CHAPTER I.

History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin, Vol. 7 of 8

DR. MERLE D’AUBIGNÉ’S HISTORY.

1.—THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 5 Vols.

$6.00

2.—THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN THE TIME OF CALVIN. 7 Vols. $14.00

[_From a Review by Prof. F. Godet of Neuchâtel._]

What a difference there is between the perusal of a work of this kind

and that of one of the religious novels with which our public is now

satiated. In these latter, notwithstanding all the good-will of the

authors, there is always, or nearly always, something unwholesome.

Imagination, that admirable gift of God, is employed to transport us

into the _chiaro-oscuro_ of fictitious scenes, which communicate a kind

of fascination from which it is difficult to emerge, to return to the

humdrum of every-day life, and to confine ourselves to the narrow limits

of our every-day duties. Here on the contrary we find the full light of

historic truth, imagination restored to its true object—that of giving

life to real facts. The faith of this martyr, it really struggled,

really triumphed—this blood, it really flowed—this pile, its flames

lighted up the surrounding country, but in doing so they really consumed

their victim. When we read these true histories our hearts do not swell

with vain ambition or aspire to an inaccessible ideal. We do not say:

“If I were this one, or that one.” We are obliged to commune with

ourselves, to examine our consciences, to humble ourselves with the

question: What would become of me if I were called to profess my faith

through similar sufferings? Each one of us is thus called to less

self-complacency, to greater humility, but at the same time to greater

contentment with his lot, to greater anxiety to serve his God with

greater faithfulness and greater activity.

We warmly recommend this work to those who are glad to find wholesome

nutriment for the strengthening of their faith, to those who by contact

with a vivifying stream wish to give renewed vigor to their spiritual

life. They will find in its narrations all the energy and brightness

which a living faith communicated to the author, whose mind retained all

its youthful freshness, and at the same time that wisdom which Christian

experience had brought to full maturity.

ROBERT CARTER & BROTHERS.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE IN THE TIME OF CALVIN.

BY THE

REV. J. H. MERLE D’AUBIGNÉ, D.D.,

TRANSLATED BY

WILLIAM L. R. CATES,

‘Les choses de petite durée ont coutume de devenir fanées, quand elles

ont passé

leur temps.

‘Au règne de Christ, il n’y a que le nouvel homme qui soit florissant,

qui ait de

la vigueur, et dont il faille faire cas.’

CALVIN.

VOL. VII.

ENGLAND, GENEVA, FRANCE, GERMANY, AND ITALY.

NEW YORK:

ROBERT CARTER & BROTHERS,

No. 530 BROADWAY.

1877

EDITOR’S PREFACE.

A whole year has elapsed since the publication of the sixth volume of

the _History of the Reformation_. But this delay is owing to the fact

that the editor has been unable to devote to this undertaking more than

the scanty leisure hours of an active ministry; and not, as some have

supposed, to the necessity of compiling the _History_ from notes more or

less imperfect left by the author. The following narrative, like that

which has preceded it, is wholly written by M. Merle d’Aubigné himself.

The editor repeats the statement made on the publication of the last

volume—that his task has consisted solely in verifying the numerous

quotations occurring in the text or as foot-notes, and in curtailing, in

two or three places, some general reflections which interfered with the

rapid flow of the narrative, and which the author would certainly have

either suppressed or condensed if it had been permitted him to put the

finishing touches to his work.

We can only express our gratitude to the public for the reception given

to the posthumous volume which we have already presented to them.

Criticism, of course, has everywhere accompanied praise. The estimates

formed by the author of this or that character have not been accepted by

all readers; and the journals have been the organs of the public

sentiment.

One important English review[1] has censured the author for placing

himself too much at the evangelical point of view. It is unquestionable

that this is indeed the point of view at which M. Merle d’Aubigné stood.

This was not optional with him; he could not do otherwise. By

conviction, by feeling, by nature, by his whole being, he was

evangelical. But was this the point of view best adapted to afford him a

real comprehension of the epoch, the history of which he intended to

relate? This is the true question, and the answer seems obvious. If we

consider the fact that the theologians of the revival at Geneva have

been especially accused of having been too much in bondage to the

theology of the sixteenth century, we shall acknowledge that this

evangelical point of view was the most favorable to an accurate

understanding of the movement of the Reformation, and to a just

expression of its ideas and tendencies. No one could better render to us

the aspect of the sixteenth century than one of those men who, if we may

so speak, have restored it in the nineteenth.

The criticism most commonly applied to M. Merle d’Aubigné is that he has

displayed a bias in favor of the men of the Reformation, and especially

in favor of Calvin. That the author of the _History of the Reformation_

feels for Calvin a certain tenderness, and that he is inclined to

excuse, to a certain extent, his errors and even his faults, may be

admitted. But it is no less indisputable that this tendency has never

led him to palliate or to conceal those errors or faults. He pronounces

a judgment: and this is sometimes a justification or an excuse. But he

has in the first place narrated; and this narration has been perfectly

accurate. The kindly feeling, or, as some say, the partiality of the

writer, may have deprived his estimate of the severity which others

would have thought needful; but it has not falsified his view. His

glance has remained keen and clear, and historical truth comes forth

from the author’s narratives with complete impartiality. These

narratives themselves furnish the reader with the means of arriving at a

different conclusion from that which the author has himself drawn.

May we not add that M. Merle d’Aubigné’s love for his hero, admitting

the indisputable sincerity of the historian, far from being a ground of

suspicion, imparts a special value to his judgments? For nearly sixty

years M. Merle lived in close intimacy with Calvin. He carefully

investigated his least writings, seized upon and assimilated all his

thoughts, and entered, as it were, into personal intercourse with the

great reformer. Calvin committed some faults. Who disputes this? But he

did not commit these faults with deliberate intention. He must have

yielded to motives which he thought good, and, were it only in the

blindness of passion, must have justified his actions to his own

conscience. In the main, it is this self-justification on Calvin’s part

which M. Merle d’Aubigné has succeeded better than any one else in

making known to us. He has depicted for us a living Calvin; he has

revealed to us his inmost thought; and when, in the work which I am

editing, I meet with an approving judgment in which I can not join

without some reservation, I imagine nevertheless that if Calvin, rising

from the tomb, could himself give me his reasons, he would give me no

others than those which I find set forth in these pages. If this view is

correct, and it seems to me difficult to doubt it, has not the author

solved one of the hardest problems of history—to present the true

physiognomy of characters, and to show them as they were; under the

outward aspect of facts to discover and depict the minds of men?

Moreover, the greater number of these general criticisms are matters of

taste, of tendency, of views and of temperament. There are others which

would be important if they were well-founded. Such are those which bear

upon the accuracy of the work, almost upon the veracity of the author.

Fortunately it is easy to overthrow them by a rapid examination.

‘M. Merle,’ it has been said,[2] ‘makes use of his vast knowledge of the

works of the reformers to borrow from them passages which he arbitrarily

introduces out of their place and apart from the circumstances to which

they relate. Thus sentences taken from works of Calvin written during

the last periods of his life are transformed into sentences pronounced

by him twenty or twenty-five years earlier. That which on one occasion

was written with his pen is, in regard to another occasion, put into his

lips. We may, without pedantry, refuse to consider this process in

strict conformity with that branch of truth which is called accuracy.’

It is true that, in Vol. VI., M. Merle d’Aubigné applies to the year

1538 words uttered by Calvin about twenty-five years later, at the time

of his death in 1564:—‘I have lived here engaged in strange contests. I

have been saluted in mockery of an evening before my own door with fifty

or sixty shots of arquebuses. You may imagine how that must astound a

poor scholar, timid as I am, and as I confess I always was.’ But these

words, spoken by Calvin many years after the event, referred precisely

to that year, 1538. The historian has quoted them at the very date to

which they belong; nor could he have omitted them without a failure in

accuracy.

The following is, however, the only proof given of this alleged want of

accuracy:—

‘At the time when Calvin had just succeeded in establishing in Geneva

what he considered to be the essential conditions of a Christian church,

he had published, in the name of his colleagues, some statement of the

success which they had just achieved, and had given expression to the

sentiments of satisfaction and hope which they felt. Of this statement,

to which events almost immediately gave a cruel contradiction, M. Merle

has made use to depict the personal feelings and disposition of Calvin

_after_ the check which his work had sustained. The conditions are

altogether changed. Instead of triumphing, the reformer is banished;

and, nevertheless, the language which he used in the days of triumph is

employed to characterize his steadfastness and constancy in the days of

exile.’

The document here spoken of is a preface by Calvin to the Latin edition

of his Catechism. In the original edition it bears date March, 1538. It

is now before us; we have read and re-read it, and we can not imagine by

what strange illusion there could be seen in it a _statement of the

success which Calvin and his colleagues had just achieved._ It does not

contain one vestige of _satisfaction_ or of _hope_, not a trace of

_triumph_. It is an unaccountable mistake to suppose that it was written

in _days of triumph_. It was written in March 1538, in the very stress

of the storm which, a few days later, April 23, was to result in the

banishment of the reformer and the momentary destruction of his work at

Geneva. This storm had begun to take shape on November 25, 1537, at a

general council (assembly of the people), in which the most violent

attacks had been directed against Calvin and against the government of

the republic. From this time, says M. Merle, ‘the days of the party in

power were numbered.’[3] In fact, the government favorable to Calvin was

overthrown February 3, 1538. On that day the most implacable enemies of

the reformer came into power. Thus, in March, Calvin, far from thinking

of a triumph, was thinking of defending himself. The preface which

stands at the head of his catechism is not the statement of success

already seriously impaired, but an _apologia_ for his proceedings and

his faith, a reply to ‘the calumnies aimed against his innocence and his

integrity,’[4] to ‘the false accusations of which he is a victim.’[5]

The following is the analysis of the preface, given by Professor Reuss,

of Strasburg, in the Prolegomena to Vol. V. of the _Opera Calvini_, p.

43:—

‘The occasion for publishing, in Latin, this book was furnished by Peter

Caroli, doctor and prior of the Sorbonne. This doctor, after having

spread abroad iniquitous rumors against Farel, Viret, and Calvin, broke

out passionately in open accusations against these men, his colleagues,

who were equally distinguished by their faith and their moral character,

imputing to them the Arian and Sabellian heresies and other similar

corruptions. At this time there existed no other public monument of the

faith of the Genevese church but the _Confession_ of Farel and the

_Catechism_ of Calvin; and these, as they were written in French, were

almost unknown to the rest of the Swiss churches. For this reason Calvin

translated into Latin his own _Catechism_ and the _Confession_ of Farel,

in order to make known through this version to all his brethren in

Switzerland the doctrine which he had hitherto professed at Geneva, and

to show that the charge of heresy brought against it was without

foundation.’[6]

It must be added that Calvin, in this preface, does not confine himself

to the refutation of the charges of heresy drawn up against him by

Caroli; but he vindicates his own course at Geneva, particularly in that

vexatious affair of the oath which gave rise to the debate of November

25, 1537, the overthrow of the government on February 3, 1538, and the

expulsion of Calvin and his friends on April 23 following. This document

is, with the letters written by Calvin at this period, the most precious

source of information as to the reformer’s feelings during this cruel

struggle; and in quoting it at this place the author has made a

judicious use of it.

Let us quote further some words from an article in the _Athenæum_, of

which we have already spoken. In the course of criticisms, sometimes

severe, the writer acknowledges that ‘there are to be found in this

volume, in unimpaired vigor, the qualities we admired in its

predecessors. Few narratives are more moving than the simple tale of the

death of Hamilton, the first of the Scotch martyrs; and the same may be

said of the chapter devoted to Wishart.’ In regard to Calvin the same

writer tells us—‘M. Merle possessed, as we have already remarked, a

knowledge truly marvellous of the writings of Calvin; and there are few

books which enable us to understand so well as M. Merle’s the mind of

the reformer—not perhaps as he was on every occasion, but such as he

would have wished to be.’

Professor F. Godet, of Neuchâtel, expresses the same opinions and

insists on them.[7] After having spoken of ‘that stroke of a masterly

pencil which was one of the most remarkable gifts of M. Merle

d’Aubigné,’ he adds—‘It is always that simple and dignified style, calm

and yet full of earnestness, majestic as the course of a great river, we

might say—like the whole aspect of the author himself. But what appears

to us above all to distinguish the manner of M. Merle is his tender and

reverential love for his subject. The work which he describes possesses

his full sympathy. He loves it as the work of his Saviour and his God.

Jesus would no longer be what he is for the faith of the writer if he

had not delivered, aided, corrected, chastened, governed and conquered

as he does in this history. St. John, in the Apocalypse, shows us the

Lamb opening the seals of the book containing the designs of God with

respect to his church. M. Merle, in writing history, appears to see in

the events which he relates so many seals which are broken under the

hand of the King of Kings. In each fact he discerns one of the steps of

his coming as spouse of the church or as judge of the world. And just as

the leaves of the divine roll were written not only without but within,

M. Merle is not satisfied with portraying the outside of events, but

endeavors to penetrate to the divine idea which constitutes their

essence, and to unveil it before the eyes of his reader. Do not

therefore require him to be what is called an objective historian, and

to hold himself coldly aloof from the facts which he recalls to mind. Is

not this faith of the sixteenth century, of which he traces the

awakening, the struggles, defeats and victories, _his own faith and the

life of his own soul_? Are not these men whom he describes, Calvin,

Farel, Viret, bone of his bone, flesh of his flesh? Are not these

churches, whose birth and first steps in life he relates, his own

spiritual family? The reader himself, to whom his narrative is

addressed, is for him an immortal soul, which he would fain make captive

to the faith of the Reformation. He does not for an instant lay aside,

as narrator, his dignity as a minister of Christ. The office of

historian is in his case a priesthood. Not that he falls into the error

of determining at all cost to glorify his heroes, to palliate their

weaknesses, to excuse their errors, or to present facts in a light

different from that objective truth to which he has been led by the

conscientious study of the documents. The welfare of the church of

to-day for which he desires to labor, may as surely result from the

frank avowal and the severe judgment of faults committed, as from

admiration of every thing which has been done according to the will of

God.’

The same judgment was lately pronounced by the author of a great work on

French literature, recently published,[8] Lieutenant-Colonel Staaf. It

is in the following terms that the author introduces M. Merle d’Aubigné

to the French public:—‘M. de Remusat has said of this work—“It may have

had a success among Protestants (_un succès de secte_), but it deserves

a much wider one, for it is one of the most remarkable books in our

language.” We might add one of the most austere, for it is at once the

work of a historian and of a minister of the Gospel. It would be a

mistake to suppose that the author has sacrificed the narrative portion

of his history to the exposition and defence of the doctrines of the

Reformation. Without seeking after effects of coloring, without

concerning himself with form apart from thought, he has succeeded in

reproducing the true physiognomy of the age whose great and fruitful

movements he has narrated. All the Christian communities over which the

resistless breath of the Reformation passed live again in spirit and in

act in this grand drama, the principal episodes of which are furnished

by Germany, France, Switzerland, and England. In order to penetrate so

deeply as he has done into the moral life of the reformers, M. Merle was

not satisfied with merely searching the histories of the sixteenth

century; he has drawn from sources the existence of which was scarcely

suspected before they had been opened to him.’... ‘Now, at whatever

point of view we may take our stand, it is no subject for regret that

for writing the story of the conflicts and too often of the execution of

so many men actuated by the most generous and unalterable convictions,

the pen has been held by a believer rather than by a sceptic. It was

only a descendant and a spiritual heir of the apostles of the

Reformation who could catch and communicate the fire of their pure

enthusiasm, in a book in which their passions have left no echoes. M.

Merle d’Aubigné—and this is one of the peculiar characteristics of his

work—has satisfied with an antique simplicity the requirements of his

twofold mission. It is only when the conscience of the historian has

given all the guarantees of fairness and impartiality that one had a

right to expect from it that the pastor has indulged in the outpourings

of his faith.’

We close with the words of Professor F. Bonifas, of Montauban:[9] ‘In

this volume are to be found the eminent qualities which have earned for

M. Merle d’Aubigné the first place among the French historians of the

Reformation: wealth and authenticity of information, a picturesque

vivacity of narration, breadth and loftiness of view, a judicious

estimate of men and things, and in addition to all these a deeply

religious and Christian inspiration animating every page of the book.

The writer’s faculties remained young in spite of years; and this fruit

of his ripe old age recalls the finest productions of his youth and

manhood.’

A last volume will appear (D.V.) before the end of the present year.

AD. DUCHEMIN.

LYONS, _May, 1876_.

Footnote 1:

The _Athenæum_ of September 25, 1875. In this article we find a

curious anecdote which we admit, not without some reserve. It serves

as a support to the considerations which follow. The writer of the

article relates that he once heard a discussion between M. Merle and

Professor Ranke respecting certain features in the lives of his

favorite heroes. The former defended them at all points; while the

German historian, with his sceptical temperament, seemed to take a

malicious pleasure in bringing forward their weaknesses. At the close

of the discussion M. Merle exclaimed with some impatience—‘But I know

them better than any one, those men of the sixteenth century. I have

lived with them. I am a man of their time.’ ‘That explains every

thing,’ replied Professor Ranke, ‘I could not believe when reading

your books that you were a man of the nineteenth century.’ As our own

age differs so greatly in every respect from the age of the

Reformation, it must be counted a very fortunate circumstance that a

man of the sixteenth century has arisen to depict for us that great

epoch.

Footnote 2:

_Journal de Génève_, 30 April-1 May.

Footnote 3:

Vol vi. p. 412.

Footnote 4:

‘Purgationem objecimus.’—Calv. _Opp._ tom. x. p. 107.

Footnote 5:

‘Nos iniquissime in suspicionem adductos.’—_Ibid._

Footnote 6:

‘Cujus libelli latinitate donandi occasionem præbuit Petrus Caroli,

Sorbonæ Parisiensis doctor atque prior.... Is igitur iniquis contra

Farellum Viretum et Calvinum sparsis rumoribus, tandem eo prorupit ut

palam illos viros, collegas et doctrina et moribus præstantissimos

hæreseos accusaret, arianismi scilicet et sabellianismi, aliarumque

talium pravitatum. Nulla alia tunc publica exstabant fidei ecclesiæ

Genevensis monumenta præter illam (Farelli) quam diximus confessionem

et Calvini catechismum quæ tamen utpote Gallici conscripta, ceteris

Helveticis ecclesiis fere incognita erant. Calvinus itaque suum

catechismum et Farelli confessionem latine loquentes fecit ut omnibus

istis fratribus fidei doctrinam a se huc usque Genevæ traditam et

falso hæreseos accusatam hac versione declararet.’

