions, exclusions, and overlappings of
classes," can be expected during the rest of his life to perceive more
of any one thing than that it is included, excluded, or overlapped by
something else; which is in itself a sufficiently confused state of
mind, and especially harmful in that it permits us to avoid considering
whether our intellectual linen is itself clean, while we concern
ourselves only to ascertain whether it is included, excluded, or
overlapped by our coat collar. But it is a grave phenomenon of the time
that patriotism--of all others--should be the sentiment which an English
logician is not only unable to define, but attempts to define as its
precise contrary. In every epoch of decline, men even of high
intellectual energy have been swept down in the diluvium of public life,
and the crystalline edges of their minds worn away by friction with
blunted ones; but I had not believed that the whole weight of the
depraved mob of modern England, though they have become incapable alike
of fidelity to their own country, and alliance with any other, could so
far have perplexed one of our exactest students as to make him confuse
heroism with conceit, and the loves of country and of home with the
iniquities of selfishness. Can it be only a quarter of a century since
the Last Minstrel died--and have we already answered his "Lives there a
man?" with the calm assertion that there live no other than such; and
that the "wretch concentered all in self "is the "Patriot" of our
generation?
133. Be it so. Let it even be admitted that egoism is the only power
conceivable by a modern metaphysician to be the spring of mental energy;
just as chemical excitement may be the only power traceable by the
modern physician as the source of muscular energy. And still Mr.
Spencer's subsequent analysis is inaccurate, and unscholarly. For egoism
does not necessarily imply either misapprehension or mismeasurement.
There are modes of the love of our country which are definitely selfish,
as a cat's of the hearthrug, yet entirely balanced and calm in judicial
faculty; passions which determine conduct, but have no influence on
opinion. For instance, I have bought for my own exclusive gratification,
the cottage in which I am writing, near the lake-beach on which I used
to play when I was seven years old. Were I a public-spirited scientific
person, or a benevolently pious one, I should doubtless, instead, be
surveying the geographical relations of the Mountains of the Moon, or
translating the Athanasian Creed into Tartar-Chinese. But I hate the
very name of the public, and labor under no oppressive anxiety either
for the advancement of science, or the salvation of mankind. I therefore
prefer amusing myself with the lake-pebbles, of which I know nothing but
that they are pretty; and conversing with people whom I can understand
without pains, and who, so far from needing to be converted, seem to me
on the whole better than myself. This is moral egoism, but it is not
intellectual error. I never form, much less express, any opinion as to
the relative beauties of Yewdale crag and the Mountains of the Moon; nor
do I please myself by contemplating, in any exaggerated light, the
spiritual advantages which I possess in my familiarity with the
Thirty-nine Articles. I know the height of my neighboring mountains to a
foot; and the extent of my real possessions, theological and material,
to an article. Patriotic egoism attaches me to the one; personal egoism
satisfies me in the other; and the calm selfishness with which Nature
has blessed all her unphilosophical creatures, blinds me to the
attractions--as to the faults--of things with which I have no concern,
and saves me at once from the folly of contempt, and the discomfort of
envy. I might have written, as accurately, "The discomfort of contempt";
for indeed the forms of petulant rivalry and self-assertion which Mr.
Spencer assumes to be developments of egoism, are merely its diseases;
(taking the word "disease" in its most literal meaning). A man of sense
is more an egoist in modesty than a blockhead is in boasting; and it is
neither pride nor self-respect, but only ignorance and ill-breeding,
that either disguise the facts of life, or violate its courtesies.
134. It will not, I trust, be thought violation of courtesy to a writer
of Mr. Spencer's extending influence, if I urge on his attention the
danger under which metaphysicians are always placed of supposing that
the investigation of the processes of thought will enable them to
distinguish its forms. 'As well might the chemist, who had exhaustively
examined the conditions of vitreous fusion, imagine himself therefore
qualified to number or class the vases bent by the breath of Venice. Mr.
Spencer has determined, I believe, to the satisfaction of his readers,
in what manner thoughts and feelings are constructed; it is time for him
now to observe the results of the construction, whether native to his
own mind, or discoverable in other intellectual territories. Patriotism
is, however, perhaps the last emotion he can now conveniently study in
England, for the temper which crowns the joy of life with the sweetness
and decorum of death can scarcely be manifested clearly in a country
which is fast rendering herself one whose peace is pollution, and whose
battle, crime; within whose confines it is loathsome to live, and in
whose cause it is disgraceful to die.
135. The chief causes of her degradation were defended, with delicate
apology, in the second paper to which I have above referred; the
modification by Mr. W. R. Greg of a letter which he had addressed, on
the subject of luxurious expenditure and its economical results, to the
_Pall Mall Gazette_; and which Mr. Greg states to have given rise in
that journal to a controversy in which four or five combatants took
part, the looseness of whose notions induced him to express his own more
coherent ones in the _Contemporary Review_.[114]
I am sorry to find that Mr. Greg looked upon my own poor part in that
correspondence as controversial. I merely asked him a question which he
declared to be insidious and irrelevant (not considering that if it were
the one, it could not be the other), and I stated a few facts respecting
which no controversy was possible, and which Mr. Greg, in his own terms,
"sedulously abstained" from noticing.
But Mr. Greg felt my question to be insidious because it made him partly
conscious that he had only examined one half of the subject he was
discussing, and even that half without precision.
Mr. Goldwin Smith had spoken of a rich man as consuming the means of
living of the poor. Mr. Greg, in reply, pointed out how beneficially the
rich man spent what he had got. Upon which I ventured to inquire "how he
got it"; which is indeed precisely the first of all questions to be
asked when the economical relations of any man with his neighbor are to
be examined.
Dick Turpin is blamed--suppose--by some plain-minded person for
consuming the means of other people's living. "Nay," says Dick to the
plain-minded person, "observe how beneficently and pleasantly I spend
whatever I get!"
"Yes, Dick," persists the plain-minded person; "but how do you get it?"
"The question," says Dick, "is insidious and irrelevant."
Do not let it be supposed that I mean to assert any irregularity or
impropriety in Dick's profession--I merely assert the necessity for Mr.
Greg's examination, if he would be master of his subject, of the manner
of Gain in every case, as well as the manner of Expenditure. Such
accounts must always be accurately rendered in a well-regulated society.
136. "Le lieutenant adressa la parole au capitaine, et lui dit
qu'il venait d'enlever ces mannequins, remplis de sucre, de
cannelle, d'amandes, et de raisins sees, à un épicier de Bénavente.
Après qu'il eut rendu compte de son expédition au bureau, les
dépouilles de l'épicier furent portées dans l'office. Alors il ne
fut plus question que de se réjouir; je débutai par le buffet, que
je parai de plusieurs bouteilles de ce bon vin que le Seigneur
Rolando m'avoit vanté."
Mr. Greg strictly confines himself to an examination of the benefits
conferred on the public by this so agreeable festivity; but he must not
be surprised or indignant that some inquiry should be made as to the
resulting condition of the épicier de Bénavente.
And it is all the more necessary that such inquiry be instituted when
the captain of the expedition is a minion, not of the moon, but of the
sun; and dazzling, therefore, to all beholders. "It is heaven which
dictates what I ought to do upon this occasion,"[115] says Henry of
Navarre; "my retreat out of this city,[116] before I have made myself
master of it, will be the retreat of my soul out of my body."
"Accordingly all the quarter which still held out, we forced," says M.
de Rosny, "after which the inhabitants, finding themselves no longer
able to resist, laid down their arms, and the city was given up to
plunder. My good fortune threw a small iron chest in my way, in which I
found about four thousand gold crowns."
