CHAPTER II

THE EXPEDITION

For almost twenty years prior to the organization of the Lewis and

Clark expedition, and long before the general public was more than

passively curious upon the subject of Louisiana, Jefferson had

nourished the plan for exploring the Louisiana Territory. In the memoir

above referred to, he wrote:--

"While I resided in Paris, John Ledyard, of Connecticut, arrived there,

well known in the United States for energy of body and mind. He had

accompanied Captain Cook on his voyage to the Pacific Ocean, and

distinguished himself on that voyage by his intrepidity. Being of a

roaming disposition, he was now panting for some new enterprise. His

immediate object at Paris was to engage a mercantile company in the fur

trade of the western coast of America, in which, however, he failed. I

then proposed to him to go by land to Kamchatka, cross in some of the

Russian vessels to Nootka Sound, fall down into the latitude of the

Missouri, and penetrate to and through that to the United States. He

eagerly seized the idea, and only asked to be assured of the permission

of the Russian government."

The consent of the Empress of Russia was obtained, together with an

assurance of protection while the course of travel lay across her

territory; and Ledyard set out. While he was yet two hundred miles from

Kamchatka, winter overtook him, and there he was forced to remain

through many months. In the spring, as he was preparing to go on, he

was put under arrest. The Empress, exercising the inalienable right of

sovereign womanhood, had changed her mind. The reason for this change

is not apparent. There may have been no reason more potent than

international jealousy, which was lively in those days. At any rate,

Ledyard was put into a close carriage and conveyed to Poland, traveling

day and night, without once stopping. He was left in Poland penniless

and broken in body and spirit, and soon afterward died.

Later, in 1792, Jefferson proposed to the American Philosophical

Society that a subscription be raised to engage some one to ascend the

Missouri, cross the mountains, and descend to the Pacific. In order to

preclude alarm to the Indians or to other nations, it was intended that

this expedition should consist of only two persons. Meriwether Lewis,

then eighteen years of age, begged to have this commission, and it was

given him. His one companion was to be a French botanist, Andre

Michaux. The journey was actually begun, when it was discovered that

Michaux was residing in the United States in the capacity of a spy.

Once again the plan was deferred.

"In 1803," wrote Mr. Jefferson, "the act for establishing trading

houses with the Indian tribes being about to expire, some modifications

of it were recommended to Congress by a confidential message of January

18th, and an extension of its views to the Indians of the Missouri. In

order to prepare the way, the message proposed the sending an exploring

party to trace the Missouri to its source, to cross the Highlands, and

follow the best water communication which offered itself from thence to

the Pacific Ocean. Congress approved the proposition, and voted a sum

of money for carrying it into execution. Captain Lewis, who had then

been near two years with me as private secretary, immediately renewed

his solicitations to have the direction of the party."

Naturally, Mr. Jefferson was strongly inclined to intrust this work to

his friend Lewis. Their official and private relations had been

intimate; Mr. Jefferson had had ample opportunities for testing the

fibre of the young man's character under strain; besides, Lewis's

confidential position had no doubt made him acquainted with the inner

details of the plan, its broader significance, and the political

obstacles to be overcome in carrying it into effect. Aside from his

temperamental disposition for such an enterprise, his public service

had strengthened his grasp of national interests; enthusiasm for

adventure had been supplemented by maturity of judgment in affairs of

state. Altogether, a better man for the place could not have been

found.

To carry out the work of the organized expedition would consist largely

in surmounting physical difficulties; but to organize it and get it

fairly started demanded considerable delicacy of diplomatic

contrivance. The life of the nation, as it sought to expand and take

form, was beset and harassed, north, south, and west, by international

complications growing out of direct contact with unfriendly neighbors.

In that day the United States did not sustain cordial relations with

any of the strong nations of the world. The internal machinery of the

new government was not yet in perfect adjustment; domestic crises were

constantly recurring; permanence of democratic forms and methods was

not by any means assured; the country had not established an

indisputable right to be reckoned with in matters of international

concern. Russia alone, of all the powers, was considered as friendly.

Even in that case, however, there was nothing warmer than watchful

neutrality. Russian and American interests had not yet conflicted.

The British, through the strong trading companies of Canada, were hot

for getting control of the Indian traffic of the Northwest--indeed,

their prestige was already quite firmly fixed, and they were on their

guard against any semblance of encroachment upon that domain of

activity. This condition, coupled with other and acuter differences,

made it highly probable that England would not take kindly to the

expedition, should its object be openly avowed.

Spanish opposition would be even stronger. Spain had but lately

surrendered possession of the Louisiana Territory, whence her agents

had for a long time derived large revenues from the Indian trade, after

the age-long manner she has pursued in dealing with her colonies and

dependencies. Spain still held the Floridas, practically controlling

the commerce of the Gulf and the navigation of the Mississippi; so

that, while the people of the United States asserted the right of depot

at New Orleans and the further right of passage of the river throughout

its length, their enjoyment of these rights was precarious. Further,

though the crown had transferred the territory west of the Mississippi,

its subjects had not quit their efforts for supremacy in trade; their

influence long outlived the extinction of territorial rights. Bitterly

hostile to the growth of American ideas, they would certainly do what

they could to oppose the expedition.

It was with France, however, that our government had to deal directly.

In 1800 Napoleon had acquired title to Louisiana, trading with Spain,

giving in exchange the little kingdom of Etruria. But his control of

the territory was more tacit than actual; he was so busily engaged at

home that he found no time to reduce his property to possession; his

dominion west of the Mississippi was never more than potential. War

between France and England was imminent. Napoleon had in America no

adequate means for defending his new domain, which would therefore be

likely to fall into the hands of the British at once upon the outbreak

of war. He was growing anxious to be rid of the load. Jefferson thought

it probable that the territory would one day belong to the United

States,--indeed, negotiations were pending for the transfer when the

"confidential communication" to Congress was written, in January, 1803.

Although the outcome was still problematical, Jefferson considered that

the proper time for discovering what the land held; and this was the

primary purpose of the Lewis and Clark expedition.

For all of these reasons, and more, it was deemed necessary to cover

from general view the real character of the enterprise. The

appropriation by Congress was made for the ostensible and innocent

purpose of "extending the external commerce of the United States." In

his letter to Congress, which was for a long time kept secret, Mr.

Jefferson said that France would regard this as in the nature of a

"literary pursuit," and that whatever distrust she might feel would be

allayed. But, though his ulterior purposes were sought to be concealed,

the powers of France no doubt knew well enough what was in the wind.

It was on June 30, 1803, that Jefferson gave to Captain Lewis detailed

instructions for the conduct of his work. In the meantime (on April

30th), treaties had been signed at Paris, ceding Louisiana to the

United States. That was a distinct triumph for American statecraft. On

the one hand were ranged Napoleon, Talleyrand, and Marbois; on the

other, Jefferson, Livingston, and Monroe. The French were at a

disadvantage; their position was that of holding perishable goods,

which must be sold to avoid catastrophe. Napoleon said, not without

reason, that the government of the United States availed itself of his

distress incident to the impending struggle with England. However that

may be, the territory changed owners for a consideration of

$15,000,000.

Formal notification of the transfer was not received in Washington

until the early part of July, when active preparations for the

exploration were being made. Its receipt did not alter the character of

the expedition, though many of the international complications were

dissipated. Thereafter the work was purely domestic in most of its

aspects.

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