Footnote 7:

_Le Christianisme au dix-neuvième Siècle_, of February 18, 1876.

Footnote 8:

_La Littérature française, depuis la formation de la langue jusqu’ à

nos jours_, by Lieutenant-Colonel Staaf. The first edition bears the

date of 1870. The fifth (1873) is now before us.

Footnote 9:

_Revue Théologique_, Montauban, October, 1875.

CONTENTS OF THE SEVENTH VOLUME.

BOOK XI.—(_continuation._)

CALVIN AND THE PRINCIPLES OF HIS REFORM.

CHAPTER XIX.

CALVIN’S RECALL TO GENEVA.

(AUGUST 1540 TO MARCH 1541.)

The Ministers of Geneva—Departure of Morand and Marcourt from the

Town—Great Famine—Advice of Calvin—His Recall determined on—The Message

taken by Louis Dufour—Calvin’s First Answer—Journey to Worms—Letter from

the Syndics and Council of Geneva—Calvin’s Anxieties—Consultation of his

Friends—His Answer—Its Conditions—Viret called to Geneva—Viret at

Geneva—The Minister Bernard—His Letter to Calvin—Calvin at Worms—Calvin

and Melanchthon—Their Intimacy—Their Reciprocal Confidence—Colloquy of

Worms—Song of Victory—Triumph of Christ—Calvin’s Confidence in

Viret—Calvin’s Letter to Bernard—Calvin restored to Geneva by

Farel—Trials—Humility and Faith 1

CHAPTER XX.

CALVIN AT RATISBON.

(1541.)

Calvin’s Uneasiness—Concessions of the Lutherans—Calvin’s

Steadfastness—Discourse of Cardinal Farnese—Calvin’s Answer—Papal

Tyranny—The True Concord—Unity and Diversity—The Roman See not the

Apostolic See—Incontinence—Profanation of Religion—A great Monster—True

Ministers—Church Property—The Pope’s Crosier—Protestants and

Turks—Calvin’s part at Ratisbon—Theology of Rome—Evils to be

remedied—Calvin’s Moderation—Reference to the General Council—Calvin’s

Departure from Ratisbon 24

CHAPTER XXI.

CALVIN’S RETURN TO GENEVA.

(JULY TO SEPTEMBER, 1541.)

Repeal of the Sentence of Banishment by the General Council—Letter from

the Syndics and Council of Geneva to the Pastors and Councils of Zurich

and Basel—Severity of their Language—Its Expression of the common

Feeling—All Difficulties removed by Letters from Geneva—Calvin’s

Motto—His departure from Strasburg—His Stay at Neuchâtel—At

Berne—Arrival at Geneva—Ostentation avoided—Calvin’s House—What he had

acquired at Strasburg—His Appearance before the Council—Going

forward—Commission of the Ordinances—Beginning of Calvin’s

work—Assistance of Farel and Viret requested—The Grace of God and the

Work of Man—A Day of Humiliation—The Truth with Charity 42

CHAPTER XXII.

THE ECCLESIASTICAL ORDINANCES.

(SEPTEMBER, 1541.)

Project of the Ordinances—Its Presentation to the Councils—Passed in the

General Council—Spirit and Purpose of the Ordinances—Calvin’s Model the

Primitive Church—Geneva an Evangelical Stronghold—The Christian

Life—Remonstrances—The Ministry—Instruction of the Young—The Poor

and the Sick—Prisoners—Election of Pastors—The Ministers’

Oath—The Doctors—The Elders—The Consistory—Worship—Common

Prayer—Discipline—Manner of judging of this Discipline—Government of the

Church of Geneva—Theocracy and Democracy—State Omnipotence—Government of

the Church assumed by the State—Calvin not responsible—The Danger unseen

by him 60

CHAPTER XXIII.

CALVIN’S PREACHING.

Preaching Calvin’s Principal Office—Two to Three Thousand Sermons—His

Exposition of Holy Scripture—Quotations—How a young Man shall cleanse

his Way—The Love of Money—A Stranger on the Earth—Transitory

Devotion—Self-love—The lost Lamb—God’s Will that all should be

Saved—His Grace unbounded—How to come to God—The Blood of

Christ—Predestination—Ignorance of it is Learning—No political Part

played by Calvin—His clear Conception of the Evangelical Ministry 81

CHAPTER XXIV.

CALVIN’S ACTIVITY.

(FEBRUARY, 1542.)

State of Feeling at Geneva—Calvin the Soul of the Consistory—His

Attention to small Matters—Catholicism at Geneva—Believing

what the Church believes—The Virgin and the Church—Politics

no Concern of the Consistory—The Regulation of Morals its

Business—Impartiality—Moderation—Calvin a Peacemaker—Meekness and

Strength—Latent Hostility of the former Ministers—New Ministers—Ami

Porral—His Triumphant Faith—His Christian Death—Living Christianity—The

Work prospering—Development of Religious Life—Disciplinary

Action—Reconciliation—Accomplishment of the Reformation—Luther’s

Part—Calvin’s Part—Luther the Founder of the Reformation—Calvin its

Lawgiver—Calvin a Mediator—Epochs of Light—Means of National Elevation

96

BOOK XII.

THE REFORMATION AMONG THE SCANDINAVIAN NATIONS—DENMARK, SWEDEN, NORWAY.

CHAPTER I.

AWAKENING OF DENMARK.

(1515 to 1525.)

John Tausen—His Youth—His Entrance into the Monastery—His Departure for

Germany—His Studies at Louvain and Cologne—At Wittenberg—Christian

II.—His Marriage—Indulgences—Revolt of Sweden—Royal Vengeance—Martin

Reinhard—His foreign Tongue—Encountered by Ridicule—His Departure from

Denmark—Liberal Laws Promulgated by Christian—Religious

Reforms—Carlstadt in Denmark—His Dismissal—Fresh revolt in Sweden—Flight

of the King—Assistance of his Allies asked for in vain—The Sister of

Charles the Fifth—Her Death in _Heresy_ 120

CHAPTER II.

A REFORMATION ESTABLISHED UNDER THE REIGN OF LIBERTY.

(1524 to 1527.)

Frederick, Duke of Holstein—His Call to the Throne—His Leaning to

Evangelical doctrine—His Impartiality towards Rome and the

Reformation—Promulgation of religious Liberty—The New Testament in

Danish—The Translator’s Preface—Uneasiness of the Clergy—The King’s Son

in Germany—His Adhesion to the Reformation—Growing Decision of the

King—A Sermon of Tausen—Tausen at Viborg—Continuance in his Work—The

Reformation at Copenhagen—Determination of the Bishops to

Persecute—Imprisonment of Tausen—His preaching through the Air Hole—His

Liberation by the King—Reformation at Malmoe—The Eloquent

Tondebinder—The Gospel embraced by the whole Town of Malmoe—Translation

of Luther’s Hymns into Danish—Increasing Progress in all Parts of the

Country—The Bishops’ Invitation to Eck and Cochlæus—Their Refusal to go

to Denmark—The King’s Discourse to the Bishops—Complete religious

Liberty—Vain Efforts of the Bishops—Royal Ordinance—Apparent Submission

of the Clergy 140

CHAPTER III.

TRIUMPH OF THE REFORMATION UNDER THE REIGN OF FREDERICK I. THE PEACEFUL.

(1527 to 1533.)

Struggles and Controversies—Tausen’s Writings—A New Bishop—Various

Reforms—Tausen’s Zeal—Diet of Copenhagen—The Bishops and the

Ministers—Increased Number of Sermons by the Ministers—Silence of the

Bishops—Tausen and his Colleagues—Their Confession of Faith—The

Articles—Surprise of the Prelates—Accusations of the Bishops—Reply of

the Evangelicals—Their Demand of a public Discussion—Refusal of the

Bishops—Presentation of a Memorial to the King by the Ministers—No

Answer to it—Triumph of the Evangelical Cause—Disorders—Frederick’s

political Position strengthened—Intrigues of the ex-King—Invasion of

Norway by Christian II.—A short Struggle—Christian taken Prisoner—His

Demand for a Safe-conduct—His Letter to Frederick—Treated as a Prisoner

of State—Sentenced to Imprisonment for Life—Confined in a walled-up

Keep—Forsaken—Luther’s Intercession for him—Death of Frederick—His Four

Sons 166

CHAPTER IV.

INTERREGNUM. CIVIL AND FOREIGN WAR.

(1533.)

Reviving Hope of the Bishops—Their Efforts—Their Intrigues—Restriction

of religious Freedom—Their Purpose to elect the King’s fourth

Son—Adjournment of the Election—Tausen sentenced to Death—Rising of the

Townsmen—Rescue of Tausen—The Bishops threatened—Banishment of

Tausen—Brigitta Gjoë—Persecution of Evangelicals—Polemics—Popular

Writings—Attack of Lübeck on Denmark—Rapid Progress of the Invaders—A

Diet in Jutland—Long Debates—Election of Christian III. in spite of the

Bishops 194

CHAPTER V.

CHRISTIAN III. PROCLAIMED KING—TRIUMPH OF THE REFORMATION IN DENMARK,

NORWAY, AND ICELAND.

(1533 to 1550.)

Vigorous Prosecution of the War by the new King—The Enemy driven

from the Provinces—Siege of Copenhagen—Extreme Sufferings of the

besieged Town—Entry of Christian into his Capital—His Determination

to crush the temporal Power of the Bishops—Arrest of the

Bishops—General Council of the Nation—Bill of Indictment against the

Bishops—Their Deprivation—Their Liberation—The King’s Invitation to

Pomeranus—Reorganization of the Church by Pomeranus—New Constitution

of the Church—The Reformation in Norway—In the main a Work of the

Government—The Reformation in Iceland—The two Bishops of

Iceland—Oddur’s Translation of the New Testament—An Evangelical

Bishop—His Death—Popish Reaction—Triumph of the Gospel 211

CHAPTER VI.

THE EARLIEST REFORMERS OF SWEDEN.

(1516 to 1523.)

Various Influences—The Brothers Olaf and Lawrence—Their early

Studies—Their Application to Theology—Olaf at Wittenberg—His Intimacy

with Luther—His Return to Sweden—The two Brothers and Bishop

Mathias—Present at the Massacre of Stockholm—Mathias one of the

Victims—Lawrence Anderson Successor of Mathias—He is favorable to the

Reformation—Olaf and Lawrence at their Father’s Funeral—Their Refusal of

the Services of the Monks—Violent Opposition—Their Death demanded by

Bishop Brask 231

CHAPTER VII.

THE REFORMERS SUPPORTED BY THE LIBERATOR OF SWEDEN.

(1519 to 1524.)

Gustavus Vasa Prisoner in Denmark—His Escape from Confinement—His

Struggle for the Independence of Sweden—His Flight from Place to

Place—News of the Massacre of Stockholm—Concealment in the

Mountains—Farm Labor—Recognition of Him—Betrayal—Pursued like a wild

Beast—His Attempt to rouse the People—Unsuccessful Efforts—A Rising at

last—Speedy Triumph—Gustavus nominated King—His Leaning to Reform—His

Welcome to the Reformers—Anderson Chancellor of the Kingdom—Olaf

Preacher at Stockholm—Partisans and Adversaries—Conspiracies of the

Bishops—Bishop Brask—Citation of Olaf and Lawrence before the

Chapter—Their Attitude—Anathema 244

CHAPTER VIII.

STRUGGLES.

(1524 to 1527.)

The ‘Illuminated’ at Stockholm—Their Expulsion—Olaf’s Marriage—His

Excommunication by Bishop Brask—His Defence undertaken by the

King—Revenues of the Clergy diminished by the King—Ostentation of

Archbishop Magnus—Feast of St. Erick—The Clergy humbled by the

King—Fears of the Bishops—Public Disputation proposed by Magnus—Accepted

by the King—Olaf and Galle—Regrets of the Catholics—Tempers heated on

both sides—A Pretender—The Bishops’ Support of Him—Declaration of the

King—His Resolution to complete his Task—Convocation of the States of

the Kingdom—A royal Banquet—Humiliation of the Bishops 265

CHAPTER IX.

VICTORY.

(1527.)

An Episcopal Conspiracy—The Diet of 1527—Complaints of the

King—Exactions of the Clergy—Audacity of Bishop Brask—The King’s

Abdication—Triumph of the Bishops—Excitement of the People—A

Disputation before the Diet ordered—The King entreated to resume the

Sceptre—His long Resistance—His final Consent—Political

Reforms—Religious Reforms—Compact of Westeraas—Disarming of the Romish

Hierarchy—Suppression of the armed Revolt—Coronation of Gustavus I.

283

CHAPTER X.

‘CESAROPAPIE.’

(1528 to 1546.)

Assembly of Orebro—Authority of the Scriptures—Education

of Pastors—Ecclesiastical

Rites—Concessions—Obstacles—Discontent—Progress—Lawrence Petersen—His

Nomination as Archbishop of Upsala—Marriage of the King—Marriage of the

Archbishop—Hostility of the Monks—Olaf’s Desire for a complete

Reformation—The King’s Desire to put it off—Coolness between the King

and the Reformer—Complaints of Olaf—Irritation of the King—The Mock Suns

of 1539—A Storm raging against Olaf—Brought to Trial with Anderson—Both

condemned to Death—A Ransom accepted by the King—Resignation and

Reinstatement of Olaf—The King Head of the Church—Luther’s

Counsels—Church Order half Episcopalian and half Presbyterian—Severity

of Gustavus—Excuses—Refusal of Gustavus to join the League of Smalcalde

298

CHAPTER XI.

THE SONS OF GUSTAVUS VASA.

(1560 to 1593.)

The King’s Farewell to the People—His Illness—His Death—Erick the new

King of Sweden—Debates on the Lord’s Supper—Controversies—Madness of

King Erick—Massacres—Death of Burrey—Deposition of Erick—His harsh

Captivity—Catholicism favored by King John—Catholicism in the

ascendent—Arrival of Jesuits—Their Profession of Evangelical

Doctrines—Their Attempt to convert the King—Fratricide—Death of the

ex-King Erick—Conversion of John III. to Popery—Sudden Change of the

King—His Death—The Assembly of Upsala in 1593—Adoption of the Confession

of Augsburg 322

BOOK XIII.

HUNGARY, POLAND, BOHEMIA, THE NETHERLANDS.

CHAPTER I.

THE FIRST REFORMERS AND THE FIRST PERSECUTORS IN HUNGARY.

(1518 to 1526.)

First Gleams—Louis II.—Mary of Hungary—Beginning of the Reformation—The

first Preachers—Their Wish to see Luther—Threatenings of

Persecution—Intolerance of the Catholic Clergy—Louis II. and Frederick

the Wise—The Gospel at Hermannstadt—Noteworthy Progress—Severe Ordinance

against the Reform—First Act the burning of the Books—Flight of

Grynæus—New Efforts—An Execution at Buda—Another Storm 342

CHAPTER II.

SOLYMAN’S GREAT VICTORY.

(1526.)

Solyman’s Army—Hungary entirely unprepared—Vain Attempts to raise an

Army—The small Troop of King Louis—Battle of Mohacz—Death of Louis

II.—Sorrow of the Queen—Consolation offered by Luther—A Hymn of

Resignation—Two Kings of Hungary—Martyrs at Liebethen—Edict of

Persecution 356

CHAPTER III.

DEVAY AND HIS FELLOW-WORKERS.

(1527 to 1538.)

Mathias Biro Devay—Student at Wittenberg—Various Lords Protectors of

Reform—Slackening of Persecution—Reform at Hermannstadt—Solyman’s

Refusal to oppress the Protestants—Confession of Augsburg welcomed by

Hungarians—Devay’s Return to Hungary—His Pastorate at Buda—His

Fellow-workers—Devay cast into Prison—His Appearance before the Bishop

of Vienna—His Defence and Acquittal—Imprisoned again—Asylum offered

Him by Count Nadasdy—Controversies with Szegedy—Devay at

Wittenberg—Melanchthon’s Letter to Nadasdy—Devay at Basel—The

Printing-press and Schools—Stephen Szantai—His Enemies the

Bishops—Conference appointed by Ferdinand—Embarrassment of the

Arbitrators—Embarrassment of Ferdinand—Efforts of the Bishops—Banishment

of Szantai 366

CHAPTER IV.

PROGRESS OF EVANGELIZATION AND OF THE SWISS REFORMATION IN HUNGARY.

(1538 to 1545.)

The Doctrines of Zwinglius in Hungary—Occasion of Trouble to some

Minds—Political Divisions—Fresh Invasion of the Turks—Dispersion of

Evangelical Divines—Abatement of Moslem Violence—Renewed Courage of the

Christians—Progress of the Reformation—Devay in Switzerland—His Adoption

of Calvin’s Doctrines—Luther’s Grief—Martin de Kalmance—Hostility

excited against him—Persecution instigated by the Priests—Ordinances of

Ferdinand—Courage of the Christians of Leutschau—Stephen Szegedin—His

Knowledge and Eloquence—His Writings—His Acceptance of Calvin’s

Doctrines—Hated by the Papists—His Banishment 388

CHAPTER V.

THE GOSPEL IN HUNGARY UNDER TURKISH RULE.

(1545 to 1548.)

Rome the Persecutor—Islamism tolerant—Council of Trent—The Union of

Christians in Hungary—Confessions of Faith—Szegedin in the South of

Hungary—His second Banishment—Emeric Eszeky—The Gospel at Tolna—Refusal

of the Turks to persecute—Spread of the Gospel—Rule of the Turks

favorable to the Gospel—The Faith embraced in the whole of Transylvania

406

CHAPTER VI.

BOHEMIA, MORAVIA, AND POLAND.

(1518 to 1521.)

The United Brethren—Relations with Luther—Luther’s Goodwill—Discussions

on the Lord’s Supper—The Calixtines—Poland evangelized by the

Bohemians—First Successes—Luther’s Reformation in Poland—Jacob Knade at

Dantzic—The Gospel well received—Religious Liberty—A Revolution at

Dantzic—Reorganization of the Church—Appeal of the Catholics to the

King—Harshness of Sigismund—Final Triumph of the Gospel—The Gospel at

Cracow—Embraced by many eminent Persons—Words of Luther—Attempted

Reformation in Russia 417

CHAPTER VII.