I cannot doubt that the Baron's expenditure of this sum would be in the
highest degree advantageous to France and to the Protestant religion.
But complete economical science must study the effect of its abstraction
on the immediate prosperity of the town of Cahors; and even beyond
this--the mode of its former acquisition by the town itself, which
perhaps, in the economies of the nether world, may have delegated some
of its citizens to the seventh circle.[117]
137. And the most curious points in the partiality of modern economical
science are that while it always waives this question of ways and means
with respect to rich persons, it studiously pushes it in the case of
poor ones; and while it asserts the consumption of such an article of
luxury as wine (to take that which Mr. Greg himself instances) to be
economically expedient, when the wine is drunk by persons who are not
thirsty, it asserts the same consumption to be altogether inexpedient,
when the privilege is extended to those who are. Thus Mr. Greg
dismisses, in one place, with compassionate disdain, the extremely
vulgar notion "that a man who drinks a bottle of champagne worth five
shillings, while his neighbor is in want of actual food, is in some way
wronging his neighbor"; and yet Mr. Greg himself, elsewhere,[118]
evidently remains under the equally vulgar impression that the
twenty-four millions of such thirstier persons who spend fifteen per
cent of their incomes in drink and tobacco, are wronging their neighbors
by that expenditure.
138. It cannot, surely, be the difference in degree of refinement
between malt liquor and champagne which causes Mr. Greg's undefined
sensation of moral delinquency and economical error in the one case, and
of none in the other; if that be all, I can relieve him from his
embarrassment by putting the cases in more parallel form. A clergyman
writes to me, in distress of mind, because the able-bodied laborers who
come begging to him in winter, drink port wine out of buckets in summer.
Of course Mr. Greg's logical mind will at once admit (as a consequence
of his own very just _argumentum ad hominem_ in a previous page[119])
that the consumption of port wine out of buckets must be as much a
benefit to society in general as the consumption of champagne out of
bottles; and yet, curiously enough, I am certain he will feel my
question, "Where does the drinker get the means for his drinking?" more
relevant in the case of the imbibers of port than in that of the
imbibers of champagne. And although Mr. Greg proceeds, with that lofty
contempt for the dictates of nature and Christianity which radical
economists cannot but feel, to observe that "while the natural man and
the Christian would have the champagne drinker forego his bottle, and
give the value of it to the famishing wretch beside him, the radical
economist would condemn such behavior as distinctly criminal and
pernicious," he would scarcely, I think, carry out with the same
triumphant confidence the conclusions of the unnatural man and the
anti-christian, with respect to the laborer as well as the idler; and
declare that while the extremely simple persons who still believe in the
laws of nature, and the mercy of God, would have the port-drinker forego
his bucket, and give the value of it to the famishing wife and child
beside him, "the radical economist would condemn such behavior as
distinctly criminal and pernicious."
Mr. Greg has it indeed in his power to reply that it is proper to
economize for the sake of one's own wife and children, but not for the
sake of anybody else's. But since, according to another exponent of the
principles of Radical Economy, in the _Cornhill Magazine_,[120] a
well-conducted agricultural laborer must not marry till he is
forty-five, his economies, if any, in early life, must be as offensive
to Mr. Greg on the score of their abstract humanity, as those of the
richest bachelor about town.
139. There is another short sentence in this same page, of which it is
difficult to overrate the accidental significance.
"The superficial observer," says Mr. Greg, "recollects a text which he
heard in his youth, but of which he never considered the precise
applicability--'He that hath two coats, let him impart to him that hath
none.'"
The assumptions that no educated Englishman can ever have heard that
text except in his youth, and that those who are old enough to remember
having heard it, "never considered its precise applicability," are
surely rash, in the treatment of a scientific subject. I can assure Mr.
Greg that a few gray-headed votaries of the creed of Christendom still
read--though perhaps under their breath--the words which early
associations have made precious to them; and that in the bygone days,
when that Sermon on the Mount was still listened to with respect by many
not illiterate persons, its meaning was not only considered, but very
deliberately acted upon. Even the readers of the _Contemporary Review_
may perhaps have some pleasure in retreating from the sunshine of
contemporary science, for a few quiet moments, into the shadows of that
of the past, and hearing in the following extracts from two letters of
Scott's (the first describing the manner of life of his mother, whose
death it announces to a friend, the second, anticipating the verdict of
the future on the management of his estate by a Scottish nobleman) what
relations between rich and poor were possible, when philosophers had not
yet even lisped in the sweet numbers of Radical Sociology.
* * * * *
140. "She was a strict economist, which she said, enabled her to be
liberal; out of her little income of about £300 a year she bestowed at
least a third in well-chosen charities, and with the rest, lived like a
gentlewoman, and even with hospitality more general than seemed to suit
her age; yet I could never prevail on her to accept of any assistance.
You cannot conceive how affecting it was to me to see the little
preparations of presents which she had assorted for the New Year, for
she was a great observer of the old fashions of her period--and to think
that the kind heart was cold which delighted in all these arts of kindly
affection."
141. "The Duke is one of those retired and high-spirited men who will
never be known until the world asks what became of the huge oak that
grew on the brow of the hill, and sheltered such an extent of ground.
During the late distress, though his own immense rents remained in
arrears, and though I know he was pinched for money, as all men were,
but more especially the possessors of entailed estates, he absented
himself from London in order to pay, with ease to himself, the laborers
employed on his various estates. These amounted (for I have often seen
the roll and helped to check it) to nine hundred and fifty men, working
at day wages, each of whom on a moderate average might maintain three
persons, since the single men have mothers, sisters, and aged or very
young relations to protect and assist. Indeed it is wonderful how much
even a small sum, comparatively, will do in supporting the Scottish
laborer, who in his natural state is perhaps one of the best, most
intelligent, and kind-hearted of human beings; and in truth I have
limited my other habits of expense very much since I fell into the habit
of employing mine honest people. I wish you could have seen about a
hundred children, being almost entirely supported by their fathers' or
brothers' labor, come down yesterday to dance to the pipes, and get a
piece of cake and bannock, and pence apiece (no very deadly largess) in
honor of hogmanay. I declare to you, my dear friend, that when I thought
the poor fellows, who kept these children so neat, and well taught, and
well behaved, were slaving the whole day for eighteen pence or twenty
pence at most, I was ashamed of their gratitude, and of their becks and
bows. But after all, one does what one can, and it is better twenty
families should be comfortable according to their wishes and habits,
than that half that number should be raised above their situation."
* * * * *
142. I must pray Mr. Greg farther to observe, if he has condescended to
glance at these remains of almost prehistoric thought, that although the
modern philosopher will never have reason to blush for any man's
gratitude, and has totally abandoned the romantic idea of making even so
much as one family comfortable according to their wishes and habits, the
alternative suggested by Scott, that half "the number should be raised
above their situation" may become a very inconvenient one if the
doctrines of Modern Equality and competition should render the other
half desirous of parallel promotion.
143. It is now just sixteen years since Mr. Greg's present philosophy of
Expenditure was expressed with great precision by the Common Councilmen
of New York, in their report on the commercial crisis of 1857, in the
following terms:--[121]
"Another erroneous idea is that luxurious living, extravagant
dressing, splendid turn-outs and fine houses, are the cause of
distress to a nation, No more erroneous impression could exist.
Every extravagance that the man of 100.000 or 1,000,000 dollars
indulges in, adds to the means, the support, the wealth of ten or a
hundred who had little or nothing else but their labor, their
intellect, or their taste. If a man of 1,000,000 dollars spends
principal and interest in ten years, and finds himself beggared at
the end of that time, he has actually made a hundred who have
catered to his extravagance, employers or employed, so much richer
by the division of his wealth. He may be ruined, but the nation is
better off and richer, for one hundred minds and hands, with 10,000
dollars apiece, are far more productive than one with the whole."