THE POLISH REFORMER.

(1524 to 1527.)

John Alasco—At Zurich—His Intercourse with Zwinglius—His Stay at

Basel—His Intimacy with Erasmus—Study of Holy Scripture—His Diligence

and Progress—Spiritual Enjoyments of his Life at Basel—Praised by

Erasmus—Alasco compelled to leave Basel—His Travels—Return to Poland—His

Life at Court—His Weakness—Suspected of Heresy—An Investigation—Alasco’s

Renunciation of Reform—His Fall—Honors—Awakening of Conscience—His

better Knowledge of the Truth—Liberty—New Honors—Alasco’s Refusal of

Them—His Departure from Poland—On his Way to the Netherlands 433

CHAPTER VIII.

THE POLISH REFORMER IN THE NETHERLANDS AND IN FRIESLAND.

(1537 to 1546.)

Alasco’s Marriage—Trials and Consolations—Religious Condition of

Friesland—Alasco in Poland—His Return to Friesland—His Relations with

Hardenberg—Seeking after Separation from Rome—Alasco Superintendent of

Friesland—Prudence and Zeal—Accusations—Threats—Hatred of the Monks—A

Letter of Alasco—God or the World—The Reformer’s Victory—Patience and

Success—Various Sects—A false Christ Unmasked—Government of the

Church—Doctrine—Oppositions—New Strength—Tribulations—A hidden

Protector—Viglius of Zuychem—His elevated Position—Secret Report on his

Tendencies—His real Sentiments—Contrast 455

CHAPTER IX.

BEGINNING OF REFORMATION IN THE NETHERLANDS.

(1518 to 1524.)

Freedom and Wealth—Ambition of Charles V.—Precursors of the

Reformation—The Reformation at Antwerp—At Louvain—Erasmus

attacked—Violent Proceedings of the Monks—Persecuting Edict—Arrest of

Jacob Spreng—His Recantation—His Grief and Repentance—The

Inquisition—Cornelius Grapheus, an Erasmian—His Imprisonment—Useless

Abjuration—Henry of Zutphen, Evangelist—His Stay at Wittenberg—His

Preaching at Antwerp—-His Arrest—His Rescue by the People—His Fate in

Holstein—Demolition of the Convent of the Augustines—Numerous Adhesions

to Reform—The Heavenly Spouse—Faith and Courage—Conventicles—A

Martyr—Tolerance of some of the Bishops—One of the

‘Illuminated’—Luther’s Counsels 480

CHAPTER X.

OUTWORKS.

(1525 to 1528.)

Charles V.—His Policy in the Netherlands—Charles of Egmont’s

Letter to the Pope—The Pope’s Answer—Jan van Bakker—His

Faith—His Breach with Rome—His Imprisonment—His Trial—Refusal to

recant—Condemnation—Martyrdom—A Legend—Fruitless Attempt at Outward

Reformation—New Edict of Persecution—The Humanist Gnapheus—The Widow

Wendelmutha—Attempt to make her give Way—Her Condemnation—Execution—The

Renewed Gospel 506

CHAPTER XI.

THE VICTIMS OF CHARLES V.

(1529 to 1535.)

Compassion of Charles V.—Rage of Charles of Egmont—Executions

Multiplied—Martyrdom of William of Zwoll—Victims of Charles V.—Death of

Margaret of Austria—Mary of Hungary, Governess of the Netherlands—Her

false Position—Cornelius Crocus—John Sartorius—Controversies—Some Books

of Sartorius—New Edict of Persecution—A courageous Town—A Family of

Martyrs—Crimes and Horrors—Sorrow and Distress—The Enthusiasts—Cruel

Fanaticism—Unhealthy Fermentation—‘Illuminated’ Prophets—The Tailor

Bockhold—Excesses and Follies—Illuminism the Offspring of

Persecution—The Netherlands breaking off from Lutheranism to embrace

Calvinism 524

CHAPTER XII.

LOUVAIN.

(1537 to 1544.)

Peter Bruly at Ghent—The Evangelists—Antoinette and Gudule—Pastor Jan

van Ousberghen—The Faithful—An innocent Walk—Conventicles—Boldness of

the Sculptor Beyaerts—Epidemic at Louvain—Arrests—Arrests by

Night—Twenty-three Prisoners—The Examinations—The Wise confounded by

simple Women—Paul de Roovere—Insulted—Terrified—His Recantation—New

Victims—Great Display of Force—Executions—Antoinette van

Roesmals—Buried alive—Giles Tielmans—His simple Faith—His unbounded

Charity—His evangelical Zeal—Trouble and Terror among the

Faithful—Imprisonment of Giles Tielmans—The Evangelist Ousberghen—His

Arrest—Trial—Fears—Condemnation—A great Light—Execution of

Ousberghen—Execution of Giles Tielmans 546

BOOK XI.—(_continuation._)

CALVIN AND THE PRINCIPLES OF HIS REFORM.

CHAPTER XIX.

RECALL OF CALVIN TO GENEVA.

(AUGUST 1540 TO MARCH 1541.)

The friends of the Reformers were once more in the majority at Geneva.

The very mistakes of their enemies had restored their moral authority

and enlarged their influence. It would have been difficult in so short a

time to have committed a greater number of mistakes, or mistakes of a

graver character. Beza undoubtedly gives utterance to the general

feeling when he declares that ‘the city began to claim again its Calvin

and its Farel.’

The ministers who were filling their places were not men likely to make

their predecessors forgotten. They were not up to their task. In their

preaching there was little unity, little understanding of the

Scriptures; and people were not wanting at Geneva to make them sensible

of their inferiority. It was for them a period of trouble, humiliation,

strife, and unhappiness. The wind was changed. These poor pastors in

their turn were objects of ill-will; and they complained bitterly of the

censures and the insults which they had to undergo. The council did

nothing more than send out of the town a poor blind man who had given

offence to them, and ordered them to go on peaceably with the duties of

their ministry. But the ministers were by this time aware of the mistake

which they had made when they consented to take the place of such men as

Farel and Calvin. Morand, who was of a susceptible nature, was shocked

to find himself exposed to what he called ‘intolerable calumnies and

execrable blasphemies.’ He was at the same time indignant that justice

was not done on the ‘lies.’ He gave in his resignation to the council,

expressing his desire ‘that his good brethren might have better reason

to stay with them; otherwise,’ said he, ‘look for nothing but ruin and

famine.’ He then went away without further leave. This was on the 10th

of August.[10]

When Marcourt heard of the departure of his colleague he was upset and

indignant. What! leave him alone on the field of battle! and that

without giving any warning (the other two pastors went for nothing)! He

relieved himself by giving vent to his feeling. ‘Bad man!’ he exclaimed,

‘traitor!’ And he loudly condemned before all the people the pastor who

had deserted. They were going on together tolerably well, and they could

at least complain to one another. Before the council Marcourt took a

high tone. ‘Put a stop to these insults,’ said he, ‘or I too will go

away.’ The council merely charged him to invite Viret to come and take

the Place of Morand. To have such a colleague would have been an honor

to Marcourt; but Viret had no mind to go to Geneva while Calvin was in

exile. Marcourt took his resolution and, like Morand, departed abruptly,

without leave. It was the 20th of September.

[Sidenote: Flight Of Morand And Marcourt.]

After the departure of these two ministers, the only ones who had any

talent, the council, in their turn, had to say, What is to become of us?

Their best pastors having abandoned them, there remained only two

incapable men, De la Mare and Bernard. The gentlemen of the council felt

themselves greatly straitened. The destitution was extreme, the danger

pressing, and the distress great. Then a cry was uttered: a cry not of

anguish but of hope. Calvin! they said, Calvin! Calvin alone could now

save Geneva. The day after the departure of Marcourt, the friends of the

Reformer in the council made bold to name him; and it was decreed ‘that

Master A. Marcourt having gone away, commission was given to Seigneur A.

Perrin to find means of getting Master Calvin, and to spare no pains for

that purpose.’ The Reformer was therefore apprised of the desire which

had arisen for his return. When a people have banished their most

powerful protector, the most pressing duty is to get him back again. The

Genevese had their mournful but profitable reflections.

By the departure of Morand and Marcourt Geneva was left in a state of

great dearth, and the friends of Calvin did not shrink from saying so.

Porral reproached De la Mare with overthrowing Holy Scripture. The

preacher hastened to complain to the council. ‘Gentlemen,’ said he

(September 29), ‘Porral alleges that what I preach is poison; but I am

ready to maintain on my life that my doctrine is of God.’ Porral,

over-zealous, then began to open the catalogue of what he called the

_heresies_ of the preacher. ‘He has said that the magistrate ought not

always to punish the wicked. He has said that Jesus Christ went to his

death more joyfully than ever a man to his nuptials,’ &c. &c. ‘I

maintain that these assertions are false,’ added Porral. De la Mare was

angry and demanded justice. ‘But other business was pressing and nothing

was done in this matter.’[11]

Calvin disapproved of these attacks directed against the pastors in

office.

‘Beloved brethren,’ he wrote to his friends at Geneva, ‘nothing has

grieved me more, next to the troubles which have well-nigh overthrown

your church, than to hear of your strifes and debates with the ministers

who succeeded us. Not only is your church torn by these dissensions, but

more—and this is a matter of the gravest importance—the ministry is

exposed to disgrace. Where strife and discord exist, there can hardly be

the faintest hope of progress in the best things. Not that I desire to

deprive you of the right, which God has given to you as to all his

people, of subjecting all pastors to examination for the purpose of

distinguishing between the good and the bad,[12] and of putting down

those who under the mask of pastors display the rapacity of wolves. My

wish is only that, when there are men who in a fair degree discharge the

duties of the pastor, you should think rather of what you owe to others

than of what others owe to you. Do not forget that the call of your

ministers was not given without the will of God; for although our

banishment must be attributed to the craft of the devil, still it was

not the will of God that you should be altogether destitute of a

ministry, or that you should fall again under the yoke of Antichrist.

Moreover, do not forget another matter, namely your own sins, which

assuredly deserve no light punishment.

‘This subject calls for a great deal of discrimination. Assuredly I

would not be the man to introduce tyranny into the church.[13] I would

not consent that good men should be obliged to submit to pastors who do

not fulfil their calling. If the respect and deference which the Lord

awards to the ministers of his word and to them alone be paid to certain

persons who do not deserve them, it is an intolerable indignity.

Whosoever does not teach the word of our Lord Jesus Christ, whatever

titles and prerogatives he may boast, is unworthy to be regarded as a

pastor. But our brethren, your present ministers, do teach you the

Gospel; and I do not see why you should be allowed to slight them or to

reject them. If you say that there are features in their teaching and

their character which do not please you, remember that it is not

possible to find a man in whom there is not much room for improvement.

If you are incessantly disputing with your ministers, you are trampling

underfoot their ministry, in which the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ

ought to shine forth.’

[Sidenote: Embassy Of Dufour.]

If the council did not come to a decision on the question which Calvin

had decided, it was because, as it declared, it had other business in

hand; and the most important of all was the recall of that great teacher

who had displayed so much fairness and moderation. The council felt more

and more that the powerful mind and the high authority of Calvin were

indispensable in Geneva; and therefore again and again they pressed for

his return. On September 20 the Little Council gave Perrin the

commission of which we have spoken. On October 13 the Two Hundred

decreed that a letter should be written to the Reformer, ‘begging him to

consent to assist us.’ Michel Dubois was to be the bearer of the letter,

and ‘was to make earnest appeals to the friends of the Reformer to

persuade him to come.’ On the 19th the same council decided ‘that, for

the promotion of the honor and glory of God, every thing possible must

be done to get Master Calvin back.’ The next day the people assembled in

General Council decreed that, ‘for the advancement and extension of the

word of God, a deputation should be sent to Strasburg to fetch Master

Calvin, who is very learned, to be evangelical minister in this town.’

On October 22 Louis Dufour, a member of the Two Hundred, was instructed

to take the message of the councils to Strasburg; and on the 27th,

twenty golden _écus au soleil_ were voted to him for the purpose of

fetching Master Calvin. They insisted upon it; they reiterated their

determination; they decided the matter, and then decided it over again;

they did not hesitate to repeat it again and again. The matter was of

such importance that entreaties must be urgent. Dufour set out. Would he

succeed? That was the question, and it was very doubtful.[14] When

Calvin received the first message, previous to that of Dufour, he was so

much excited and thrown into so great a perplexity that for two days he

was hardly master of himself.[15] Remembering the distress of mind which

he had suffered at Geneva, his whole soul shrank with horror from the

thought of returning thither. Had not his conscience been put to the

torture? Had not anxieties consumed him? ‘I dread that town,’ he

exclaimed, ‘as a place fatal to me.[16] Who will blame me if I am

unwilling to plunge again into that deadly gulf? Besides, can I believe

that my ministry will be profitable there? The spirit which actuates

most of the inhabitants is such as will be intolerable to me, and I

shall be equally so to them.’ Then turning his thoughts in another

direction he exclaimed—‘Nevertheless I desire so earnestly the good of

the church of Geneva, that I would sooner risk my life a hundred times

than betray it by desertion.[17] I am ready therefore to follow the

advice of those whom I regard as sure and faithful guides.’ It was to

Farel that Calvin thus poured out his heart. It was his advice that he

sought, and there was no doubt what this advice would be.

[Sidenote: Calvin At Worms.]

The Reformer also consulted his Strasburg friends, and agreed with them

that he could not abruptly quit the church of which he was then pastor;

and, above all, that he must be present at the assembly of Worms, as he

had already been present in the spring at that of Hagenau. He therefore

wrote to the lords of Geneva: ‘It has been arranged by the gentlemen of

the council of this town that I should go with some of my brethren to

the assembly of Worms, in order to serve not one church alone, but all

churches, among which yours is included. I do not, indeed, think myself

so wise, so great, or so experienced that I can be of any great use

there; but, since a matter of such high concern is at stake, and as it

has been arranged not only by the council of this town, but also by

others, that I should go there, I am obliged to obey. But I can call God

to witness that I hold your church in such esteem that I would never be

wanting to it in the time of its need in any thing which I could

possibly undertake.’[18]

Calvin’s letter was written on the 23d of October; and Dufour brought

him a letter from the council dated the day before. When the delegate

reached Strasburg Calvin was already at Worms, where an important

conference was about to be held between the Protestant and the Catholic

theologians, for the purpose of endeavoring to come to an understanding

with each other, in pursuance of the plan agreed upon at Hagenau. The

Genevese messenger appeared before the senate of Strasburg, and made

known to them the purpose of his journey. The senate replied that Calvin

was absent, and that without his consent they could make no promise.

Dufour then determined to follow the Reformer to the town which Luther,

by his Christian heroism, had made illustrious. ‘I will ascertain

exactly,’ he said, ‘what he thinks of our call.’ A courier carried to

Worms the news of the arrival of the Genevese deputation, and the

Strasburg magistrate entrusted him with a letter for his deputies, Jacob

Sturm and Mathias Pfarrer, in which he enjoined them to do all they

could to prevent Calvin making any engagement with the Genevese. The

high estimate formed of Calvin in Germany, the fact that an imperial

city sent this Frenchman as a deputy to assemblies convoked by the

Emperor to take into consideration the deepest interests of the Empire,

might well contribute to work a change in the opinion of some of the

citizens of the little republic with respect to Calvin, of whom it had

hitherto been possible to say: ‘A prophet is not without honor save in

his own country.’ The Genevese deputy arrived two days after the

courier, and delivered to Calvin the letter of the Council of Geneva. He

read it, and it is easy to imagine the impression which it must make on

him. It ran as follows:

‘To the Doctor CALVIN, Evangelical Minister.

‘Our excellent brother and special friend, we commend ourselves to

you very affectionately, because we are fully assured that you have

no other desire but for the increase and advancement of the glory

and honor of God, and of his holy Word. On behalf of our Little,

Great, and General Councils (all of which have strongly urged us to

take this step), we pray you very affectionately that you will be

pleased to come over to us, and to return to your former post and

ministry; and we hope that by God’s help this course will be a great

advantage for the furtherance of the holy Gospel, seeing that our

people very much desire you, and we will so deal with you that you

shall have reason to be satisfied.

‘This 22d October, 1540.

‘Your good friends,

‘THE SYNDICS AND COUNCIL OF GENEVA.’[19]

This letter was fastened with a seal bearing the motto—_Post tenebras

spero lucem_.

[Sidenote: Calvin’s Perplexity.]

The invitation to Geneva was clear, affectionate, and pressing. But the

courier, who had reached Worms two days before, had brought to the

Strasburg deputies a letter from their senate the purport of which was

entirely the reverse. All those who had heard the letter read, and

Calvin most of all, had been astonished at the eagerness to keep the

Reformer which the magistrates of this free city expressed. ‘I had never

imagined,’ he said, ‘that they set such value upon me.’[20] He thus

found himself pressed on two sides, Geneva and Strasburg: and if the

fancy were not too high-flown, we might say that the Latin and the

German races were at this moment contending for the man who but a little

while before was driven away from the town in which he lived. The

decision which Calvin had to form was a solemn and difficult one. His

whole career in this world was at stake. He called together such of his

friends as were then at Worms for the purpose of consulting with them.

To return to Geneva was, in his view, to sacrifice his life, but he was

resolved to take this course if his friends counselled it. ‘The

faithful,’ thought he, ‘must heartily abandon their life when it is a

hindrance to their drawing nigh to Christ. They must in such case act

like one who throws off his shoulders a heavy and tiresome burden when

he wants to go quickly elsewhere. Let us take our life in our hands, and

offer it to God as a sacrifice.’[21]

Calvin’s counsellors not being of one mind, it was agreed to wait until

the deputation from Geneva should arrive.[22] But having received

letters from Farel and from Viret, Calvin called his friends together

again, and laying before them all the reasons which he could find, said,

‘I conjure you, in giving your advice, to leave my person altogether out

of the question.’[23] In this very town of Worms, where Luther, in the

presence of Charles V., had not shrunk from offering the sacrifice of

his life, Calvin declared himself ready to do the same. His language was

deeply pathetic. ‘Tears flowed from his eyes more abundantly than words

from his lips.’[24] His friends were moved at the sight of the sincerity

and depth of his feelings. His discourse was more than once interrupted

by emotion. His soul was deeply stirred. He perceived that upon this

moment hung a decision which must affect his whole life. They were no

terrors of imagination which disturbed him. The struggles and the

distress which he passed through at Geneva probably exceeded his

anticipations. He was quite overpowered and wishing to conceal from his

friends the passion of his grief, and to pour out his heart freely

before God alone, he twice left the room and sought retirement.[25] The

opinion of his friends was that for the time he should not make an

engagement, but that he might hold out a hope to the Genevese. Calvin,

however, went further. In the midst of the conflict through which his

soul had just passed he had resolved on the course which terrified him.

He would go to Geneva, and he said to the friends of the Reformation, ‘I

beg of you to promise that when this diet is over, you will not throw

any obstacle in the way of my going to Geneva.’ The thought that it was

God’s will that he should be there was constantly presenting itself to

his conscience afresh, and this even in spite of himself. The Strasburg

deputies reluctantly assented. Capito wished to keep him. Bucer desired

that he should be free to accept the call, ‘unless, indeed,’ he added,

‘any contrary wind should blow from your own side.’[26]

[Sidenote: His Reply To Geneva.]

Calvin wrote to Geneva on November 12, 1540, as follows:—‘Magnificent,

mighty, and honorable Lords, were it only for the courtesy with which

you treat me, it would be my duty to endeavor to meet your wishes. But

there is, besides, the singular love which I bear to your church, which

God once committed to my care, so that I am forever bound to promote its

good and its salvation. Nevertheless, be so good as to remember that I

am here at Worms for the purpose of serving, with what small ability God

has given me, all Christian churches. For this reason I am, for the

present, unable to come and serve you.’[27] There was one point which

Calvin put forward in all his letters to the council. He would not go to

Geneva merely as a teacher and preacher, but also as a guide

(_conducteur_), and with power to act in such a way that the members of

the church might conform to the commandments of God. On October 23,

1540, he wrote: ‘I doubt not that your church is in great distress and

in danger of being still further wasted unless help comes. For this

reason I will strive, with all the grace which God has given me, _to

bring it back into a better state_.’ On November 12, in the letter which

we quote, he wrote, ‘The anxiety I feel that your church _should be well

governed_, will lead me to try every means of succoring its need.’ On

February 19, 1541, he says to them, ‘I beg you to bethink yourselves of

all the means of _wisely constituting your church, that it may be ruled

according to the command of our Lord_.’[28] Calvin was therefore anxious

to make the rulers at Geneva understand that one condition of his return

was that the church should be well governed and morals well regulated.

He did not wish to take any one by surprise. If he is to be pastor at

Geneva, _he will reprove the disobedient_, as the word of God commands.

He foresaw, nevertheless, that this would be difficult, and his distress

was not relieved. The reasons for and against contended with each other

in his mind. He was wrapt in confusion and darkness. He was weighed down

with a burden. His agitation made it impossible for him to judge calmly,

according to right and reason. ‘With respect to this call from Geneva,’

he wrote to his friend Nicolas Parent, ‘my soul is so full of perplexity

and darkness, that I dare not even think of what I am to do. When I do

enter upon the subject I see no way of escape. Plunged in this distress,

I distrust myself and give myself up to others to guide me.’ He was in

the condition depicted by a poet, in which

Erreurs et vérités, ténèbres et lumière

Flottent confusément devant notre paupière,

Où l’on dit: C’est le jour! et bientôt: C’est la nuit!

He added, ‘Let us pray God to show us the right path.’[29] We are

reminded that Luther had likewise had a similar period of distress in

this very town of Worms in 1521.[30]

[Sidenote: Viret At Geneva.]

While these things were passing at Strasburg and at Worms, the revival

of the Gospel at Geneva was becoming more and more manifest. In

December, 1540, the council, anxious to provide for the good of the

church, had besought the lords of Berne with earnest entreaties to send

them Viret, then pastor at Lausanne. A letter had also been written to

Viret himself. Calvin having expressed a desire to see this friend at

work in Geneva, the Vaudois evangelist had replied that he was ready to

do all that he could; even adding that ‘_he would willingly shed his

blood for Geneva_:’ and he had arrived there at the beginning of 1541.

He had immediately applied himself to preaching the word of God, a task

for which he was very well fitted, say the registers, and his preaching

bore much fruit. Viret was certainly the man that was wanted in this

town, the scene of so many conflicts and storms. ‘He handled Scripture

well,’ says Roset, who had doubtless heard him, ‘and he was gifted with

eloquence which charmed the people.’[31] _He taught with meekness those

who were of the contrary opinion_, and thought, as Calvin says, that

kindliness ought to be shown even to those who are not worthy of it. His

gentle accents penetrated men’s hearts, and his actions added force to

his words. For the children of Jean Philippe, who perished on the

scaffold, he obtained permission to return. These children, by the

unrighteous laws of the time, had been the victims of the offences of

their father. He set himself to the re-establishing of order in the

church, and to restoring the Gospel to honor in Geneva. The civil

magistrate was among the first to profit by his exhortations; and in the

middle of January it was decreed that ‘since the Lord God had done so

much good to Geneva, his holy name should be called upon at the opening

of the sittings of the council, and wise ordinances should be passed,

that every one might know how he ought to act.’ The people in general

desired the return of Calvin, and were more and more friendly to the new

order of things.

It was thus with Jacques Bernard, the most influential of the two

ministers still remaining at Geneva. Observing the change which was

taking place in public opinion, he too faced about. We can even imagine

that he was moved to do so by grave reasons. On the first Sunday in

February he set out with a heavy heart to the _Auditoire_ at Rive, where

he was going to preach. The distress of the church, the departure of

Morand and Marcourt, the reduction of the ministry to two pastors, De la

Mare and himself, the sense of their inadequacy to a task so large and

for a people so numerous, weighed upon his heart.[32] He appeared in the

pulpit before an audience sad and dispirited, who, overpowered by grief

on account of their terrible forlornness, burst into tears.[33] The poor

old Genevese and ex-Cordelier, a lover of his native place, was greatly

affected. He felt impelled to urge upon his hearers that they should

turn to the Lord their God; and he began to utter a humble and earnest

prayer, supplicating Christ, the sovereign bishop of souls, to take pity

on Geneva, and to send to the city such a pastor as the church stood in

need of. The people followed his prayer very devoutly.

On February 6 Bernard wrote to Calvin, and after relating to him the

above circumstances, he added: ‘To speak the truth, I was not thinking

of you, I had no expectation that you would be the man that we were

asking of God. But the next day, when the Council of the Two Hundred had

assembled every one wished for Calvin. On the following day, the General

Council met, and all cried out: _We want Calvin, who is an honest man

and a learned minister of Christ_.[34] When I heard this, I praised God

and understood that this was the Lord’s doing and was marvellous in our

eyes, _that the stone which the builders refused had become the

head-stone of the corner_. Come then, my revered father in Jesus Christ;

it is to us that you belong; the Lord God has given you to us. All are

longing for you; and you will see how welcome your arrival will be to

all. You will discover that I am not such a man as the reports of some

may have led you to suppose, but that I am a sincere friend to you and a

faithful brother. What do I say? You will find that I am entirely

devoted to you and full of deference to your wishes. Delay not to come.

You will see Geneva a nation renewed, assuredly by the work of God, but

also by the ministrations of Viret. The Lord Jesus grant that your

return may be speedy! Consent to come to the help of our church. If you

do not come, the Lord God will require our blood at your hands, for he

has set you for a watchman over the house of Israel within our walls.’

Marcourt had written to Calvin a similar letter.[35]

[Sidenote: Calvin And Melanchthon.]

Calvin had been named deputy to Worms by the council of Strasburg, on

account of the abilities which he had displayed at Frankfort and at

Hagenau. These two conferences he had attended merely in his private

capacity. But the council perceived, says Sturm, ‘that his presence

might do much honor to Strasburg in that assembly of distinguished men.’

The Dukes of Luneburg, important members of the empire, had likewise

elected him their representative, so that he was invested with a twofold

office.[36] Calvin, notwithstanding his youth and his timidity, his

foreign nationality and language, felt that he could not resist the

importunities, one might almost say the violence, which were employed to

get him to accept this important calling. ‘However much,’ said he

afterwards, ‘I continued to be myself, in reluctance to attend great

assemblies, _I was nevertheless taken as if by force_ to the imperial

diets, at which, whether I liked it or not, I could not avoid being

thrown into the company of many men.’[37] He had, moreover, the

happiness of meeting there two men in whose society he took much

delight, two colleagues and friends of Luther whom he had previously

seen, one of them at Frankfort, the other at Hagenau, but with whom he

now associated more intimately. They were Melanchthon and Cruciger. The

former had acknowledged his agreement with him on the doctrine of the

Lord’s supper. Cruciger requested of him a private conversation on the

same subject; and, after Calvin had explained his view, he stated that

he approved it as Melanchthon had done. Thus two Wittenberg theologians

and one of Geneva easily came to an agreement. Sincere and prudent men

therefore do not find concord so difficult a thing as is supposed.

At Worms was formed that intimate friendship between Melanchthon and

Calvin which might be so serviceable to each of them as well as to the

Church. But troublesome spirits were not wanting in this town. Among

others there was the dean of Passau, Robert of Mosham, who at Strasburg

had already had a discussion with Calvin, in which the advantage did not

remain with the Roman Catholic champion. He considered it a point of

honor to seek his revenge, and he was once more thoroughly beaten by the

learned and powerful doctor. The superiority of Calvin, and the

remembrance of his former defeat, inspired terror in the heart of the

dean, and he got out of his depth.[38] Melanchthon, who was present at

their conference, followed Calvin with as warm an interest as he had

manifested twenty-one years before at the disputation of Luther with Dr.

Eck at Leipsic. He admired the clearness, the accuracy, the depth and

force of the theological propositions and proofs of the young French

doctor; and charmed at once by an intellect so clear and a knowledge so

profound, he proclaimed him THE THEOLOGIAN _par excellence_. This

designation was worth all the more as originating with Melanchthon; but

all the evangelical doctors who heard him were struck not only with his

language, but with the wealth and weight of his thoughts and his

arguments.

[Sidenote: Their Mutual Confidence.]

From the time of this intercourse at Worms, there always existed between

Melanchthon and Calvin that warm affection and that peculiar esteem

which are felt by the dearest friends. Esteem was perhaps uppermost in

Melanchthon, and affection in Calvin. On the one side the friendship was

founded more on reflection (_réfléchi_), on the other it was more

spontaneous. But on both sides it was the product of their noble and

beautiful qualities. They esteemed each other and loved each other

because they both had the same zeal for all that is true, good, and

lovely, and because, with a noble emulation, they were striving to

attain these blessings and to diffuse them in the world. When the best

among men draw together, and especially when Christianity purifies and

consecrates their union, then their characters and their hearts are

exalted, and their mutual love cannot fail to exert a beneficial

influence. This friendship between two such men at first surprises us.

They are usually set in contrast with one another; the Frenchman being

looked upon as an example of extreme severity, and the German of extreme

gentleness. How then, it may be said, could the soft, sweet tones of the

soul of Melanchthon set in vibration the iron soul of Calvin? The reason

is that his was not an iron soul. So far, indeed, as the great truths of

salvation were concerned, Calvin was no more to be bent than an iron

bar; for these he was ready to die. But in his relations as a husband, a

father, and a friend, he had a most tender heart. Even if, in the

controversies of the age, the discussion turned on matters of doctrine

not affecting salvation, he could bear with and even love his opponents

as few Christians have done.

The friendship of Melanchthon and Calvin was not one of those earthly

ties which pass away with the years; this affection was deep-seated and

its bonds were firm. The two friends had long interviews with each other

at Worms. Melanchthon never forgot them. ‘Would that I could talk fully

and freely with thee,’ he wrote to Calvin at a later period, ‘as we used

to do when we were together!‘[39] Having received a work of Calvin’s in

which he was mentioned, Melanchthon said to him—‘I am delighted with thy

love for me; and I thank thee for thinking of inscribing a memorial of

it in so famous a book, as in a place of honor.’ ‘Yes, dear brother,’

wrote he on another occasion, ‘I long to speak with thee of the

weightiest matters, because I have a high opinion of thy judgment, and

because I know the uprightness of thy soul, thy perfect candor. I am now

living here like an ass in a wasp’s nest.’[40]

Calvin, although he loved Melanchthon, did not fail at the same time to

tell him freely his opinion whenever he appeared too yielding. He had

been told that, on one occasion of this kind, Melanchthon tore his

letter to pieces; but he found that this was a mistake. ‘Our union,’ he

said to him, ‘must remain holy and inviolable; and since God has

consecrated it we must keep it faithfully to the end, for the prosperity

or the ruin of the Church is in this case at stake. Oh! that I could

talk with thee! I know thy candor, the elevation of thy sentiments, thy

modesty and thy piety, manifest to angels and to men.’[41] Oftentimes

Melanchthon, when worn out with the toil imposed on him by his

attendance at the assemblies in company with Calvin, worried by the

Catholic theologians, and not always agreeing with the Lutherans,

overwhelmed with weariness, would betake himself to his friend, throw

himself into his arms and exclaim, ‘Oh, would God, would God, I might

die on thy bosom!‘[42] Calvin wished a thousand times that Melanchthon

and he might have the happiness of living together. He did not hesitate

to say to Melanchthon, ‘that he felt himself to be far inferior to him:’

and nevertheless he believed that, if they had been oftener together,

his friend would have been more courageous in the conflict.

The friendship which united Melanchthon and Calvin at Worms, and

afterwards at Ratisbon, did not remain without fruit. If Melanchthon,

who was head of the Protestant deputation, displayed on that occasion

more energy than usual, if the Romish theologians were almost brought

over to the Evangelical doctrines, it must be attributed to the

influence of Calvin. The metal, till then too malleable, acquired by

tempering a greater degree of firmness.

Calvin, however, was saddened by what he saw. It might be possible to

come to some arrangement with the papacy, which would in appearance make

some concessions; but he had no doubt that if Protestantism were once

caught in Rome’s net, it was lost. It was this which appears to have

taken up his attention in the last days of the year, when mournful

thoughts are wont to cast a gloom over the mind. But he did not stop

there. He knew that Christ did conquer and will conquer the world. ‘When

we are well-nigh overwhelmed in ourselves,’ he said, ‘if we but look at

that glory to which Christ our head has been raised, we shall be bold to

look with contempt on all the evils which impend over us.’[43] One

circumstance might contribute also to remind him of the victories which

Christ gives. On the first day of the year 1541 he was at Worms. Here it

was that, twenty years before, Luther had appeared before the emperor

and the diet, and by his faith had won a glorious victory. Calvin

doubtless remembered this. ‘Moreover,’ says Conrad Badius, an

eye-witness, who was admitted to the lodgings of the Protestant doctors,

‘the pope’s adherents were so astounded and distracted by the mere

presence of the servants of Jesus Christ, that they did not dare to lift

up their heads to utter a word.’[44]

[Sidenote: Calvin’s ‘Song Of Victory.’]

Deeply affected by the formidable struggle which had been going on for

nearly a quarter of a century, and persuaded that Christ would put all

his enemies under his feet, Calvin gave utterance to this thought in a

_Song of Victory_ (_Epinicion_). It is the only poem of his that we

possess, and it contains some fine lines. ‘Yes,’ sang Calvin, ‘the

victory will be Christ’s, and the year which announces to us the day of

triumph is now beginning. Let pious tongues break the thankless silence

and cause their joy to burst forth. His enemies will say, What madness

is this? Are they triumphing over a nation which is not yet subdued, are

they seizing the crown before they have routed the army? True, impiety

sits haughtily on a lofty throne. There still exists one who by a nod

bends to his will the most powerful monarchs, his mouth vomiting deadly

poison and his hands stained with innocent blood. But for Christ death

is life and the cross a victory. The breath of his mouth is the weapon

with which he fights, and already for five _lustra_ he has brandished

his sword with a vigorous hand, not without smiting. The pope, leader of

the sacrilegious army, wounded at last, groans under the unlooked-for

plagues which have just fallen upon him, and the profane multitude is

trembling for terror. If it be a great thing to conquer one’s enemies by

force, what must it be to overthrow them by a mere sign? Christ casts

them down without breaking his own repose: he scatters them while he

keeps silence. We are a pitiful band, few in number, without apparel,

without arms, sheep in the presence of ravening wolves. But the victory

of Christ our king is for that very reason all the more marvellous. Let

his head then be crowned with the laurel of victory, let him be seated

on the chariot drawn by four coursers abreast, that his glory may shine

forth before all.

Que tous ses ennemis qui lui ont fait la guerre

Aillent après, captifs, baissant le front en terre:

Eck still flushed with his Bacchic orgies, the incompetent Cochlæus,

Nausea with his wordy productions, Pelargus with his mouth teeming with

insolence—these are not chief men, but the shameless multitude have set

them for standard-bearers in the fight. Let them learn then to bow their

necks under an unaccustomed yoke. And you, O sacred poets, celebrate in

magnificent song the glorious victory of Jesus Christ, and let all the

multitude around him shout _Io Pæan!_‘[45]

[Sidenote: Calvin And Viret.]

At the end of February Calvin set out for Ratisbon, to which place the

conference of Worms had been transferred by the emperor. He had informed

the council of Geneva of this absence on February 1, 1541. ‘I am

appointed deputy,’ he said, ‘to the diet of Ratisbon, and since I am

God’s servant and not my own, I am ready to serve wheresoever it may

seem good to him to call me.’ Touching the arrival of Viret at Geneva he

added, ‘He is a man of such faithfulness and discretion, that having him

you are not destitute.’[46] This sojourn of Viret at Geneva was in

Calvin’s eyes a matter of great moment. He had grave fears for the city.

‘I greatly fear,’ said he, ‘that if this church had remained much longer

in its state of destitution, every thing would have turned out contrary

to our wishes; but now I hope; the danger is past.’[47]

The preparations for his journey had not allowed Calvin to reply

immediately to Bernard. The letter of this Genevese pastor was not

altogether agreeable to him. Bernard’s application to him of a prophecy

referring to Jesus Christ (_the head-stone of the corner_), was in his

eyes a piece of flattery which could only disgust him (_usque ad

nauseam_, he wrote to Farel). However, he knew his man, and so the more

willingly took his letter in good part. He wrote to Bernard from Ulm,

March 1, that the arguments which he advanced for his return had always

had great weight with him; that he was most of all terrified at the

thought of fighting against God, and that it was this feeling which

never allowed him entirely to reject the call; that he thanked him for

his entreaties, and that, seeing his kind intentions, he hoped that the

feeling of his heart corresponded to his words, and he promised on his

own part all that could be expected of a friend of peace, oppose to all

strife. ‘But, at the same time,’ he added, ‘I beseech you, in God’s

name, and by his awful judgment, to remember what he is with whom you

have to do, the Lord, who will call you to give to him an exact account

at the judgment day, who will submit you to a most rigorous trial, and

who cannot be satisfied with mere words and empty excuses. I ask of you

only one thing—that you consecrate yourself sincerely and faithfully to

the Lord.’[48] Thus is it always; his own great motive the will of God;

and as to Bernard, he must be a true servant of God. The truth before

every thing.