Now that is precisely the view also taken of the matter by a large
number of Radical Economists in England as well as America; only they
feel that the time, however short, which the rich gentleman takes to
divide his property among them in his own way, is practically wasted;
and even worse, because the methods which the gentleman himself is
likely to adopt for the depression of his fortune will not, in all
probability, be conducive to the elevation of his character. It appears,
therefore, on moral as well as economical grounds, desirable that the
division and distribution should at once be summarily effected; and the
only point still open to discussion in the views of the Common
Councilmen is to what degree of minuteness they would think it advisable
to carry the subsequent subdivision.
144. I do not suppose, however, that this is the conclusion which Mr.
Greg is desirous that the general Anti-Christian public should adopt;
and in that case, as I see by his paper in the last number of the
_Contemporary_,[122] that he considers the Christian life itself
virtually impossible, may I recommend his examination of the manners of
the Pre-Christian? For I can certify him that this important subject,
of which he has only himself imperfectly investigated one side, had been
thoroughly investigated on all sides, at least seven hundred years
before Christ; and from that day to this, all men of wit, sense, and
feeling have held precisely the same views on the subjects of economy
and charity, in all nations under the sun. It is of no consequence
whether Mr. Greg chooses the experience of Boeotia, Lombardy, or
Yorkshire, nor whether he studies the relation of work to-day or under
Hesiod, Virgil, or Sydney Smith. But it is desirable that at least he
should acquaint himself with the opinions of some such persons, as well
as with those of the Common Councilmen of New York; for though a man of
superior sagacity may be pardoned for thinking, with the friends of Job,
that Wisdom will die with him, it can only be through neglect of the
existing opportunities of general culture that he remains distinctly
under the impression that she was born with him.
145. It may perhaps be well that in conclusion, I should state briefly
the causes and terms of the economical crisis of our own day, which has
been the subject of the debate between Mr. Goldwin Smith and Mr. Greg.
No man ever became, or can become, largely rich merely by labor and
economy.[123] All large fortunes (putting treasure-trove and gambling
out of consideration) are founded either on occupation of land, usury,
or taxation of labor. Whether openly or occultly, the landlord,
money-lender, and capitalist employer, gather into their possession a
certain quantity of the means of existence which other people produce by
the labor of their hands. The effect of this impost upon the condition
of life of the tenant, borrower, and workman, is the first point to be
studied;--the results, that is to say, of the mode in which Captain
Roland fills his purse.
Secondly, we have to study the effects of the mode in which Captain
Roland empties his purse. The landlord, usurer, or labor-master, does
not, and cannot, himself consume all the means of life he collects. He
gives them to other persons, whom he employs for his own behoof--growers
of champagne, jockeys, footmen, jewelers, builders, painters, musicians,
and the like. The division of the labor of these persons from the
production of food to the production of articles of luxury is very
frequently, and at the present day, very grievously the cause of famine.
But when the luxuries are produced, it becomes a quite separate question
who is to have them, and whether the landlord and capitalist are
entirely to monopolize the music, the painting, the architecture, the
hand-service, the horse-service, and the sparkling champagne of the
world.
146. And it is gradually, in these days, becoming manifest to the
tenants, borrowers, and laborers, that instead of paying these large
sums into the hands of the landlords, lenders, and employers, for them
to purchase music, painting, etc., with, the tenants, borrowers, and
workers had better buy a little music and painting for themselves. That,
for instance, instead of the capitalist-employer paying three hundred
pounds for a full-length portrait of himself, in the attitude of
investing his capital, the united workmen had better themselves pay the
three hundred pounds into the hands of the ingenious artist, for a
painting in the antiquated manner of Leonardo or Raphael, of some
subject more religiously or historically interesting to them; and placed
where they can always see it. And again instead of paying three hundred
pounds to the obliging landlord, for him to buy a box at the opera with,
whence to study the refinements of music and dancing, the tenants are
beginning to think that they may as well keep their rents to themselves,
and therewith pay some Wandering Willie to fiddle at their own doors, or
bid some gray-haired minstrel
"Tune, to please a peasant's ear,
The harp a king had loved to hear."
And similarly the dwellers in the hut of the field and garret of the
city are beginning to think that instead of paying half a crown for the
loan of half a fire-place, they had better keep their half-crown in
their pockets till they can buy for themselves a whole one.
147. These are the views which are gaining ground among the poor; and it
is entirely vain to endeavor to repress them by equivocations. They are
founded on eternal laws; and although their recognition will long be
refused, and their promulgation, resisted as it will be, partly by
force, partly by falsehood, can only be through incalculable confusion
and misery, recognized they must be eventually; and with these three
ultimate results:--that the usurer's trade will be abolished
utterly,--that the employer will be paid justly for his superintendence
of labor, but not for his capital, and the landlord paid for his
superintendence of the cultivation of land, when he is able to direct it
wisely: that both he, and the employer of mechanical labor, will be
recognized as beloved masters, if they deserve love, and as noble guides
when they are capable of giving discreet guidance; but neither will be
permitted to establish themselves any more as senseless conduits through
which the strength and riches of their native land are to be poured into
the cup of the fornication of its capital.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 111: _Contemporary Review_, May 1873.]
[Footnote 112: These were, first, Mr. Herbert Spencer's "Bias of
Patriotism," being the ninth chapter of his "Study of Sociology," first
published in the _Contemporary Review_; and, secondly, Mr. W. R. Greg's
"What is culpable luxury?" See below, p. 303, § 135.--ED.]
[Footnote 113: I take due note that Mr. Spencer partly means by his
adverbial sentence that Patriotism is individual Egoism, expecting its
own central benefit through the Nation's circumferent benefit, as
through a funnel: but, throughout, Mr. Spencer confuses this sentiment,
which he calls "reflex egoism," with the action of "corporate
conscience."]
[Footnote 114: See the letters on "How the Rich Spend their Money"
(reprinted from the _Pall Mall_) in "Arrows of the Chace," vol. ii.,
where the origin of the discussion is explained.--ED.]
[Footnote 115: I use the current English of Mrs. Lennox's translation,
but Henry's real saying was (see the first--green leaf--edition of
Sully), "It is written above what is to happen to me on every occasion."
"Toute occasion" becomes "cette occasion" in the subsequent editions,
and finally "what is to happen to me" (ce que doit être fait de moi)
becomes "what I ought to do" in the English.]
[Footnote 116: Cahors. See the "Memoirs of the Duke of Sully," Book 1.
(Bohn's 1856 Edition, vol. i., pp. 118-9.)--ED.]
[Footnote 117: Where violence and brutality are punished. See Dante's
"Inferno," Canto xii.--ED.]
[Footnote 118: See the _Contemporary Review_ at pp. 618 and
624.--ED.]
[Footnote 119: Viz.:--That if the expenditure of an income of £30,000 a
year upon luxuries is to rob the poor, so _pro tanto_ is the expenditure
of so much of an income of £300 as is spent on anything beyond "the
simplest necessaries of life."--ED.]
[Footnote 120: Referring to two anonymous articles on "The Agricultural
Laborer," in the _Cornhill Magazine_, vol. 27, Jan. and June 1873, pp.
215 and 307.--ED.]
[Footnote 121: See the Times of November 23rd of that year.]
[Footnote 122: "Is a Christian life feasible in these
days?"--ED.]