Calvin, meanwhile, was gradually becoming familiar with the thought of

returning to Geneva. The same day (March 1) he wrote, it is true, from

Ulm to Viret, and said to him, ‘There is no place under heaven that I

more dread;‘[49] but he added, ‘The care required by this church affects

me deeply; and I do not know how it happens that my mind begins to lean

more to the thought of taking the helm.’ The decisive blow had been

struck by Farel. It was he who, in 1541, restored to Geneva this Calvin

whom he had first given to the city in 1536.

About the end of February the Reformer received from his friend a letter

so pressing and so forcible, ‘that the thunders of Pericles seemed to be

heard in it,’ according to the expression of Calvin’s friend, the

refugee Claude Feray, who at the Reformer’s request wrote to Farel and

thanked him ‘for this vehemence so useful to the whole Christian

republic.’[50] No one knew better than Farel that Calvin alone could

save Geneva. The Reformer now, therefore, began to change his attitude.

Hitherto he had turned his back on the town that called him; from this

time he set his face towards the city of the Leman. Almost at the same

time Bullinger and other servants of God from Berne, from Basel, and

from Zurich, prayed the council and the pastors of Strasburg not to

oppose the return of the Reformer.

[Sidenote: Victims Of The Plague.]

Meanwhile, however powerful the thunder-peals of Farel might be, there

were other circumstances which undoubtedly had an influence on Calvin’s

decision. Other thunders were heard, besides those of which Claude Feray

speaks, which deeply affected the Reformer, and which must have made it

easier to exchange Strasburg for Geneva. The plague was raging in the

former town, and was causing great mortality. Claude Feray was one of

its first victims. Another friend of the Reformer, M. de Richebourg, had

two sons at Strasburg, Charles and Louis; Louis was carried off by the

epidemic three days after Feray. Antoine, Calvin’s brother, immediately

took the other son, Charles, to a neighboring village. Desolation was in

the house of the Reformer. His wife and his sister Maria quitted it

likewise and went to join their brother Antoine. Calvin was in

consternation as he received at Ratisbon, in rapid succession, these

mournful tidings. ‘Day and night,’ said he, ‘my wife is incessantly in

my thoughts; she is without counsel, for she is without her husband.’

The death of Louis, the sorrow of Charles, thus deprived within three

days of his brother, and of his tutor Feray, whom he respected as a

father, powerfully affected Calvin. But it was the sudden death of the

latter, who had been his most trustworthy and most faithful friend at

Strasburg, which above all filled him with grief. He thought sorrowfully

of himself. ‘The more I feel the need,’ said he, ‘of such an adviser,

the more I am persuaded that the Lord is chastising me for my offences.’

Prayer, however, and the Word of God refreshed his soul. He wrote to M.

de Richebourg a touching letter, which he closed by entreating the Lord

to keep him until he should arrive at that place to which Louis and

Feray had gone before.[51]

Footnote 10:

Roset, _Chron. MS._, book iv. ch. xxxvii. xlii. _Registers of the

Council_ for the day—Gautier.

Footnote 11:

Roset, _Chron. MS._, book iv. ch. xlv.

Footnote 12:

‘Nec tamen id eo spectat, ut auferatur jus illud vobis a Deo collatum

(ut et suis omnibus), ut examini subjiciantur pastores omnes.’ Calv.

_Opp._ x. p. 352.

Footnote 13:

‘Neque auctor velim esse tyrannidis ullius in Ecclesiam

invehendæ.’—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 353.

Footnote 14:

See _Reg._ for the days mentioned. Roset. Roget, i. p. 191. Gaberel,

_Pièces justificatives_.

Footnote 15:

‘Biduo tanta animi perplexitate æstuasse ut vix dimidia exparte apud

me essem.’ Calvin to Farel, Oct. 21, 1540. _Opp._ xi. p. 90.

Footnote 16:

‘Locum illum velut mihi fatalem reformido.’—_Ibid._ p. 91.

Footnote 17:

‘Malim vitam centies exponere, quam eam deserendo prodere.’—_Ibid._ p.

92.

Footnote 18:

Calvin, _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 30.

Footnote 19:

Calvin, _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 32. _Opp._ xi. p. 94.

Footnote 20:

_Calvin to Farel_, Nov. 13. _Opp._ xi. p. 114.

Footnote 21:

Calvin, _Comment. on John_ xii. 25 (1553).

Footnote 22:

‘Adhibui statim fratrum consilium, aliquid agitatum est.’—Calv. _Opp._

xi. p. 114.

Footnote 23:

‘Obtestatus sum, quibus potui modis, ne me respicerent.’—_Ibid._

Footnote 24:

‘Quam plus lacrymarum efflueret quam verborum.’—_Ibid._

Footnote 25:

‘Ut secessum quærere coactus fuerim.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 114.

Footnote 26:

‘Modo ne quis ventus istinc flaverit.’—_Ibid._

Footnote 27:

Calvin’s _Lettres françaises_, i. p. 33.

Footnote 28:

_Ibid._ i. pp. 30, 34, 37.

Footnote 29:

See Letter, _Opp._ xi. p. 132.

Footnote 30:

_History of the Reformation_. First Series, vol. ii. book vii. ch.

viii.

Footnote 31:

Roset, _Chron. MS._ book iv. ch. xlvii.

Footnote 32:

‘Sed qui sumus pro tanto populo?‘—Bernard. Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 148.

Footnote 33:

‘Populum in lacrymis effusum videns.’—_Ibid._

Footnote 34:

‘Clamant omnes: Calvinum probum et doctum virum Christi ministrum

volumus.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 148.

Footnote 35:

_Ibid._ p. 86.

Footnote 36:

‘Duces Luneburgici Calvinum et me nominaverunt ut suo nomine in

colloquio adessemus.’—Sturmius, _Antip._ iv. p. 25.

Footnote 37:

Preface to the _Psalms_, p. 9.

Footnote 38:

‘In ea disputatione qua Passaviensem decanum Calvinus percelluerat,

territum a Calvino primo Argentinensi congressu.’—Sturmius, _Antip._

iv. 21.

Footnote 39:

‘Ut soliti sumusquoties una fuimus.’—Calv. _Opp._ Amst. ix. p. 174.

Footnote 40:

‘Ὡσπερ ὄνος ἐν σφηχίαις.’—Calv. _Epp._ edit. 1575, p. 109.

Footnote 41:

‘Pietas vero angelis et toti mundo testata.’—Calv. _Epp._ edit. 1575,

p. 67.

Footnote 42:

‘Utinam, utinam moriar in hoc sinu!‘—Calvinus contra Heshusium.

Footnote 43:

Calvin on _John_ xvi. 33.

Footnote 44:

Badius to Th. de Bèze.—Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 48 of the Preface.

Footnote 45:

Magnifico celebrem Christi cantate triumphum

Carmine. Io Pæan cætera turba canat.

—_Epinicion._ Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 425. This song of victory consists of

124 lines. Only a few fragments have been published. The poem was

translated into French metre by Conrad Badius of Paris, and of this

version we have cited two lines.

Footnote 46:

_Lettres françaises_, i. p. 37.

Footnote 47:

Calvin’s letter to Farel, Strasburg, Feb. 19, 1541.—Calv. _Opp._ xi.

p. 156.

Footnote 48:

Calvin’s letter to Bernard. Ulm, March 1, 1541.—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p.

166. Letter to Farel.—_Ibid._ p. 170.

Footnote 49:

‘Nullum esse locum sub cœlo quem magis reformidem... Jam nescio qui

factum sit ut animo incipiam esse inclinatione ad capessenda ejus

gubernacula.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 167.

Footnote 50:

‘In illis (literis) enim Periclis tonitrua mihi audire videbar.’—Cl.

Feræus to Farel. Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 171.

Footnote 51:

See Calvin’s letter to Farel, March 29.—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 175, and

his letter to Richebourg, _ibid._ p. 188.

CHAPTER XX.

CALVIN AT RATISBON.

(1541.)

Calvin had at this time anxieties of another kind, which may well have

contributed to make the republic of Geneva preferable to the Germanic

empire as a residence. When the conference was broken off at Worms in

1541, he had been elected deputy to the assembly of Ratisbon. It was

with reluctance that he went there, either because he felt that he was

no diplomatist, and did not consider himself at all fit for business of

that kind,[52] or because he anticipated that his stay at Ratisbon would

occasion him much annoyance. He was doubtless hoping always for the

final victory of Jesus Christ, the theme of his song of triumph; but the

conferences which he had already attended, the prolixities, the

questions of mere form which arose, the direction which the Reformation

seemed to be taking, all this disquieted and offended him. He had not

gone to these Germanic assemblies with any large expectations or

ready-made plans. He had no doubt that the Protestant divines would seek

to extend the kingdom of Christ, but he saw more clearly than they did

the obstacles which they would encounter. Many things afflicted and

irritated him; and, perhaps, he could not at all times control his

temper. The Catholics, it is true, made some [Sidenote: Concessions of

the Lutherans.] concessions on important points; but even this failed to

tranquillize Calvin, nay, it excited his suspicions, as it did those of

Luther and the Elector of Saxony. Dr. Eck, who was one of the

commissioners, was not a man to inspire much confidence in Calvin. The

latter would sometimes speak rather hard words about him. This

theologian had had an apoplectic fit, the consequence, it was rumored,

of his intemperance, but he was gradually recovering. ‘The world,’ wrote

Calvin to Farel, ‘does not yet deserve to be delivered from this

brute.’[53] He acknowledged the pacific sentiments of Cardinal

Contarini, the papal legate, who at the same time that he was a

thorough-going Catholic so far as the Church was concerned, leaned

towards reconciliation with the Protestants with respect to matters of

faith. But Calvin, who assuredly saw more clearly than others, did not

doubt that the Roman dignitary really wished to bring back Protestants

into the pale of the Church. The only difference which he perceived

between him and the nuncio Morone was this—Contarini wishes to subdue

us, but without shedding our blood; he tries to gain his end by all

means except by fighting, while Morone is altogether sanguinary, and has

always war on his lips.[54] Calvin instituted a contrast between Morone

and Contarini. The former is a man of blood, the latter a man of peace.

Is it just to say that he hated Contarini?[55] We think not.

He was much displeased with most of the princes. If any occasion of

pleasure presented itself, they would always say, ‘Business to-morrow.’

If Calvin anywhere went into the Lutheran churches, he was saddened by

the sight of images and crosses, and by certain parts of the service.

The relations of the theologians with princes and with courts appeared

to him to be bonds of servility and worldliness.

He could not approve even the methods of procedure adopted by his best

friends, Melanchthon and Bucer. To Farel he wrote thus: ‘They have drawn

up ambiguous and colored formulæ on transubstantiation,[56] to see if

they could not satisfy their opponents without making any real

concession to them. I do not like this. I can, nevertheless, assure you

and all good men, that they are acting with the best intentions, and are

aiming only at the advancement of the kingdom of Christ. They fancy that

our antagonists will presently have their eyes opened on the subject of

doctrine, and that it is therefore best to leave this point undecided.

But they are too accommodating to the temper of the times.’

On February 23 the emperor had arrived at Ratisbon. Electors, princes,

archbishops, bishops, and lords of all degrees had gathered around the

chief of the empire, and all contributed by their presence to give

special importance to the assembly. They wished by subtle negotiations

to make an end of the Reformation. Never had there been so great danger

for the Protestant opposition of being weakened and dissolved into the

Romish hierarchical system. The pope had sent to Germany the amiable and

pious Contarini as a capital bait for the Protestants; and these, when

once caught, he would have thrown into his own fish-pond, and carefully

secured them there. Melanchthon himself had desired that Calvin should

attend the assembly, because he felt sure that the young doctor would do

there what he himself would not have resolution enough to do. Calvin’s

part at Ratisbon was not only to see what others did not see, but also

to cry out to his too confiding friends—Beware! The time which he spent

at this Germanic diet forms one of the most important epochs of his

life; one in which he was called to act on the loftiest stage. The

firmness with which he unveiled the designs of the papacy and

strengthened the feeble Protestants had much to do with the breaking off

of the insidious negotiations which Contarini himself at last felt bound

to abandon. The Reformation of the sixteenth century was at this time

menaced in Germany. It was necessary to save it. The sayings of Calvin

hit hard. Some have said they were exaggerated; and yet ecclesiastical

occurrences of succeeding years justified them. Learned and pious

Catholics have uttered against Rome many of the same reproaches as the

Reformer did. If Calvin did not recognize in the Roman Catholic Church

some worthy and truly pious men, he was mistaken. But there is no

evidence of such a mistake on his part. When he replies to a discourse

of a nephew and legate of the pope—of the pope himself—it is only the

Romish hierarchy that he attacks; and the more he finds the Germans

disposed to give way, the more he feels it to be his duty to speak

clearly, decisively, and courageously. ‘If the trumpet give an uncertain

sound, who will prepare himself to the battle?’

[Sidenote: Speech Of Cardinal Farnese.]

Pope Paul III. had sent to the emperor his nephew, Cardinal Farnese,

‘who was only just past boyhood.’ This young prelate had faithfully

addressed to Charles V. the discourse which he had received from his

uncle; and this was a bill of indictment against the Protestants. To

this manifesto of the papacy Calvin felt it to be his duty to reply,[57]

and thus to re-establish the truth which was trampled under foot. Never,

perhaps, had the Reformation and the Papacy come into more direct

collision, and this in the persons of their most considerable

combatants, and, as it were, in the presence of the emperor and the

diet. The epoch at which this dialogue appeared, the distinguished

character of the interlocutors, the importance of the subjects

discussed, the necessity that a history of the Reformation should not be

limited to external movements but should penetrate to principles, and

the circumstance that this work of Calvin’s has remained so long

unknown—all these considerations compel us to fix our attention upon it.

We cannot forget what Luther called ‘the kernel of the nut, the flour of

the wheat, and the marrow of the bones.’ The Reformation is above all an

idea: it has a soul, a life. It is the depth of this soul that Calvin

here lays open. Let the pope and the reformer speak. The latter speaks

with all the energy imparted to him by his character, his youth, and his

indignation. Pope Paul III. addresses the mighty Emperor of Germany, and

we may properly say that Calvin, although indirectly, does the same.

This strange colloquy is well worth the trouble of listening to it.

_The Pope._ ‘We are desirous of the peace and the unity of Germany; but

of a peace and a unity which do not constitute a perpetual war against

God.’

_Calvin._ ‘That is to say, against the earthly god, the Roman god. For

if he (the pope) wished for peace with the true God, he would live in a

different manner; he would teach otherwise and reign otherwise than he

does. For his whole existence, his institutions, and his decrees make

war on God.’

_The Pope._ ‘The Protestants are like slippery snakes; they aim at no

certain object, and thus show plainly enough that they are altogether

enemies of concord, and want, not the suppression of vice, but the

overthrow of the apostolic see! We ought not to have any further

negotiations with them.’

_Calvin._ ‘Certainly, there is a snake in the grass here. The pope, who

holds in abomination all discussion, cannot hear it spoken of without

immediately crying “Fire!” in order to prevent it. Only let any one call

to mind all the little assemblies held by the pontiffs these twenty

years and more, for the purpose of smothering the Gospel, and then he

will see clearly what kind of a reformation they would be willing to

accept.[58] All men of sound mind see clearly that the question is not

only of maintaining the status of the pope as a sovereign and limited

episcopacy, but rather of completely setting aside the episcopal office

and of establishing in its stead and under its name _an antichristian

tyranny_.[59] And not only so, but the adherents of the papacy put men

out of their minds by wicked and impious lies, and corrupt the world by

numberless examples of debauchery. Not contented with these misdeeds,

they exterminate those who strive to restore to the Church a purer

doctrine and a more lawful order, or who merely venture to ask for these

things.’

_The Pope._ ‘It is impossible to tell in what way to proceed in order to

come to any agreement with such people as these, for they are not in

agreement even with one another. The Lutherans want one thing, the

Zwinglians want another, to say nothing of other sects.’

_Calvin._ ‘This is a malicious fiction. Let the institutions of Jesus

Christ and the worship of the early church be re-established; let every

thing be cast away that is opposed to these, and which can proceed only

from Antichrists, and concord will thus be immediately restored among

all who are of Christ, whether they be called by their enemies Lutherans

or Zwinglians. If there be any who demand other things than those which

I have just spoken of, the Protestants do not count them of their

number.’[60]

_The Pope._ ‘Even if it were possible to bring about a union, if the

Protestants could be brought to obey the holy see, this could not be

effected without making many concessions to them.’

_Calvin._ ‘It is needful only to concede what the Lord concedes and

commands. Why does man refuse this?’

_The Pope._ ‘If these things were allowed, the consequence would be a

breach in the unity of the Church; for such changes would never be

accepted in France, nor in Spain, nor in Italy, nor in the other

provinces of Christendom.’

[Sidenote: Unity And Diversity.]

_Calvin._ ‘Let the free and sincere preaching of the Gospel be

everywhere restored, and there will be no more diversity among the

faithful in Christ Jesus; for we ask only for the truth which the Lord

has proclaimed for the salvation of his people. With respect to

diversities of practice the churches must be left at liberty.[61] The

unity of the Church does not consist in sameness of rites but in

sameness of faith. In the ages of the apostles and of the martyrs a

sincere unity was maintained among the Christians, notwithstanding

differences of ritual observances. But since the several churches of

different countries received under the Roman pontiff the same rites, the

sole foundations of salvation have been miserably shifted. The just

lives by faith, not by ceremonies. No church may insist on any thing

which is not of faith as indispensable to Christian communion. There is

therefore nothing on the part of the Protestants which makes it

difficult, much less impossible, to establish a pious and solid

agreement amongst all the churches.’[62]

_The Pope._ ‘And if the general council should not approve these

changes, and should possibly establish the contrary, what hope would

there be of then bringing back unity to Germany, which would have had

time to grow strong in its new opinions?’

_Calvin._ ‘What! a council would not only not approve what has been

established by the word of Christ himself, but would publicly abrogate

it! Good God! what a monster of a council! Such are the fine hopes held

out to us by the Roman see. Why should we still wait for this assembly,

since if it were held, we should have to repudiate it?’

_The Pope._ ‘There would be danger, moreover, lest the Protestants,

while making some concessions, should attain in return their chief

desire, the separation of Catholics from the apostolic see!’

_Calvin._ ‘From the Roman see, if you please, but not from the apostolic

see. The Catholic Protestants[63] have no other wish but to get the see

of Satan overthrown, and the true see of Christ set up in its place—that

see on which rest the apostles and not the Antichrists. Now the point

supremely insisted on by the papists is their will to reign in the

Church, to be masters of every thing in it, and to leave nothing to

Jesus Christ.’

_The Pope._ ‘We can easily conceive what sort of peace we may have with

those Protestants who, sometimes by letters, sometimes by threatening

speeches, and sometimes by artful practices, daily lead astray men of

all ranks.’

_Calvin._ ‘These illicit methods are as unusual among us as they are

familiar to the Roman bishops. It is not merely a few individuals in

Germany that the Protestants wish to enlighten, but the whole world, if

the Lord permit, in order that all may enjoy together the true and sole

religion of Jesus Christ.[64]

_The Pope._ ‘Since piety, alas, has grown cold, men are naturally

prompted to pass over from a faith too severe to one more lax, from a

more continent religion to one more voluptuous, and from submission to

independence.’

_Calvin._ ‘Who could endure such a piece of impudence? Whence, then, has

come the ruin of religion which all pious men mourn? Whence comes the

contempt of God and of sacred things? Whence, but from the apathy, the

ignorance, and the malice with which Rome has buried Christ’s truth, or

rather has banished it from the world! Every one knows what these

pontiffs have been for four or five hundred years past. _It is easy_,

says the pope, _to get men to pass from a continent life to a voluptuous

one._ Who can hear such things without laughing? Every one knows in what

sort of continence and austerity the Roman court lives, and all who are

trained in it. Men who have corrupted the whole world by their

waywardness, and defiled the earth with every kind of debauchery, have

the impudence to reproach others with effeminacy and self-indulgence. Is

it not known that the dissoluteness of Rome has been shameless, that

luxury, incontinence, and a fabulous licentiousness which has burst all

bonds, prevail in the midst of its creatures? And such men dare to

exhibit themselves as guardians of obedience, of continence, and of

severity!‘[65]

[Sidenote: Who Profanes Religion?]

_The Pope._ ‘Not only do they lead men astray, but they pillage the

churches, drive away the bishops, profane religion, and all this with

impunity.’

_Calvin._ ‘Those do not lead men astray who bring them back from deadly

errors to Jesus Christ. Those do not pillage churches who snatch them

from the hands of plunderers in order to put true pastors in them. Those

do not drive away bishops who establish the religion of the Gospel.

Those are not guilty of profanation whose work is to restore. What is

the doctrine of these men, but that we should trust in the Lord Jesus

Christ and live for him; while those of the pope’s party would have us

trust in the saints, their bones and their images, in ceremonies and in

human works? Where is the parish, where is the abbey, the bishopric, or

the rich benefice, which is not held by men whose only accomplishments

are hunting, seduction, and other follies and iniquities? Men who, when

they become bishops, to be consistent with their profession as now

understood, show themselves to be hunters, epicures, haunters of

wine-shops, libertines, soldiers, and gladiators? This, verily, is

sacrilege and pillage of churches! Has it been possible for Protestants

to drive away a bishop, seeing it is so rare a thing to find a man that

can fairly pass for one?’

_The Pope._ ‘It is not the business of particular assemblies but of a

general council to deal with religion; and if, without consulting

France, Spain, Italy, and the other nations, any new doctrines should be

established in Germany, unity no longer existing, we should have in the

body of Christ a great monster.’[66]

_Calvin._ ‘What! if doctrine and preaching be regulated according to the

apostolic institution so that the people may be edified, it is a

monster! But if in the whole of Christendom there be nothing but

ceremonies without intelligence, prostituted to purposes of impious

gain; if there be no reading of Scripture, no exhortations from which

the people can gather any fruit; if foolish monks or extravagant

theological quibblers (_théologastres_) do nothing but plunge men in

darkness—this is no monster!

‘If Christians are taught to offer to God legitimate worship, to cast

off all confidence in their own virtues, and to seek in Christ alone

full salvation and all hope of blessings to come, this is a monster! But

if the worship of God be turned upside down by innumerable

superstitions; if men be taught to place their confidence in the vainest

of all vanities, to call upon dead men instead of upon God; if new

sacrifices without end are invented, new expiations and new mediators;

if Jesus Christ be hidden and almost buried under a mass of impious

imaginations; this is no monster, and we may walk in this way without

fear!

‘If the sacraments are brought back to their primitive purpose, which is

that faithful souls may enter more completely into communion with Jesus

Christ and devote themselves to a holy life, this is a monster! But if

petty priests abuse these mysteries; if they substitute for the holy

supper a profane ceremony, which annuls the benefit of Christ’s death,

and buries the sacred feast under a confused medley of rites, some of

them without meaning, others puerile and ridiculous, there is nothing

monstrous in all this!

[Sidenote: True Ministers.]

‘If ministers are given to the churches who nourish the people with

sound doctrine, who walk before them as examples, who watch diligently

over the safety of the church, remembering that they are fathers and

shepherds and must not cherish any other ambition than that of bringing

the people into obedience to one master alone, that is Christ; if they

govern their families with prudence, bring up their children in the fear

of God, and honor the married state by virtuous and chaste living—then

this is not only a monster, it is more monstrous than a monster! But if

the pope, that Romish idol, as God sitteth in the temple of God, showing

himself that he is God; if he claim to hold the whole world in the most

miserable bondage; if his satellites have no care to publish the Word of

God, but persecute it as much as they can with fire and sword; if, while

they pour contempt on marriage, they not only seek to invade the nuptial

bed, but also defile the land with their obscenities; this is perfectly

endurable and has nothing monstrous in it!

‘If one venture to open one’s mouth in favor of a proper application of

the wealth of the church; if one attempt to repress the pillage of these

thieves, and to get that property expended for the uses to which it was

destined; this is a frightful monster. But of these vast resources of

the church let there be no portion for the maintenance of faithful

ministers, nothing for the schools, nothing for the poor, to whom they

ought to belong; let insatiable gulfs absorb and waste them in luxury,

licentiousness, play, poisonings and murders; all this is very far from

being a monster! What shall I say? At this day there is nothing

monstrous in a world in which every thing is notoriously out of order,

crazy, profligate, perverted, deformed, twisted, confused, in ruins,

dissipated and mutilated. Nothing monstrous, except the moving of a

little finger to apply a remedy to such vast evils. Monsters! That must

be transported to the end of the earth!‘

_The Pope._ ‘It is necessary to oppose all these particular assemblies

in which matters in controversy are discussed, and to convoke a council.

Then the Protestants will either submit to its decrees or will persist

in their own views. In the latter case, the Emperor and the King of

France, between whom negotiations are now going on, will take advantage

of their alliance to correct and to recall them to better thoughts.’

_Calvin._ ‘So then, in case the Protestants are not willing to place

themselves and every thing belonging to them in the hands of the Roman

pontiff, they are to be subdued by arms; so long as a single man remains

who shall dare to open his lips against the abominable supremacy of the

Roman see, there shall be no end and no limit to the shedding of blood.

Such is the shepherd’s crook of which he will make use to drive the

sheep into the fold. But the prophet says, _Take counsel together and it

shall come to nought; associate yourselves, O ye people, and ye shall be

broken in pieces_.[67] There are men, grievous to tell! traitors,

enemies of their country, who are everywhere scattering the seeds of

intestine war; who, as soon as they think that men’s minds are quite

prepared, brandish their torches and kindle a fire; who, the moment they

see a spark, make haste to throw dry wood on it and raise a flame with

their poisonous breath, until at last the whole of Germany shall be

nothing but one vast conflagration.’[68]

If Calvin is rather sharp in his reply, the pope, it must be owned, had

not infused into his attack much mildness or fairness. ‘It is not easy

to decide, _to speak in a Christian manner_,’ he had said, ‘which are

the worst enemies of Jesus Christ, the Protestants or the Turks. For the

latter kill only the body, but the former destroy the soul.’ This saying

shocked even the judicious and impartial Sleidan. ‘Have not the Turks,’

said he, ‘spread their religion everywhere by arms? And who among us

have shown more zeal to exalt the grace and the virtue of Jesus Christ

than the Protestants, who have in this respect surpassed the Catholics

themselves?’ The pope even did not shrink from having recourse to the

same methods as the Turks. He had sent to the emperor his own nephew to

scheme the destruction of the Reformation and to extinguish it, if need

be, in the blood of the Evangelicals; while no one more earnestly than

Calvin stigmatized beforehand that fratricidal war, to which the desire

to crush the Reformation afterwards gave rise. The blow having been

violent, the return blow was energetic. Calvin was wrong, however, in

one respect—in that he did not fully and publicly acknowledge that there

were honorable exceptions to the licentiousness of priests and to the

other evils of the papacy. But he has elsewhere exhibited this fairness;

for he distinguishes among the Catholics two classes—those in whom

_malice predominates_, and those who are deluded _by a false appearance

of truth_.[69]

[Sidenote: Calvin At Ratisbon.]

This work bears the date of March, 1541. Calvin arrived at Ratisbon at

the beginning of March, and remained there about four months. The

emperor was there longer still. It may be supposed that a work so

remarkable, written as a reply to the discourse addressed by the pope to

Charles V., was read at the time by the emperor’s ministers, perhaps

even by the emperor himself. Calvin did not put his name to it, probably

in order that attention might be paid to the considerations which are

put forward in it, without regard to their authorship; perhaps also in

order not to implicate the town of Strasburg which showed him such noble

hospitality and of which he was the deputy. But his name is read, so to

speak, in every line of this eloquent memoir. Sleidan positively names

Calvin as its author.[70]

Calvin’s part at Ratisbon it is not difficult to recognize. It was such

as Luther’s would have been, had he been present. He firmly believed

that the Protestants, and even his dear Melanchthon, under the influence

of their desire to reconcile the two parties, were inclined to make too

many concessions. This tendency must be resisted. Seeing how the waters

were rushing along and threatening to carry every thing before them, he

felt it his duty to stand in their way like a rock to arrest the

disaster. ‘Believe me,’ he wrote from Ratisbon to Farel, May 11, ‘in

actions of this kind brave souls are wanted who may strengthen

others.[71] Pray then all of you with earnestness to the Lord that he

may fortify us with his spirit of boldness.’ The next day he wrote to

him, ‘So far as I can understand, if we are willing to be satisfied with

a half-Christ, we shall easily be able to come to an agreement.’[72] Did

Calvin, allured by the position which he felt bound to take, go too far?

The footing was slippery. He did perhaps go too far in words, but not in

deeds.

The legate Contarini had declared to the emperor that, as the

Protestants deviate in various articles from the common consent of the

Catholic Church, it would be better, all things considered, to refer the

whole matter to the pope and to the next council. ‘What can be hoped for

from such a gathering?’ said Calvin. ‘There will not be one in a hundred

willing and able to understand what is for the glory of God and for the

good of the Church. It is notorious what sort of theology is held at

Rome, principally in the consistory. Its first principle is that there

is no God; its second, that Christianity is nothing but

foolishness.’[73] Calvin does not mean that this is the doctrine which

Rome professes, but only that the papacy behaves as if it were so.

Having neither the true God nor true Christianity, it is in the

Reformer’s sight without God and without faith. He continues—‘Suppose,

then, that we have a council, the pope will be its president, the

bishops and prelates will be judges in it.... They will come to it in

the most deliberate manner to gainsay and to resist every thing which

would infringe on their avarice and ambition, and on that tyrannical

supremacy in the exercise of which they have no greater enemy than Jesus

Christ. When the council is held, it will contribute rather to destroy

than to put things again into a right state.’

Contarini had recommended to the bishops various reforms; such as to be

watchful over their dioceses lest the religion of the Protestants should

propagate itself in them; and to establish schools in order that people

might not send their children to those of the Evangelicals. ‘He had

indeed many other evils to deal with,’ said Calvin, ‘if he had a wish to

give good medicine. The world is full of the worship of idols, in the

shape of relics and images, to such an extent that there could hardly be

more of it among the pagans. Every one makes gods for himself after his

fancy (_à sa poste_), out of saints, male and female. The virtue of

Christ is as good as buried, and his honor virtually annihilated. The

light of truth is almost extinct; hardly any sparks of it remain.’[74]

[Sidenote: Calvin’s Moderation.]

However decided Calvin was with respect to the errors of Rome, he was,

nevertheless, far from being a narrow-minded and passionate man; and he

did not hesitate to acknowledge whatever good there was in his

opponents. We have already seen that he looked upon the archbishops of

Cologne, of Mentz, and of Treves as friends of liberty, of peace, and

even of a reform. At Ratisbon he also bore favorable testimony to

Charles V. ‘It is no fault of the emperor,’ said he, ‘that some good

beginning of agreement was not arrived at, without waiting for the pope,

or the cardinals, or any of their following.’[75] His estimate of the

electors was still more favorable. ‘The electors,’ says he, ‘at least

most of them, were of opinion that in order to bring about a union of

the churches, the articles which had been passed should be received; and

this would have been a very good beginning of provision for the Church.

The world would have learnt that it ought not to trust in its strength

and its free-will; and that it is through the free grace of our Lord

that we are enabled to act well. The righteousness which we receive as a

free gift from Christ would have been set forth, in order to overthrow

our pernicious confidence in our own works. It would have been better

known that the Church cannot be separated from the word of God. The

shameful and dishonest traffic in masses would have been suppressed; the

tyranny of the ministers of the Church would have been restrained, and

superstitions would have been corrected.’[76] These were, in fact, the

great points conceded by the legate of Rome, Contarini; and Calvin,

undoubtedly, was no stranger to that conquest.

He complained most of all of the princes of the second order, ‘who had

for their captains,’ he adds, ‘two dukes of Bavaria, who were reported

to be pensioners of the pope to maintain the relics of holy Mother

Church in Germany, and thus to bring about the ruin of the country. For

to leave things as they are, what is it but to abandon Germany as in

desperate case? They want the pope to be the physician, to put things in

order; and thus they thrust the lamb into the wolf’s jaws that he may

take care of it.’ Every thing was, in fact, referred to a general

council. ‘It seems like a dream,’ says Calvin, ‘that the emperor and so

many princes, ambassadors, and counsellors should have spent five whole

months in consulting, considering, parleying, giving opinions, debating

and resolving to do at last just nothing at all.’

Calvin, however, did not lose courage. ‘At present,’ he adds, ‘seeing

that this diet of Ratisbon has all ended in smoke, many persons are

disconcerted, fret themselves and despair of the Gospel ever being

received _by public authority_. But more good has resulted from this

assembly than appears. The servants of God have borne faithful testimony

to the truth, and there are always a few who are open to conviction. It

is no slight matter that all the princes, nay, even some of the bishops,

are convinced in their hearts that the doctrine preached under the Pope

must be amended.

‘But our chief consolation is that this is the cause of God and that he

will take it in hand to bring it to a happy issue. Even though all the

princes of the earth were to unite for the maintenance of our Gospel,

still we must not make that the foundation of our hope. So, likewise,

whatever resistance we see to-day offered by almost all the world to the

progress of the truth, we must not doubt that our Lord will come at last

to break through all the undertakings of men and make a passage for his

word. Let us hope boldly, then, more than we can understand; he will

still surpass our opinion and our hope.’[77]

Such was the faith that animated Luther and Calvin, and this was the

cause of their triumph.

[Sidenote: Calvin’s Departure From Ratisbon.]

As soon as Calvin saw that there was nothing more for him to do at

Ratisbon, he ardently desired to leave the town, and with much

earnestness begged permission to depart. Bucer and Melanchthon stoutly

opposed it; but they yielded at last. He extorted his discharge, he

says, rather than obtained it. On the arrival of deputies from Austria

and Hungary, to demand aid against the Turks, the emperor commanded the

adjournment of the religious debates, for the purpose of considering the

means of resisting Solyman, who had already entered Hungary. ‘I would

not let slip the opportunity,’ says Calvin, ‘and so I got off.’[78]

Footnote 52:

‘Minime idoneus mihi ad tales actiones videor, quidquid alii

judicent.’—To Farel, Strasburg, Feb. 19, 1541. Calv. _Opp._ xi. p.

156.

Footnote 53:

‘Nondum meretur mundus ista bestia liberari.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 217.

Footnote 54:

‘Contarinus sine sanguine subigere nos cupit, Mutinensis totus est

sanguinarius et bellum subinde in ore habet.’—To Farel, March 29.

_Ibid._ p. 176.

Footnote 55:

‘Er hasste ihn.’—Kampschulte, _J. Calvin_, i. p. 334.

Footnote 56:

‘Philippus et Bucerus formulas de transsubstantiatione composuerunt

ambiguas et fucosas.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. 217.

Footnote 57:

Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 52. In his annotations Calvin veils himself under

the name of Eusebius Pamphilus.

Footnote 58:

‘Quæ pontificii conventicula his viginti annis aut amplius ad

opprimendum evangelium habuerunt,’ etc.—Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 472. March

1541. A summary of the cardinal’s discourse is given in Sleidan’s

_Hist. of the Reform._ ii. book xiii. p. 207. Edit. of the Hague,

1767. Calvin’s reply is in the _Opp._ v. p. 461. It is omitted in the

previous collections of his works.

Footnote 59:

‘Everso sublatoque episcopali munere, sub ejus nomine tyrannidem

prorsus antichristianam stabilire.’—Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 472.

Footnote 60:

‘Si qui autem alia requirant, hos nec protestantes inter suos

deputabunt.’—_Ibid._ p. 475.

Footnote 61:

‘Cæterarum observationum ecclesiis sua relinquenda est

libertas.’—Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 477.

Footnote 62:

‘Nihil itaque a protestantibus exsistit, cur difficile nedum

impossibile sit solidam et piam ecclesiarum concordiam

restituere.’—Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 478.