[Footnote 123: See _Munera Pulveris_, § 139: "No man can become largely
rich by his personal will.... It is only by the discovery of some method
of taxing the labor of others that he can become opulent." And see also
_Time and Tide_, § 81.--ED.]
USURY.[124]
A REPLY AND A REJOINDER.
148. I have been honored by the receipt of a letter from the Bishop of
Manchester, which, with his Lordship's permission, I have requested the
editor of the _Contemporary Review_ to place before the large circle of
his readers, with a brief accompanying statement of the circumstances by
which the letter has been called forth, and such imperfect reply as it
is in my power without delay to render.
J. RUSKIN.
MANCHESTER, _December_ 8, 1879.
DEAR SIR,--In a letter from yourself to the Rev. F. A.
Malleson,[125] published in the _Contemporary Review_ of the current
month, I observe the following passage:--"I have never yet heard so much
as _one_ (preacher) heartily proclaiming against all those 'deceivers
with vain words,' that no 'covetous person, which is an idolater, hath
_any_ inheritance in the Kingdom of Christ and of God;' and on myself
personally and publicly challenging the Bishops of England generally,
and by name the Bishop of Manchester, to say whether usury was, or was
not, according to the will of God, I have received no answer from any
one of them." I confess, for myself, that until I saw this passage in
print a few days ago, I was unaware of the existence of such challenge,
and therefore I could not answer it. It appears to have been delivered
(A) in No. 82 of a series of letters which, under the title of _Fors
Clavigera_, you have for some time been addressing to the working
classes of England, but which, from the peculiar mode of their
publication, are not easily accessible to the general reader and which I
have only caught a glimpse of, on the library-table of the Athenæum
Club, on the rare occasions when I am able to use my privileges as a
member of that Society. I have no idea why I had the honor of being
specially mentioned by name (B); but I beg to assure you that my silence
did not arise from any discourtesy towards my challenger, nor from that
discretion which, some people may think, is usually the better part of
episcopal valor, and which consists in ignoring inconvenient questions
from a sense of inability to answer them; but simply from the fact that
I was not conscious that your lance had touched my shield.
149. The question you have asked is just one of those to which
Aristotle's wise caution applies: "We must distinguish and define such
words, if we would know how far, and in what sense, the opposite views
are true" (_Eth. Nic._, ix, c. viii. § 3). What do you mean by "usury"?
(C) Do you comprehend under it _any_ payment of money as interest for
the use of borrowed capital? or only exorbitant, inequitable, grinding
interest, such as the money-lender, Fufidius, extorted?
Quinas hic capiti mercedes exsecat, atque
Quanto perditior quisque est, tanto acrius urget:
Nomina sectatur modo sumta veste virili
Sub patribus duris tironum. Maxime, quis non,
Jupiter, exclamat, simul atque audivit?
--_Hor. Sat._ i. 2, 14-18.
Usury, in itself, is a purely neutral word, carrying with it, in its
primary meaning, neither praise nor blame; and a "usurer" is defined in
our dictionaries as "a person accustomed to lend money and take interest
for it"--which is the ordinary function of a banker, without whose
help great commercial undertakings could not be carried out; though it
is obvious how easily the word may pass into a term of reproach, so that
to have been "called a usurer" was one of the bitter memories that
rankled most in Shylock's catalogue of his wrongs.
150. I do not believe that anything has done more harm to the practical
efficacy of religions sanctions than the extravagant attempts that are
frequently made to impose them in cases which they never originally
contemplated, or to read into "ordinances," evidently "imposed for a
time"--[Greek: dikaiômata mechri kairou] (Heb. ix. 10)--a law of
eternal and immutable obligation. Just as we are told (D) not to expect
to find in the Bible a scheme of physical science, so I do not expect to
find there a scheme of political economy. What I do expect to find, in
relation to my duty to my neighbor, are those unalterable principles of
equity, fairness, truthfulness, honesty (E), which are the indispensable
bases of civil society. I am sure I have no need to remind you that,
while a Jew was forbidden by his law to take usury--_i.e._, interest for
the loan of money--from his brother, if he were waxen poor and fallen
into decay with him, and this generous provision was extended even to
strangers and sojourners in the land (Lev. xxv. 35-38), and the
interesting story in Nehemiah (v. 1-13), tells us how this principle was
recognized in the latest days of the commonwealth--still in that old law
there is no denunciation of usury in general, and it was expressly
permitted in the case of ordinary strangers[126] (Deut. xxiii. 20).
It seems to me plain also that our Blessed Lord's precept about
"lending, hoping for nothing again" (Luke vi. 35), has the same, or a
similar, class of circumstances in view, and was intended simply to
govern a Christian man's conduct to the poor and needy, and "such as
have no helper," and cannot, without a violent twist (F), be construed
into a general law determining forever and in all cases the legitimate
use of capital. Indeed, on another occasion, and in a very memorable
parable, the great Founder of Christianity recognizes, and impliedly
sanctions, the practice of lending money at interest. "Thou oughtest,"
says the master, addressing his unprofitable servant, "thou
oughtest"--[Greek: edei se]--"to have put my money to the exchangers;
and then, at my coming, I should have received mine own _with usury_."
151. "St. Paul, no doubt, denounces the covetous." (G) But who is the
[Greek: pleonektês]? Not the man who may happen to have money out on
loan at a fair rate of interest; but, as Liddell and Scott give the
meaning of the word, "one who has or claims _more than his share_;
hence, greedy, grasping, selfish." Of such men, whose affections are
wholly set on things of the earth, and who are not very scrupulous how
they gratify them, it may, perhaps, not improperly be said (H) that they
"have no inheritance in the kingdom of Christ and of God." But here,
again, it would be a manifest "wresting" of the words to make them apply
to a case which we have no proof that the Apostle had in contemplation
when he uttered them. Rapacity, greed of gain, harsh and oppressive
dealing, taking unfair advantage of our own superior knowledge and
another's ignorance, shutting up the bowels of compassion towards a
brother who we see has need--all these and the like things are forbidden
by the very spirit of Christianity, and are manifestly "_not_ according
to the will of God," for they are all of them forms of injustice or
wrong. But money may be lent at interest without one of these bad
passions being brought in to play, and in these cases I confess my
inability to see where, either in terms or in spirit, such use of money
is condemned either by the Christian code of charity, or by that natural
law of conscience which we are told (I) is written on the hearts of men.
152. Let me take two or three simple instances by way of illustration.
The following has happened to myself. All my life through--from the time
when my income was not a tenth part of what it is now--I have felt it a
duty, while endeavoring to discharge all proper claims, to live within
that income, so to adjust my expenditure to it that there should be a
margin on the right side. This margin, of course, accumulated, and
reached in time, say, £1000. Just then, say, the London and
North-Western Railway Company proposed to issue Debenture Stock,
bearing four per cent. interest, for the purpose of extending the
communications, and so increasing the wealth, of the country. Whom in
the world am I injuring--what conceivable wrong am I doing--where or how
am I thwarting "the Will of God"--if I let the Company have my £1000,
and have been receiving from them £40 a year for the use of it ever
since? Unless the money had been forthcoming from some quarter or other,
a work which was absolutely necessary for the prosperity of the nation,
and which finds remunerative employment (K) for an immense number of
Englishmen, enabling them to bring up their families in respectability
and comfort, would never have been accomplished. Will you tell me that
this method of carrying out great commercial enterprises, sanctioned by
experience (L) as the most, if not the only, practicable one, is "not
according to the Will of God"?
153. Take another instance. In Lancashire a large number of cotton mills
have been erected on the joint-stock principle with limited liability.
The thing has been pushed too far probably, and at one time there was a
good deal of unwholesome speculation in floating companies. But that is
not the question before us; and the enterprises gave working men an
opportunity of investing their savings, which was a great stimulus to
thrift, and, so far, an advantage to the country. In a mill, which it
would perhaps cost £50,000 to build and fit with machinery, the
subscribed capital, which would be entitled to a division of profits
after all other demands had been satisfied, would not amount probably to
more than £20,000. The rest would be borrowed at rates of interest
varying according to the conditions of the market. You surely would not
maintain that those who lent their money for such a purpose, and were
content with 5 or 6 per cent, for the use of it, thus enabling, in good
times, the shareholders to realize 20 or 25 per cent, on their
subscribed capital, were doing wrong either to the shareholders or
anyone else, or could in any sense be charged with acting "not according
to the will of God"?
154. Take yet one case more. A farmer asks his landlord to drain his
land. "Gladly," says his squire, "if you will pay me five per cent on
the outlay." In other words, "if you will let me share the increased
profits to this extent." The bargain is agreeable to both sides; the
productiveness of the land is largely increased; who is wronged? Surely
such a transaction could not fairly be described as "not according to
the will of God"; surely, unless the commerce and productive industries
of the country are to be destroyed, and, with the destruction, its
population is to be reduced to what it was in the days of Elizabeth,
these and similar transactions--which can be kept entirely clear of the
sin of covetousness, and rest upon the well-understood basis of mutual
advantage, each and all being gainers by them--are not only legitimate,
but inevitable (M). And now that I have taken up your challenge, and, so
far as my ability goes, answered it, may I, without staying to inquire
how far your charge against the clergy can be substantiated, that they
"generally patronize and encourage all the iniquity of the world by
steadily preaching away the penalties of it" (N), be at least allowed to
demur to your wholesale denunciation of the great cities of the earth,
which you say "have become loathsome centers of fornication and
covetousness, the smoke of their sin going up into the face of Heaven,
like the furnace of Sodom, and the pollution of it rotting and raging
through the bones and souls of the peasant people round them, as if they
were each a volcano, whose ashes brake out in blains upon man and
beast."[127] Surely, Sir, your righteous indignation at evil has caused
you to overcharge your language. No one can have lived in a great city,
as I have for the last ten years, without being aware of its sins and
its pollutions. But unless you can prevent the aggregation of human
beings into great cities, these are evils which must necessarily exist;
at any rate, which always have existed. The great cities of to-day are
not worse than great cities always have been (O). In one capital
respect, I believe they are better. There is an increasing number of
their citizens who are aware of these evils, and who are trying their
best, with the help of God, to remedy them. In Sodom there was but one
righteous man who "vexed his soul" at the unlawful deeds that he
witnessed day by day, on every side; and he, apparently, did no more
than vex his soul. In Manchester, the men and women, of all ranks and
persuasions, who are actively engaging in some Christian or
philanthropic work, to battle against these gigantic evils, are to be
reckoned by hundreds. Nowhere have I seen more conspicuous instances of
Christian effort, and of single-hearted devotion to the highest
interests of mankind. And though, no doubt, if these efforts were better
organized, more might be achieved, and elements, which one could wish
absent, sometimes mingle with and mar the work, still a great city, even
"with the smoke of its sin going up into the face of Heaven," is the
noblest field of the noblest virtues, because it gives the amplest scope
for the most varied exercise of them.
If you will teach us clergy how better to discharge our office as
ministers of a Kingdom of Truth and Righteousness, we shall all owe you
a deep debt of gratitude; which no one will be more forward to
acknowledge than, my dear Sir, yours faithfully and with much respect,
J. MANCHESTER.
JOHN RUSKIN, Esq.
155. The foregoing letter, to which I would fain have given my undivided
and unwearied attention, reached my hands, as will be seen by its date,
only in the close of the year, when my general correspondence always far
overpasses my powers of dealing with it, and my strength--such as now is
left me--had been spent, nearly to lowest ebb, in totally unexpected
business arising out of the threatened mischief at Venice. But I am
content that such fragmentary reply as, under this pressure, has been
possible to me, should close the debate as far as I am myself concerned.
The question at issue is not one of private interpretation; and the
interests concerned are too vast to allow its decision to be long
delayed.
The Bishop will, I trust, not attribute to disrespect the mode of reply
in the form of notes attached to special passages, indicated by
inserted letters, which was adopted in _Fors Clavigera_ in all cases of
important correspondence, as more clearly defining the several points
under debate.
156. (A) "The challenge appears to have been delivered." May I
respectfully express my regret that your lordship should not have read
the letter you have honored me by answering. The number of _Fors_
referred to does not deliver--it only reiterates--the challenge given in
the _Fors_ for January 1st, 1875, with reference to the prayer "Have
mercy upon all Jews, Turks, infidels, and heretics, and so fetch them
home, blessed Lord, to Thy flock, that they may be saved among the
remnant of the true Israelites," in these following terms: "Who _are_
the true Israelites, my Lord of Manchester, on your Exchange? Do they
stretch their cloth, like other people?--have they any underhand
dealings with the liable-to-be-damned false Israelites--Rothschilds and
the like? or are they duly solicitous about those wanderers' souls? and
how often, on the average, do your Manchester clergy preach from the
delicious parable, savoriest of all Scripture to rogues (at least since
the eleventh century, when I find it to have been specially headed with
golden title in my best Greek MS.) of the Pharisee and Publican,--and
how often, on the average, from those objectionable First and Fifteenth
Psalms?"
(B) "I have no idea why I had the honor of being specially mentioned by
name." By diocese, my Lord; not name, please observe; and for this very
simple reason: that I have already fairly accurate knowledge of the
divinity of the old schools of Canterbury, York, and Oxford; but I
looked to your Lordship as the authoritative exponent of the more
advanced divinity of the school of Manchester, with which I am not yet
familiar.
157. (C) "What do you mean by usury?" What _I_ mean by that word, my
Lord, is surely of no consequence to anyone but my few readers, and
fewer disciples. What David and his Son meant by it I have prayed your
Lordship to tell your flock, in the name of the Church which dictates
daily to them the songs of the one, and professes to interpret to them
the commands of the other.
And although I can easily conceive that a Bishop at the court of the
Third Richard might have paused in reply to a too curious layman's
question of what was meant by "Murder"; and can also conceive a Bishop
at the court of the Second Charles hesitating as to the significance of
the word "Adultery"; and farther, in the present climacteric of the
British Constitution, an elder of the Church of Glasgow debating within
himself whether the Commandment which was severely prohibitory of Theft
might not be mildly permissive of Misappropriation;--at no time, nor
under any conditions, can I conceive any question existing as to the
meaning of the words [Greek: tokos], _foenus_; _usura_, or usury: and
I trust that your Lordship will at once acquit me of wishing to attach
any other significance to the word than that which it was to the full
intended to convey on every occasion of its use by Moses, by David, by
Christ, and by the Doctors of the Christian Church, down to the
seventeenth century.
Nor, even since that date, although the commercial phrase "interest" has
been adopted in order to distinguish an open and unoppressive rate of
usury from a surreptitious and tyrannical one, has the debate of
lawfulness or unlawfulness ever turned seriously on that distinction. It
is neither justified by its defenders only in its mildness, nor
condemned by its accusers only in its severity. Usury in any degree is
asserted by the Doctors of the early Church to be sinful, just as theft
and adultery are asserted to be sinful, though neither may have been
accompanied with violence; and although the theft may have been on the
most splendid scale, and the fornication of the most courtly refinement.