Footnote 63:

‘Catholici protestantes.’ Calvin evidently denotes by this phrase the

Protestants who, like himself, wish for one universal church, one in

faith, in charity, and in hope, although it may have diversities in

church government and in forms of worship. The conception of such a

church is a grand one.

Footnote 64:

‘Totum etiam orbem ad consortium veræ et unicæ religionis Christi

permoveri.’—Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 481.

Footnote 65:

There is a whole body of Catholic literature devoted to the

description of the immorality of Romish ecclesiastics; works of a

grave character, satirical and humoristic works, &c. See the _De ruina

ecclesiæ_ of Nic. de Clémengis, rector of the university of Paris, who

calls the ecclesiastics _Porci Epicurei_. Bebel, _Triumphus Veneris_.

Théobald, _Conquestus in Concil_. _Const._, says—‘Sacerdotes non solum

tabernas sed etiam lupanaria intrare: puellas, maritatas atque

noviciales, corrumpere; episcopos eodem vitio laborare.’

Footnote 66:

‘Esset magnum monstrum in corpore Christi.’—Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 489.

Footnote 67:

Isa. viii. 9, 10. Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 499.

Footnote 68:

‘Donec uti uno incendio Germaniam viderint conflagrare.’—_Ibid._ p.

498.

Footnote 69:

Calvin on 1 Tim. i. 17.

Footnote 70:

This was noticed by the editors of Calvin’s works. See vol. v.

_Prolegomena_, p. liii, 1866. ‘Hoc Farnesii consilium. . . ubi

mensibus aliquot post emanasset, Johannes Calvinus excusum typis

commentario vestivit’ (p. lv).

Footnote 71:

‘Crede mihi, in ejusmodi actionibus opus est fortibus animis qui alios

confirment.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 216.

Footnote 72:

‘Si essemus dimidio Christo contenti, facile transigeremus.’—_Ibid._

p. 217.

Footnote 73:

Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 654. Acts of Ratisbon. It is thought that the notes

in which these remarks and others occur are Calvin’s because they are

found in his French edition of the Acts, and not in the Latin and

German editions. Internal evidence confirms this supposition, for his

style and his mind are in them.

Footnote 74:

Calv. _Opp._ v. pp. 658, 659.

Footnote 75:

_Ibid._ p. 663.

Footnote 76:

Calv. _Opp._ v. p. 671. We are glad to see Calvin’s moderation

acknowledged by Kampschulte, _J. Calvin_, i. p. 341.

Footnote 77:

Calv. _Opp._ v. pp. 680-684.

Footnote 78:

‘Occasionem præterire nolui; sic elapsus sum.’—Calvin to Farel, July,

1541.—_Opp._ xi. p. 252.

CHAPTER XXI.

CALVIN’S RETURN TO GENEVA.

(JULY TO SEPT. 1541.)

Having turned his back on the diet, Calvin thought of nothing but

Geneva. ‘The diet ended as I had predicted,’ he had written; ‘the whole

scheme of pacification went out in smoke. As soon as Bucer returns we

shall betake ourselves with all speed to Geneva, or, indeed, I shall set

out alone without further delay.’ Bucer, in fact, was to accompany

Calvin and to assist him with his counsel to see whether it would be

right for him to remain in that town. But when he returned to Strasburg

he was detained there and also detained his friend. ‘I have regretted a

thousand times,’ says the latter, ‘that I did not set out for Basel

immediately after my return from Ratisbon.’[79] In that Swiss town he

was to obtain more particular information about the state of affairs on

the shores of the Leman, and especially about the suit between Berne and

Geneva, concerning the ‘Articulants’; a suit in which Basel had been

appointed arbitrator. At Strasburg it was thought that Calvin ought not

to settle in that disturbed town so long as this cause of trouble

continued to exist.

If Calvin was evidently more decided than he had hitherto been, the

cause was not only what was taking place in Germany, but also what was

passing at Geneva. To put the matter into legal shape, to set in broad

daylight the feelings of respect for the reformer which now animated the

people, and thus to deprive Calvin of every pretext for declining the

call which was sent to him, the general Council had been assembled on

May 1, and ‘had revoked the edict of expulsion of the ministers passed

in 1538, and declared that they esteemed them servants of God, so that

for the future Farel and Calvin, Saunier and the others might go in and

out at Geneva at their pleasure.’[80]

[Sidenote: Calvin’s Return To Geneva.]

This measure of the people of Geneva was a large one, but the Council

did not stop there. Fearing, with good reason, that Strasburg would wish

to keep to herself the great man whom Geneva had banished, they

addressed two distinct letters to the ministers and the magistrates of

Zurich and Basel, begging them to support their request at Strasburg.

They wrote also to the Council and the ministers of the latter town. As

these letters are important and very little known, it may be proper to

give some passages from them.

‘You are not ignorant,’ said the Genevese syndics and senate in their

letter to the pastors, ‘that our ministers have been unjustly driven

from our town, not in the regular course of justice, but rather as the

result of much injustice, tumult, and conspiracy; and you know the

troubles and horrible scandals in which we have been thereby

plunged.[81] For an evil so dangerous there is no remedy but the

presence of able, prudent, and God-fearing pastors, qualified to repair

this disaster. We, therefore, have recourse to you who have given us

abundant evidence of your tender solicitude for our Church, endeavoring

to persuade our magistrate to reinstate in the ministry our faithful

ministers Farel, Calvin, and Courault. This could not be effected at the

time because of the harshness and obstinacy of the perpetrators of the

disturbances; and thus a great multitude of just and pious men were

plunged in distress and tears.[82] But now our most merciful Father

having visited us in his goodness, we beg you to use your endeavors to

restore to us our faithful pastors, who were rejected by men that were

seeking the gratification of their own evil desires rather than the will

of God.’[83] In such terms did the syndics and the Council of Geneva

request the ministers of the towns to which they applied to aid them in

recovering their pastors.

The letter of the syndics and the Council of Geneva to the Councils of

Zurich and Basel was no less emphatic. They said to them ‘that although

for twenty years their town had been kept in agitation by violent

storms, it has known no tumults, no seditions, no dangers, to compare

with those with which the anger of God has visited us, since by the

craft and contrivances of factious and seditious men,[84] the faithful

pastors, by whom their church had been founded and maintained, to the

great edification and consolation of all, have been unjustly driven away

by the blackest ingratitude—the benefits, assuredly no ordinary ones,

which the Lord had conferred by their ministry, being entirely

forgotten.’ The Genevese added ‘that from the hour of that exile Geneva

had known nothing but troubles, enmities, strifes, contentions, breaking

up of social bonds, seditions, factions and homicides.[85] The city

would, consequently, have been almost wholly destroyed, if the Lord in

his great compassion had not looked upon it with love and sent Viret to

gather together the wretched flock, which was at that time reduced to

such a pitch of confusion that it was scarcely, if at all, possible to

recognize in it any of the features of a church: and that there was

nothing which the Genevese desired more ardently or with more unanimity

than to see their ministers restored to the former position in which God

had placed them. And, therefore,’ they continued, ‘we pray you in the

name of Christ, most honorable lords, to entreat the illustrious

senators of Strasburg not only to give back to us our brother Calvin, of

whom we have the most urgent need, and who is so eagerly looked for by

our people, but further persuade him to come to Geneva as soon as

possible. Learned and pious pastors, such as he is, are most necessary

for us, because Geneva is, as it were, the gate of France and Italy;[86]

because day by day many people resort to it from these lands and from

other neighboring countries; and because it will be a great consolation

and edification to them to find in our town pastors competent to meet

their wants.’

A letter of like character was sent to Strasburg. All the letters were

subscribed, ‘The Syndics and the Senate of the city of Geneva’ (Syndici

et Senatus Genevensis civitatis).

[Sidenote: Rudeness Of Phrase.]

Men’s minds were at that time in a state of great agitation. Hostile

opinions were not expressed in mawkish phraseology; and the Council, as

it was bent on having Calvin at any cost, conveyed its meaning

unmistakably. There might be, perhaps, some rudeness of expression; the

writing was forcible rather than refined; but we certainly possess in

these letters the views of the Genevese magistrates and people,

especially of the best among them, respecting Calvin, the authors of his

banishment, and the condition of Geneva after his departure. The

latitudinarian and often unbelieving spirit of our days would fain

reconstruct this history after the fashion of the nineteenth century;

but in these documents we have assuredly the impress of the olden time.

The chief magistrates of the republic could not possibly have expressed

themselves as they did if their statement of facts could have been

contradicted by the people, their contemporaries, as they have been

several centuries afterwards. The syndics who signed these letters were

not upstarts raised to office by a party. They had long been in the

Council, and all of them had previously been syndics, one in 1540, two

of the others in 1537, and one of these two as early as 1534, and the

fourth in 1535.[87] It is not to be doubted that the view taken at this

epoch by the chiefs of the Genevese nation will be likewise the view of

impartial and enlightened men of every age. It has been said that the

faction which expelled Calvin does not deserve the grave reproaches

which have been cast upon it by modern historians. The syndics and

councils of 1541 can hardly be placed in the ranks of modern historians.

These letters were everywhere well received. The pastors of Zurich wrote

word to the Council of Geneva that their Council, eager to give them

pleasure, had written to the Council and the ministers of Strasburg, and

likewise to Calvin at Ratisbon, begging the former to press Calvin, and

requesting the latter to comply with the call from Geneva.[88]

This testimony, borne by the leading men in the State and in the Church

at Zurich, Basel, and Strasburg, after they had received the letters of

which we have just given some account, is a confirmation of their

contents, and shows that the view set forth in them was the opinion of

European Protestantism, ever ready to do homage to the greatest

theologian, who was, at the same time, one of the greatest men and

greatest writers of the age.

[Sidenote: Calvin And Farel.]

Calvin had already said more than once that he would return to Geneva,

but he had not yet fulfilled his intention. Even the powerful voice of

Farel had not succeeded in getting him to set out, but it had called

forth a touching expression of his humility. ‘Certainly,’ said he to

Farel, ‘the thunders and lightnings which thou didst hurl so wonderfully

at me have disturbed and terrified me. Thou knowest that I extremely

dread this call, but I do not fly from it. Why then fall upon me with so

much violence as almost to abjure thy friendship? Thou tellest me that

my last letter deprived thee of all hope. If it be so, forgive, I pray

thee, my imprudence. My purpose was simply to apologize for not going

immediately. I hope that thou wilt forgive me.’[89] It is beautiful to

see this great man, this strong character, humbling himself with so much

simplicity before Farel, as a child would do before a father. Doubtless,

like Paul on the road to Damascus, he had at first _kicked against the

pricks_. But, ‘oxen,’ says he, ‘gain nothing by so doing, except the

increase of their own suffering; and just in the same way when men fight

and kick against Christ, they must—whether they will or not—submit to

his commandment.’[90]

When speaking to Farel of his struggles, Calvin had from the first also

indicated the source of his strength and his victory. ‘I should be at no

loss for pretexts,’ he said, ‘which I might adroitly put forward, and

which would easily serve for excuses before men. But I know that it is

God with whom I have to do, and that artifices of that sort are not

right in his sight. Wouldst thou know my very thought, it is this—Were I

free to choose, I would do any thing in the world rather than what thou

requirest of me. But, when I remember that I am not in this matter my

own master, I PRESENT MY HEART AS A SACRIFICE AND OFFER IT UP TO THE

LORD.[91] _Having bound and chained my soul, I bring it under the

obedience of God._‘[92]

This is Calvin. The words which we have underlined are essential as the

explanation not only of the resolution which he took at this time, but

also of his whole life. They may be considered as his motto.[93]

[Sidenote: Departure From Strasburg.]

Calvin set out from Strasburg at the end of August or beginning of

September. He went on his way to Geneva, he says, ‘with sadness, tears,

great anxiety and distress of mind. My timidity offered me many reasons

to excuse me from taking upon my shoulders so heavy a burden; and many

excellent persons would have been pleased to see me quit of this

trouble. But the sense of duty prevailed and led me to comply and return

to the flock from which I had been snatched away, but in whose salvation

I felt so deep a concern that I should have had no hesitation in laying

down my life for it.’[94] Bucer had been unable to accompany him; but

the Strasburgers understood well what they were losing. They had

declared ‘that they would always consider him as one of their citizens,’

says one of his biographers. ‘They also wished him to retain the income

of a prebend, which they had assigned him as the salary of his

professorship of theology; but as he was a man utterly free from the

greed of worldly good, he would not so much as keep the value of a

denier.’ Further, the magistrates of this town gave him a letter for the

Council of Geneva, in which they said that it was with regret they let

him go, ‘seeing that at Strasburg he could better promote the interests

of the church universal, by his writings, his counsel, and other

proceedings, according to the surpassing graces with which the Lord has

endowed him; and that they prayed the citizens of Geneva to be united

and to give ear to him as a man earnestly devoted to the enlargement of

the kingdom of Christ.’ They added that ‘if they set the general need of

the churches above their own advantage and profit, _they would send him

back forthwith_, in order that in Germany he might more effectively

serve _the church universal_.’ The Strasburg pastors, who had previously

written to the Council, speaking of Calvin, said—‘Christ himself is

despised and insulted when such ministers are rejected and unworthily

treated. But to this hour all is well with you, since you recognize

Jesus Christ in this man, his illustrious instrument, who has never had

any other thought than to devote himself to your salvation, even at the

cost of his own blood.’ They added, on the present occasion—‘He is at

last coming to you, this instrument of God, this incomparable man, the

like of whom this age can hardly name.’[95]

Calvin halted at Basel, visited his friends, and appeared before the

Council, who commended him affectionately to Geneva (September 4).

Thence he passed on to Soleure; and in this town he heard tidings which

greatly grieved him. He was told that troubles had arisen in the church

of Neuchâtel. Farel had privately remonstrated, in terms earnest but

charitable, with a person of rank who was causing scandal in the church,

and his remonstrance producing no effect, he censured him publicly in

his sermon, in conformity with the apostolic precept, i. Tim. v. 20

(July 31). The kinsfolk of this person were much annoyed, and stirring

up the townsmen against the reformer got him deprived and banished. When

Calvin, who had such a warm affection for Farel, heard these things, he

could not pursue his journey. Instead of going on to Berne, he hastened

to Neuchâtel to his friend. He was able to console him, but he could not

get his condemnation withdrawn.[96] Only at a later period, Calvin,

acting in concert with other pastors, wrote from Geneva a letter which

was carried by Viret. The latter having represented to the seignory of

Neuchâtel that when a minister is to be deposed, it is necessary to

proceed by form of trial, likewise spiritual, and not by way of sedition

or tumult; and his representation being supported by Zurich, Strasburg,

Basel, and Berne, the Council of Neuchâtel resolved to keep its

reformer. While at Neuchâtel with Farel, on the evening of September 7,

Calvin wrote to the Council of Geneva stating the cause of his delay. He

also reminded them in this note of the duty of governing their town well

and holily. The next day he went to Berne, delivered to the Council the

letters which he had brought from Strasburg and from Basel, and then set

out for Geneva.

For many days past preparations had been making in the town for his

reception. ‘On Monday, August 26, thirty-six _écus_ were voted by the

Council to Eustace Vincent, equestrian herald, to go for Master Calvin,

the preacher, at Strasburg.’ It was announced in the Council, August 29,

that Master Calvin was to arrive one of these days. They talked of the

lodgings which must be assigned to him, and propositions rapidly

succeeded each another. At first they thought of the house which was

occupied by the pastor Bernard, whom they would remove to the house of

_la Chantrerie_. Then, September 4, there was further discussion. ‘_La

Chantrerie_, being opposite to St. Peter’s church, is most suitable,’

they said, ‘for the abode of Master Calvin, and some garden (_curtil_)

will be provided for him.’ On the 9th it was announced in the Council

that he was to arrive the same evening. The houses in question being,

doubtless, in an unfit state, orders were given to Messieurs Jacques des

Arts and Jean Chautemps to make ready for him the house of the Sieur de

Fréneville, situated in the Rue des Chanoines, between the house of

Bonivard, on the west, and that of the Abbé de Bonmont, on the east. But

after all it was in another house, the fourth proposed, that he was to

be received.[97]

[Sidenote: Arrival Of Calvin At Geneva.]

It does not appear that Calvin had himself announced to the Council the

day of his arrival; nor are we acquainted with any document which in a

clear and positive manner indicates this date, worthy of remark though

it be. All that we know is that on the 13th he was there, and appeared

before the Council. Instead of the 9th he may have arrived on the 10th,

the 11th, or even the 12th. We may suppose that Calvin wished the

Genevese not to know the day of his arrival, fearing lest they should

give him a rather noisy reception. _I have no intention of showing

myself and making a noise in the world_, he said on another

occasion.[98] However this might be, if the arrival of the reformer were

unostentatious like himself, it filled many hearts with great joy. This

is attested by the contemporary biographies. Congratulations were

uttered, and this among the whole body of the people, but above all in

the Council, on this _singular favor of God_ towards Geneva, a favor so

great and so tardily acknowledged.[99] ‘He was received,’ says the

French biography, ‘_with such singular affection_, by this poor people,

who acknowledged their fault, and were _famishing_ to hear their

faithful pastor, that they were not satisfied till he was settled there

for good.’[100] Such is the testimony of contemporaries, friends of

Calvin. Will history add any thing to it? Did Calvin traverse _in

triumph_ the districts over which three years before _he had wandered as

a miserable fugitive_? Did he make his solemn entry into Geneva, in the

midst of _the uproarious joy of the population_? _Did he address the

assembled masses?_[101] So far as we know, there is no document that

speaks of such things. Nothing would be more contrary to Calvin’s

disposition. If he could have foreseen that a ceremonious reception was

preparing for him, he would rather have crossed the lake, and made his

entry into Geneva by way of Savoy.