So also, in modern days, though the voice of the Bank of England in
Parliament declares a loan without interest to be a monster,[128] and a
loan made below the current rate of interest, a monster in its degree,
the increase of dividends above that current rate is not, as far as I
am aware, shunned by shareholders with an equally religious horror.
158. But--this strange question being asked--I give its simple and broad
answer in the words of Christ: "The taking up that thou layedst not
down;"--or, in explained and literal terms, usury is any money paid, or
other advantage given, for the loan of anything which is restored to its
possessor uninjured and undiminished. For simplest instance, taking a
cabman the other day on a long drive, I lent him a shilling to get his
dinner. If I had kept thirteen pence out of his fare, the odd penny
would have been usury.
Or again. I lent one of my servants, a few years ago, eleven hundred
pounds, to build a house with, and stock its ground. After some years he
paid me the eleven hundred pounds back. If I had taken eleven hundred
pounds and a penny, the extra penny would have been usury.
I do not know whether by the phrase, presently after used by your
Lordship, "religious sanctions," I am to understand the Law of God which
David loved, and Christ fulfilled, or whether the splendor, the
commercial prosperity, and the familiar acquaintance with all the
secrets of science and treasures of art, which we admire in the City of
Manchester, must in your Lordship's view be considered as "cases" which
the intelligence of the Divine Lawgiver could not have originally
contemplated. Without attempting to disguise the narrowness of the
horizon grasped by the glance of the Lord from Sinai, nor the
inconvenience of the commandments which Christ has directed those who
love Him to keep, am I too troublesome or too exigent in asking from one
of those whom the Holy Ghost has made our overseers, at least a distinct
chart of the Old World as contemplated by the Almighty; and a clear
definition of even the inappropriate tenor of the orders of Christ: if
only that the modern scientific Churchman may triumph more securely in
the circumference of his heavenly vision, and accept more gratefully the
glorious liberty of the free-thinking children of God?
159. To take a definite, and not impertinent, instance, I observe in
the continuing portion of your letter that your Lordship recognizes in
Christ Himself, as doubtless all other human perfections, so also the
perfection of an usurer; and that, confidently expecting one day to hear
from His lips the convicting sentence, "Thou knewest that I was an
austere man," your Lordship prepares for yourself, by the disposition of
your capital no less than of your talents, a better answer than the
barren, "Behold, there thou hast that is thine!" I would only observe in
reply, that although the conception of the Good Shepherd, which in your
Lordship's language is "implied" in this parable, may indeed be less
that of one who lays down his life for his sheep, than of one who takes
up his money for them, the passages of our Master's instruction, of
which the meaning is not implicit, but explicit, are perhaps those which
His simpler disciples will be safer in following. Of which I find, early
in His teaching, this, almost, as it were, in words of one syllable:
"Give to him that asketh thee, and from him that would borrow of thee
turn not thou away."
There is nothing more "implied" in this sentence than the probable
disposition to turn away, which might be the first impulse in the mind
of a Christian asked to lend for nothing, as distinguished from the
disciple of the Manchester school, whose principal care is rather to
find, than to avoid, the enthusiastic and enterprising "him that would
borrow of thee." We of the older tradition, my Lord, think that
prudence, no less than charity, forbids the provocation or temptation of
others into the state of debt, which some time or other we might be
called upon, not only to allow the payment of without usury, but even
altogether to forgive.
160. (D) "Just as we are told." Where, my Lord, and by whom? It is
possible that some of the schemers in physical science, of whom, only a
few days since, I heard one of the leading doctors explain to a pleased
audience that serpents once had legs, and had dropped them off in the
process of development, may have advised the modern disciple of progress
of a new meaning in the simple phrase, "upon thy belly shalt thou go";
and that the wisdom of the serpent may henceforth consist, for true
believers of the scientific Gospel, in the providing of meats for that
spiritual organ of motion. It is doubtless also true that we shall look
vainly among the sayings of Solomon for any expression of the opinions
of Mr. John Stuart Mill; but at least this much of Natural science,
enough for our highest need, we may find in the Scriptures--that by the
Word of the Lord were the heavens made, and all the host of them by the
breath of His mouth;--and this much of Political, that the Blessing of
the Lord, _it_ maketh rich--and He addeth no sorrow with it.
(E) "What I do expect to find." Has your Lordship _no_ expectations
loftier than these, from severer scrutiny of the Gospel? As for
instance, of some ordinance of Love, built on the foundation of Honesty?
161. (F) "Cannot without a violent twist." I have never myself found any
person sincerely desirous of obeying the Word of the Lord, who had the
least wish, or occasion, to twist it; nay, even those who study it only
that they may discover methods of pardonable disobedience, recognize the
unturnable edge of its sword--and in the worst extremity of their need,
strive not to avert, but to evade. The utmost deceivableness of
unrighteousness cannot deceive itself into satisfactory
misinterpretation; it is reduced always to a tremulous omission of the
texts it is resolved to disobey. But a little while since, I heard an
entirely well-meaning clergyman, taken by surprise in the course of
family worship in the house of a wealthy friend, and finding himself
under the painful necessity of reading the fifteenth Psalm, omit the
first sentence of the closing verse. I chanced afterwards to have an
opportunity of asking him why he had done so, and received for answer,
that the lowliness of Christian attainment was not yet "up" to that
verse. The harmonies of iniquity are thus curiously perfect:--the
economies of spiritual nourishment approve the same methods of
adulteration which are found profitable in the carnal; until the prudent
pastor follows the example of the well-instructed dairyman; and
provides for his new-born babes the _in_sincere Milk of the Word, that
they may _not_ grow thereby.
162. (G) "St. Paul, no doubt, denounces the covetous." Am I to
understand your Lordship as considering this undeniable denunciation an
original and peculiar view taken by the least of the Apostles--perhaps,
in this particular opinion, not worthy to be called an Apostle? The
traditions of my earlier days were wont to refer me to an earlier source
of the idea; which does not, however, appear to have occurred to your
Lordship's mind--else the reference to the authority of Liddell and
Scott, for the significance of the noun [Greek: pleonektês], ought to
have been made also for that of the verb [Greek: epithumeô] And your
Lordship's frankness in referring me to the instances of your own
practice in the disposal of your income, must plead my excuse for what
might have otherwise seemed impertinent--in noting that the
blamelessness of episcopal character, even by that least of the
Apostles, required in his first Epistle to Timothy, consists not merely
in contentment with an episcopal share of Church property, but in being
in no respect either [Greek: aischrokordês]--a taker of gain in a base
or vulgar manner, or [Greek: philarguros]--a "lover of silver," this
latter word being the common and proper word for covetous, in the
Gospels and Epistles; as of the Pharisees in Luke xvi. 14; and
associated with the other characters of men in perilous times, 2 Timothy
iii. 2, and its relative noun [Greek: philarguria, given in sum for the
root of _all_ evil in 2 Timothy vi. 10, while even the authority of
Liddell and Scott in the interpretation of [Greek: pleonexia] itself as
only the desire of getting more than our share, may perhaps be bettered
by the authority of the teacher, who, declining the appeal made to him
as an equitable [Greek: meristês] (Luke xii. 14-46), tells his disciples
to beware of coveteousness, simply as the desire of getting more than we
have got. "For a man's life consisteth not in the _abundance_ of the
things which he possesseth."
163. Believe me, my Lord, it is not without some difficulty that I check
my natural impulse to follow you, as a scholar, into the interesting
analysis of the distinctions which may be drawn between Rapacity and
Acquisitiveness; between the Avarice, or the prudent care, of
possession; between the greed, and the modest expectation, of gain;
between the love of money, which is the root of all evil; and the
commercial spirit, which is in England held to be the fountain of all
good. These delicate adjustments of the balance, by which we strive to
weigh to a grain the relative quantities of devotion which we may render
in the service of Mammon and of God, are wholly of recent invention and
application; nor have they the slightest bearing, either on the
spiritual purport of the final commandment of the Decalogue, or on the
distinctness of the subsequent prohibition of practical usury.
It must be remembered, also, how difficult it has become to define the
term "filthy" with precision, in the present state, moral and physical,
of the English atmosphere; and still more so, to judge how far, in that
healthy element, a moderate and delicately sanctified appetite for gold
may be developed into livelier qualms of hunger for righteousness. It
may be matter of private opinion how far the lucre derived by your
Lordship from commission on the fares and refreshments of the passengers
by the North-Western may be odoriferous or precious, in the same sense
as the ointment on the head of Aaron; or how far that received by the
Primate of England in royalties on the circulation of improving
literature[129] may enrich--as with perfumes out of broken
alabaster--the empyreal air of Addington. But the higher class of
laborers in the Lord's vineyard might surely, with true grace, receive,
from the last unto the first, the reflected instruction so often given
by the first unto the last, "Be content with your wages."
(H) "It may, perhaps, not improperly be said," The Bible Society will
doubtless in future gratefully prefix this guarantee to their
publications.
(I) "Which we are told." Can we then no more find for ourselves this
writing on our hearts--or has it ceased to be legible?
164. (K) "Remunerative employment." I cannot easily express the
astonishment with which I find a man of your Lordship's intelligence
taking up the common phrase of "giving employment," as if, indeed, labor
were the best gift which the rich could bestow on the poor. Of course,
every idle vagabond, be he rich or poor, "gives employment" to some
otherwise enough burdened wretch, to provide his dinner and clothes for
him; and every vicious vagabond, in the destructive power of his vice,
gives sorrowful occupation to the energies of resisting and renovating
virtue. The idle child who litters its nursery and tears its frock,
gives employment to the housemaid and seamstress; the idle woman, who
litters her drawing-room with trinkets, and is ashamed to be seen twice
in the same dress, is, in your Lordship's view, the enlightened
supporter of the arts and manufactures of her country. At the close of
your letter, my Lord, you, though in measured terms, indignantly dissent
from my statement of the power of great cities for evil, and indeed I
have perhaps been led, by my prolonged study of the causes of the Fall
of Venice, into clearer recognition of some of these urban influences
than may have been possible to your Lordship in the center of the
virtues and proprieties which have been blessed by Providence in the
rise of Manchester. But the Scriptural symbol of the power of temptation
in the hand of the spiritual Babylon--"all kings have been drunk with
the wine of her Fornication"--is perfectly literal in its exposition of
the special influence of cities over a vicious, that is to say, a
declining, people. They are the foci of its fornication, and the
practical meaning is that the lords of the soil take the food and labor
of the peasants, who are their slaves, and spend them especially in
forms of luxury perfected by the definitely so-called "women of the
_town_" who, whether East-cheap Doll, or West--much the reverse of
cheap--Nell, are, both in the color which they give to the Arts, and in
the tone which they give to the Manners, of the State, a literal plague,
pestilence and burden to it, quite otherwise malignant and maleficent
than the poor country lassie who loses her snood among the heather. And
when, at last, _real_ political economy shall exhibit the exact sources
and consequences of the expenditure of the great capitals of
civilization on their own indulgences, your Lordship will be furnished,
in the statistics of their most splendid and most impious pleasure, with
record of precisely the largest existing source of "remunerative
employment"--(if _that_ were all the poor had to ask for), next after
the preparation and practice of war. I believe it is, indeed, probable
that "facility of intercourse" gives the next largest quantity of
occupation; and, as your Lordship rightly observes, to most respectable
persons. And if the entire population of Manchester lost the use of its
legs, your Lordship would similarly have the satisfaction of observing,
and might share in the profits of providing, the needful machinery of
porterage and stretchers. But observe, my Lord--and observe as a final
and inevitable truth--that whether you lend your money to provide an
invalided population with crutches, stretchers, hearses, or the railroad
accommodation which is so often synonymous with the three, the _tax on
the use_ of these, which constitutes the shareholder's dividend, is a
permanent burden upon them, exacted by avarice, and by no means an aid
granted by benevolence.
165. (L) "Sanctioned by experience." The experience of twenty-three
years, my Lord, and with the following result:--
"We have now had an opportunity of practically testing the theory. Not
more than seventeen" (now twenty-three--I quote from a letter dated
1875) "years have passed since" (by the final abolition of the Usury
laws) "all restraint was removed from the growth of what Lord Coke calls
'this pestilent weed,'" and we see Bacon's words verified--"the rich
becoming richer, and the poor poorer, throughout the civilized world."
Letter from Mr. R. Sillar, quoted in _Fors Clavigera_, No. 43.
(M) "Inevitable." Neither "impossible" nor "inevitable" were words of
old Christian Faith. But see the closing paragraph of my letter.
(N) Before you call on me to substantiate this charge, my Lord, I
should like to insert after the words, "steadily preaching," the phrase,
"and politely explaining"--with the Pauline qualification, "whether by
word, or our epistle."
166. (O) "The great cities of to-day are not worse than great cities
always have been," I do not remember having said that they were, my
Lord; I have never anticipated for Manchester a worse fate than that of
Sardis or Sodom; nor have I yet observed any so mighty works shown forth
in her by her ministers, as to make her impenitence less pardonable than
that of Sidon or Tyre. But I used the particular expression which your
Lordship supposes me to have overcharged in righteous indignation, "a
boil breaking forth with blains on man and beast," because that
particular plague was the one which Moses was ordered, in the Eternal
Wisdom, to connect with the ashes of the Furnace--literally, no less
than spiritually, when he brought the Israelites forth out of Egypt,
_from the midst of the Furnace of Iron_. How literally, no less than in
faith and hope, the smoke of "the great city, which spiritually is
called Sodom and Egypt," has poisoned the earth, the waters, and the
living creatures, flocks and herds, and the babes that know not their
right hand from their left--neither Memphis, Gomorrah, nor Cahors are
themselves likely to recognize: but, as I pause in front of the
infinitude of the evil that I cannot find so much as thought to
follow--how much less words to speak!--a letter is brought to me which
gives what perhaps may be more impressive in its single and historical
example, than all the general evidence gathered already in the pages of
_Fors Clavigera_.
* * * * *
167. "I could never understand formerly what you meant about usury, and
about its being wrong to take interest. I said, truly, then that I
'trusted you,' meaning I knew that in such matters you did not
'opine'--and that innumerable things were within your horizon which had
no place within mine.
"But as I did not understand I could only watch and ponder. Gradually I
came to see a little--as when I read current facts about India--about
almost every country, and about our own trade, etc. Then (one of several
circumstances that could be seen more closely) among my mother's kindred
in the north, I watched the ruin of two lives. They began married life
together, with good prospects and sufficient means, in a lovely little
nest among the hills, beyond the Rochdale smoke. Soon this became too
narrow. 'A splendid trade,' more mills, frequent changes into even finer
dwellings, luxurious living, ostentation, extravagance, increasing year
by year, all, as now appears, made possible by usury--borrowed capital.
The wife was laid in her grave lately, and her friends are _thankful_.
The husband, with ruin threatening his affairs, is in a worse, and
living, grave of evil habits."
"These are some of the loopholes through which light has fallen
upon your words, giving them a new meaning, and making me wonder
how I could have missed seeing it from the first. Once alive to it,
I recognize the evil on all sides, and how we are entangled by it;
and though I am still puzzled at one or two points, I am very clear
about the principle--that usury is a deadly thing,"
Yes; and deadly always with the vilest forms of destruction both to soul
and body.
168. It happens strangely, my Lord, that although throughout the seven
volumes of _Fors Clavigera_, I never have set down a sentence without
chastising it first into terms which could be _literally_ as well as in
their widest bearing justified against all controversy, you could
perhaps not have found in the whole book, had your Lordship read it for
the purpose, any saying quite so literally and terrifically demonstrable
as this which you have chanced to select for attack. For, in the first
place, of all the calamities which in their apparently merciless
infliction paralyzed the wavering faith of mediæval Christendom, the
"boil breaking forth into blains," in the black plagues of Florence and
London, was the fatalest messenger of the fiends: and, in the second
place, the broad result of the Missionary labors of the cities of
Madrid, Paris, and London, for the salvation of the wild tribes of the
New World, since the vaunted discovery of it, may be summed in the stem
sentence--Death, by drunkenness and smallpox.
The beneficent influence of recent commercial enterprise in the
communication of such divine grace, and divine blessing (not to speak of
other more dreadful and shameful conditions of disease), may be studied
to best advantage in the history of the two great French and English
Companies, who have enjoyed the monopoly of clothing the nakedness of
the Old World with coats of skins from the New.
The charter of the English one, obtained from the Crown in 1670, was in
the language of modern Liberalism--" wonderfully liberal,"[130]
comprising not only the grant of the exclusive trade, but also of full
territorial possession, to all perpetuity, of the vast lands within the
watershed of Hudson's Bay. The Company at once established some forts
along the shores of the great inland sea from which it derived its name,
and opened a very lucrative trade with the Indians, _so that it never
ceased paying rich dividends_ to the fortunate shareholders, until
towards the close of the last century.
Up to this time, with the exception of the voyage of discovery which
Herne (1770-71) made under its auspices to the mouth of the Coppermine
River, it had done but little for the promotion of geographical
discovery in its vast territory.
169. Meanwhile, the Canadian (French) fur traders had become so hateful
to the Indians, that these savages formed a conspiracy for their total
extirpation. _Fortunately for the white men_, the smallpox broke out
about this time among the redskins, and swept them away as the fire
consumes the parched grass of the prairies. Their unburied corpses were
torn by the wolves and wild dogs, and the survivors were too weak and
dispirited to be able to undertake anything against the foreign
intruders. The Canadian fur traders now also saw the necessity of
combining their efforts for their mutual benefit, instead of ruining
each other by an insane competition; and consequently formed in 1783 a
society which, under the name of the North-West Company of Canada,
ruled over the whole continent from the Canadian lakes to the Rocky
Mountains, and in 1806 it even crossed the barrier and established its
forts on the northern tributaries of the Columbia river. To the north it
likewise extended its operations, encroaching more and more upon the
privileges of the Hudson's Bay Company, which, roused to energy, now
also pushed on its posts further and further into the interior, and
established, in 1812, a colony on the Red River to the south of Winnipeg
Lake, thus driving, as it were, a sharp thorn into the side of its
rival. But a power like the North-West Company, which had no less than
50 agents, 70 interpreters, and 1120 "voyageurs" in its pay, and whose
chief managers used to appear at their annual meetings at Fort William,
on the banks of Lake Superior, with all the pomp and pride of feudal
barons, was not inclined to tolerate this encroachment; and thus, after
many quarrels, a regular war broke out between the two parties, which,
after two years' duration, led to the expulsion of the Red River
colonists, and the murder of their governor Semple. This event took
place in the year 1816, and is but one episode of the bloody feuds which
continued to reign between the two rival Companies until 1821.
170. The dissension's of the fur traders had most deplorable
consequences for the redskins; for both Companies, to swell the number
of their adherents, lavishly distributed spirituous liquors--a
temptation which no Indian can resist. The whole of the meeting-grounds
of the Saskatchewan and Athabasca were but one scene of revelry and
bloodshed. Already decimated by the smallpox, the Indians now became the
victims of drunkenness and discord, and it was to be feared that if the
war and its consequent demoralization continued, the most important
tribes would soon be utterly swept away.
At length wisdom prevailed over passion, and the enemies came to a
resolution which, if taken from the very beginning, would have saved
them both a great deal of treasure and many crimes. Instead of
continuing to swing the tomahawk, they now smoked the calumet, and
amalgamated in 1821, under the name of "Hudson's Bay Company," and
under the wing of the Charter.
The British Government, as a dowry to the impoverished couple, presented
them with a license of exclusive trade throughout the whole of that
territory which, under the name of the "Hudson's Bay and North-West
territories," extends from Labrador to the Pacific, and from the Red
River to the Polar Ocean.
171. Such, my Lord, have been the triumphs of the modern Evangel of
Usury, Competition, and Private Enterprise, in a perfectly clear
instance of their action, chosen I hope with sufficient candor, since
"History," says Professor Hind, "does not furnish another example of an
association of private individuals exerting a powerful influence over so
large an extent of the earth's surface and administering their affairs
with such consummate skill, and unwavering devotion to the original
objects of their incorporation."
That original object being, of course, that poor naked America, having
yet in a manner two coats, might be induced by these Christian merchants
to give to him that had none?
In like manner, may any Christian householder, who has two houses or
perchance two parks, ever be induced to give to him that hath none? My
temper and my courtesy scarcely serve me, my Lord, to reply to your
assertion of the "inevitableness" that, while half of Great Britain is
laid out in hunting-grounds for sport more savage than the Indians, the
poor of our cities must be swept into incestuous heaps; or into dens and
caves which are only tombs disquieted, so changing the whiteness of
Jewish sepulchers into the blackness of Christian ones, in which the
hearts of the rich and the homes of the poor are alike as graves that
appear not;--only their murmur, that sayeth "it is not enough," sounds
deeper beneath us every hour; nay, the whole earth, and not only the
cities of it, sends forth that ghastly cry; and her fruitful plains have
become slime-pits, and her fair estuaries, gulfs of death; for _us_, the
Mountain of the Lord has become only Golgotha, and the sound of the new
song before the Throne is drowned in the rolling death-rattle of the
nations, "Oh Christ; where is thy victory?"
These are thy glorious works, Mammon parent of Good,--and this the true
debate, my Lord of Manchester, between the two Angels of your
Church,--whether the "Dreamland" of its souls be now, or
hereafter,--now, the firelight in the cave, or hereafter, the sunlight
of Heaven.
172. How, my Lord, am I to receive, or reply to, the narrow concessions
of your closing sentence? The Spirit of Truth was breathed even from the
Athenian Acropolis, and the Law of Justice thundered even from the
Cretan Sinai; but for _us_, He who said, "I am the Truth," said also, "I
am the Way, and the Life;" and for _us_, He who reasoned of
Righteousness, reasoned also of Temperance and Judgment to come. Is this
the sincere milk of the Word, which takes the hope from the Person of
Christ, and the fear from the charge of His apostle, and forbids to
English heroism the perilous vision of Immortality? God be with you, my
Lord, and exalt your teaching to that quality of Mercy which, distilling
as the rain from Heaven--not strained as through channels from a sullen
reservoir-may soften the hearts of your people to receive the New
Commandment, that they Love one another. So, round the cathedral of your
city, shall the merchant's law be just, and his weights true; the table
of the money-changer not overthrown, and the bench of the money-lender
unbroken.
And to as many as walk according to this rule, Peace shall be on them,
and Mercy, and upon the Israel of God.
* * * * *