It appears that the house of the Sieur de Fréneville, who had quitted

Geneva, could not be made ready the same day. The reformer was,

therefore, received in the house of Aimé de Gingins, abbot of Bonmont,

who, although he had been elected bishop by the chapter, in 1522, had

not been accepted by the Pope, but in the absence of the bishop, was

discharging almost all his functions. This house had been the scene of

one of the most striking passages of the Reformation; the appearance of

Farel before Messeigneurs the abbot and the Genevese clergy, in 1532. Of

smaller size than that which now occupies its site, it had a garden,

from which, as well as from the house itself, were seen stretching far

away to the north-east the lake, its shores, the Jura, and rich tracts

of country. Calvin was alive to the enjoyment of this smiling landscape,

these beautiful waters, these stern mountains. That straight line of the

Jura, pure and severe, is it not a type of his work? When, a little

while after, he was looking for a house for Jacques de Bourgogne,

Seigneur of Falais, who desired to settle near him, he mentioned to him

a dwelling situated doubtless near his own, from which he would have, he

said, ‘as fine a view as you could wish for in the summer.’ In winter

the north wind made this exposed situation less pleasant, but the view

was still very fine, and the storms which raged on the lake would

doubtless sometimes appear in Calvin’s eyes to be in harmony with those

which agitated the city. Subsequently, perhaps in 1543 or 1547,

certainly before 1549, Calvin quitted this house for the adjoining one,

that of M. de Fréneville, which the State had just bought; and in this

he continued to reside, so far as appears, to the end of his life.[102]

One of the chief pleasures of Calvin on his arrival was that of meeting

Viret again.

[Sidenote: What He Had Acquired At Strasburg.]

The reformer came back to Geneva an altered man. Three years, four

months, and twenty days had elapsed since his departure; and his sojourn

in Germany had exercised a marked influence on him. Strasburg had given

him what Geneva could not offer. He had in him by nature the stuff of

which great men are made. But during these three years his ideas had

been widened, and his character had been completed. He had entered into

a wider sphere. Intellectual life at Geneva was almost exclusively

Genevese; at Strasburg it was Germanic, and, at least in the case of a

few, European. It was important that the reformer of the Latin race

should be thoroughly acquainted with the reformers of the Germanic race,

and that there should be between them some spiritual fellowship. Even if

there must be independence with respect to their work, there ought at

the same time to be unity. There was no town in Europe better fitted

than Strasburg to furnish a thorough knowledge of the reformation of

Luther and of that of Zwinglius. The doctors of this city, it is well

known, held constant intercourse with Wittenberg and Zurich, and

endeavored to bring about a union between them. Calvin, in this town,

ran no risk of getting Germanized. His was one of those powerful natures

which do not lose their native impress. Moreover, French refugees were

numerous there, and amongst these he found his first sphere of labor.

All the faculties of the Genevese reformer had gained something by this

contact with Germany. His general information had been enlarged, his

knowledge had become deeper and richer, his soul had attained more

serenity, his heart was more kindly and tender, his will at once more

regulated, stronger, and more steadfast. He knew that the future had

battles in store for him; they would find him more gentle, more apt for

endurance, but at the same time resolved to remain immovable on the rock

of the Word, and to conquer by the truth. Strong by nature, he was now

more completely invested with that divine _panoply_ of which St. Paul

speaks.[103] He was fitted not only to feed a little flock, but to form

a new society, to organize and to govern a great church. He was

returning to Geneva simple and humble as before, and nevertheless a

superior man.

Calvin having arrived from Strasburg on September 13, went to the Town

Hall, and was received by the syndics and Council. Some hearts had, no

doubt, been beating high in anticipation of this interview; and the

reformer himself did not set out to it without emotion. When he came to

Geneva, in 1534, he was twenty-seven years of age, rather young for a

reformer. He was now thirty-two, the age of our Saviour at the time of

his ministry. He could already speak with authority; nevertheless, it

might be said of him as of St. Paul—_his bodily presence is weak_. He

was of middle stature, pale, with a dark complexion, a keen and piercing

eye, betokening, says Beza, a penetrating mind. His dress was very

simple, and at the same time perfectly neat. There was something noble

in his whole appearance. His cultivated and elevated spirit was at once

recognizable; and although his health was already feeble, he was about

to devote himself to labors which a man of great strength might have

shrunk from undertaking. Amiable in social intercourse, he had won all

hearts in Germany; he was now to win many at Geneva.[104]

On presenting himself before the Council, Calvin delivered to the

syndics the letters from the senators and pastors of Strasburg and

Basel. He then modestly apologized for the long delay which he had made.

He had intended to vindicate his own conduct and that of his colleagues

who were banished with him three years and a half before; but the very

warm reception given him in the town, and by the magistrates, showed him

that Geneva had quite got over the prejudices of that period. A

vindication would have involved recalling to mind painful facts and

ungracious sentiments; and this was not the business which he had to do

at this moment. His Christian heart, his intelligent mind, joined to

counsel him otherwise—_to forget_. He therefore did not vindicate

himself either before the Senate or before the people.

[Sidenote: Going Forward.]

He felt the need of going forward and not backward. ‘We must not take

our eyes from the brow and fix them in the back,’ he said one day. ‘I go

straight to the mark.’ ‘As for myself,’ said he at this memorable

sitting of September 13, ‘I offer myself to be a servant of Geneva

forever.’ He meant really and truly _to serve_, but in the truest and

most beautiful sense of the word. To Farel he wrote (September

16)—‘Immediately after offering my services to the Senate, I declared

that no church could subsist except by establishing a well-constituted

government, such as the Word of God prescribes, and such as was adopted

in the early church.’[105] He next touched delicately on some points in

order to make it clear to the Council what he desired. ‘However,’ he

continued, ‘this question is too extensive for discussion on this

occasion. I request you to nominate some of your body to confer with us

upon this subject.’ The Council named for that purpose four members of

the Little Council, the former syndic, Claude Pertemps; the former

secretary, Claude Roset; Ami Perrin, and Jean Lambert; and two members

of the Great Council, Jean Goulaz and Ami Porral, both ex-syndics.[106]

These six laymen, in co-operation with Calvin and Viret, were to draw up

articles of a constitution for the church. The other three pastors

appeared willing to go with their two colleagues. We do not see,

however, that the Council offered to its _conqueror_ its _homage_ with

_almost grovelling submissiveness_.[107] There was agreement, there was

respect on the part of the Council, but there was no humiliation; and we

cannot admit that Calvin considered _his right of lordship over Geneva

as an article of faith_ which God himself had proclaimed.[108] At this

sitting he called himself servant, and not lord; and the only

reservation which has to be made is that he would always consider

himself before all a servant of God. The Council afterwards resolved to

return thanks to Strasburg for having sent Calvin, and at the same time

to request that he might be allowed to settle permanently at Geneva.

Calvin himself no longer hesitated; and this appeared in the courage

with which he set about the organization of the church. Geneva and

Calvin were henceforth inseparable, as much so as the city and the river

which flows by and waters it. The council likewise adopted certain

resolutions respecting the person and the family of the reformer. It

gave orders (September 16) to send for his wife and his household, and

for this purpose bought three horses and a car. Next, his salary was

fixed, and ‘considering,’ said the Council (October 4), ‘that Calvin is

a man of great learning, a friend to the restoration of Christian

churches, and is at great expense in entertaining visitors, it is

resolved that he shall receive an annual salary of five hundred florins,

twelve measures of wheat, and two _bossots_ of wine.’[109] On the same

day it was ordered that some cloth should be bought, with furs, to make

him a gown.[110]

[Sidenote: Calvin’s Colleagues.]

And now the work must be begun. Calvin saw the difficulties of the task.

He did not put his trust in himself; he hoped above all for the help of

God; but he desired also the co-operation of his brethren. Three days

after his appearance before the Council he wrote to Farel: ‘I am settled

here as you wished. The Lord grant that it may turn out well! For the

present I must keep Viret. I will not on any account permit him to be

taken from me.’ He wished also to have Farel with him. He thought that

the presence of these two as his colleagues was essential to success,

and he spared no effort to secure them.[111] ‘Aid me here,’ he said to

Farel, ‘you and all the brethren with all your might, unless you mean to

have me tortured for nothing.’ But, whatever distrust he felt of

himself, he had no doubt of the victory. ‘When we have to contend

against Satan,’ he continues, ‘and when we join battle under the banner

of Christ, he who has invested us with our armor and impelled us to the

fight will give us the victory.’[112]

But although he attributed the victory to God he knew that he himself

must fight. This observation applies to his whole life. Of all men in

the world Calvin is the one who most worked, wrote, acted, and prayed

for the cause which he had embraced. The co-existence of the sovereignty

of God and the freedom of man is assuredly a mystery; but Calvin never

supposed that because God did all he personally had nothing to do. He

points out clearly the twofold action, that of God and that of man.

‘God,’ said he, ‘after freely bestowing his grace on us, forthwith

demands of us a reciprocal acknowledgment. When he said to Abraham, “I

am thy God,” it was an offer of his free goodness; but he adds at the

same time _what he required of him_: “Walk before me, and be thou

perfect.” This condition is tacitly annexed to all the promises: they

are to be to us as spurs, inciting us to promote the glory of God.’ And

elsewhere he says: ‘This doctrine ought to create _new vigor in all your

members_, so that you may be fit and alert, with might and main, to

follow the call of God.’[113] Never, perhaps, did Calvin exhibit his

great capacity for action more remarkably than at the epoch of which we

are treating. It is certainly a mistake to assert that ‘Calvin regarded

himself, by virtue of the Divine decree, as little more than an

instrument in the hand of God, without any personal co-operation.’[114]

What! could Calvin, who far more than Pascal was the conqueror of the

Jesuits, have said as they did: _Sicut baculus in manu!_ This Calvin is

the man of Roman or infidel tradition, but not the man as he appears in

history.

[Sidenote: A Day Of Humiliation.]

After requiring that evangelical order should be established in the

church, Calvin’s first act was to call the people to humiliation and

prayer. The evils which then desolated Christendom were afflicting to

him. The pestilence, after striking the reformer in his affections at

Strasburg, was raging cruelly in many countries, and was threatening

Geneva. In addition to this, Solyman was overrunning Hungary. But in

this act of humiliation Calvin had another object in view. A new life

must begin for Geneva, and how was it to be prepared except by

repentance and prayer? There was need of a change of inclination, and

this could only be effected by the voice of conscience making itself

heard, and opposing with its authority the moral evil existing in each

individual. Then a real sense of the need of redemption would awaken in

men’s hearts, and they would lay hold of the Gospel which the

Reformation brought them. Calvin, therefore, set forth in the council:

‘That the Christian churches are grievously troubled, both by the plague

and by the persecution of the Turks; that we are bound to pray for each

other; that it would be well to return to God with humble supplications

for the increase and the honor of his holy Gospel.’ Consequently, ‘in

the same month of October, one day in the week was appointed for solemn

prayer in the church for all the necessities of men, and for turning

away the wrath of God.’[115] Wednesday was the day definitely fixed.

When the day came, therefore, all shops were closed, the great bell

called the people together, the churches were crowded, the ministers

implored the mercy of the Lord, and Calvin’s discourse was grave, and

full not only of force but of charity. ‘With the truth,’ he said, ‘we

must join love, to the end that all may be benefited, and be at peace

with one another.’[116]

Footnote 79:

Calvin to Viret, Strasburg, 25th July and 13th August, 1541. _Opp._

xi. pp. 259, 262.

Footnote 80:

Chron. MS. de Roset, book iv. ch. 18. Registers of the Council.

Gautier. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, i. p. 304.

Footnote 81:

‘Non ignoratis in quos _tumultus et horrida scandala_ ab eo quo pii

ministri nostri, magna quidem _injuria_, _tumultu_ et conspiratione

potius quam judicii ordine, ab urbe nostra injuste profligati

fuerunt.’—Archives of Geneva. Gautier, Hist. MS., p. 474. Calv. _Opp._

xi. p. 227.

Footnote 82:

‘Unde ingentem piorum et proborum virorum turbam ad gemitum et

lacrimas adegerunt.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 227.

Footnote 83:

‘Per eos rejecti qui propriam sectabantur concupiscentiam, potius quam

Dei voluntatem.’—_Ibid._

Footnote 84:

‘Posteaquam factiosorum seditiosorumque hominum arte et

machinationibus.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 222.

Footnote 85:

‘Nihil præter molestias, inimicitias, lites, contentiones,

dissolutiones, seditiones, factiones et homicidia.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi.

p. 222.

Footnote 86:

‘Cum hic velut ostium Galliæ, Italiæque simus.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p.

122.

Footnote 87:

The syndics were—J. A. Curtet, A. Baudière, Pernet-Desfosses, and

Domaine d’Arlod.—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 152. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_,

i. p. 320.

Footnote 88:

Calv. _Opp._ xi. pp. 184, 186, 234.

Footnote 89:

Calvin to Farel, March 1, 1541. ‘Sane me vehementer conturbarunt ac

consternarunt tua fulgura. . . Ignosce quæso imprudentiæ meæ. . . .

Spero te veniam daturum.’—_Opp._ xi. p. 170.

Footnote 90:

Calvin, _Henry_, i. p. 395. Calvin on Acts, iv. 5.

Footnote 91:

‘Cor meum velut mactatum Domino in sacrificium offero.’—Calvin to

Farel, Oct. or Nov. 1540. _Opp._ xi. p. 100.

Footnote 92:

‘Animum vinctum et constrictum subigo in obedientiam Dei.’—_Ibid._

Footnote 93:

A seal of Calvin’s bears this motto, and the emblem is a hand

presenting a heart to heaven.

Footnote 94:

_Préface des Psaumes_, p. ix.

Footnote 95:

Bèze-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 47. Calv. _Opp._ xi. pp. 97, 267,

271, 273. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, p. 309.

Footnote 96:

Ruchat, v. pp. 164-167. Calvin to the lords of Geneva, _Lettres

françaises_, i. p. 38. To the lords of Neuchâtel, _ibid._ pp. 39-43.

Calv. _Opp._ xi. pp. 275-293. Registers of the Council for the day.

Footnote 97:

Registers of the Council, August 29 and September 9. _De la Maison de

Calvin_, by Th. Heyer. _Mémoires d’Archéologie_, ix. pp. 394, 403.

Footnote 98:

_Préface des Psaumes_, p. 8.

Footnote 99:

‘Summa cum _universi_ populi ac senatus imprimis _singulare_ Dei erga

se beneficium serio tunc agnoscentis _congratulatione_.’—Beza, _Vita

Calvini_, p. 7.

Footnote 100:

Bèze-Colladon, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 47.

Footnote 101:

‘So durchzog er jetzt im _Triumph_ . . Er hielt _unter dem Jubel der

Bevölkerung_ seinen _feierlichen Einzug_ in Genf . . _richtete an die

versammelte Menge Worte_,’ &c.—Kampschulte, _J. Calvin_, i. p. 381.

These flights of imagination are astonishing in a writer like

Kampschulte. M. Roget, with reference to a passage of Henry, rejects

as we do the idea of outward demonstrations.—_Peuple de Genève_, i. p.

312.

Footnote 102:

Heyer, _Mem d’Archéologie_, ix. pp. 396-398, 405, 406. The house of

the abbé de Bonmont, in which Calvin first lived, is that in the Rue

des Chanoines, which, as rebuilt in 1708 by the syndic Buisson, now

bears the number 13, and belongs to M. Adrien Naville, president

several times of the Société Evangélique and the Evangelical Alliance.

Footnote 103:

Την πανοπλιαν τοῦ Θεοῦ. Ephes. vi. 11.

Footnote 104:

Beza, _Vita Calvini_, ad finem.

Footnote 105:

‘Non posse consistere ecclesiam, nisi certum regimen constitueretur,’

&c. Calvin to Farel, September 16, 1541. _Opp._ xi. p. 281.

Footnote 106:

Goulaz was succeeded by Balard.—Calvin to Farel, Sep. 16, 1541. _Opp._

xi. p. 281.

Footnote 107:

‘Mit fast kriechender Unterwürfigkeit . . sich so tief vor ihm

erniedrigte.’—Kampschulte, _J. Calvin_, i. p. 385.

Footnote 108:

‘Sein Herrscherrecht über Genf . . ein von Gott selbst erklärter

Glaubenssatz.’—_Ibid._

Footnote 109:

The Genevese florin was rather more than half a franc in value. The

salary of the reformer was therefore about 250 francs. But taking into

account the higher value of money at that period, it may be reckoned

that this sum would be equivalent at the present time to about 4,000

francs (160_l._). This is the estimate of M. Franklin, of the Mazarin

Library, and we think it is accurate.

Footnote 110:

Registers of the day. Gautier, Hist. MS., 481.

Footnote 111:

‘Totus in eo erat ut et Viretum . . et Farellum collegas perpetuos

haberet.’—Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 9.

Footnote 112:

Calvin to Farel, Geneva, September 16, 1541. _Opp._ xi. p. 281. Calvin

speaks thus with reference to Farel’s despondency.

Footnote 113:

Comment on II. Cor. vii. 1; Gen. xvii. 1.

Footnote 114:

‘Calvin fühlte sich fast nur noch als Werkzeug in der Hand Gottes,

. . . ohne jedes persönliche Zuthun.’—Kampschulte, _J. Calvin_, i.

306.

Footnote 115:

Roset, Chron. MS., book iv. chap. 53. Registers of October 26, 1541.

Footnote 116:

Calvin on Ephes., iv. 15.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE ECCLESIASTICAL ORDINANCES.

(SEPTEMBER 1541.)

As soon as Calvin arrived at Geneva his active exertions were called for

in several directions. But his great business was the composition of the

_Ordinances_, and taking part in the deliberations of the commission

appointed for the purpose by the Council. ‘Calvin,’ says one of his

biographers, ‘drew up a scheme of church order and discipline.’ Although

he was in reality its author, it is nevertheless probable that others,

and particularly Viret, had a hand in it. Many difficulties, many

different opinions must have appeared in the course of the discussions;

but Calvin was determined to show much forbearance and consideration for

his colleagues. ‘I will endeavor,’ he said, ‘to maintain a good

understanding and harmony with all with whom I have to act, and

brotherly kindness, too, if they will allow me, combining with it as

much fidelity and diligence as I possibly can. So far as it depends on

me, I will give no ground of offence to any one.’[117] Such was the

spirit in which Calvin entered on the work. In the same strain he wrote

to Bucer; ‘If in any way I do not answer to your expectation, you know

that I am in your power and subject to your authority. Admonish me,

chastise me, exercise towards me all the authority of a father over his

son.’[118] It appears, however, that Calvin encountered no opposition on

the part of the members of the commission. The six laymen who had been

associated with him were more or less in the number of his adherents.

Objections were to come from other quarters. After about fourteen days,

says Calvin, our task was finished, and the plan was presented by the

commissioners to the Little Council.[119] It had been determined

(September 16) that the articles should be submitted to examination by

the Little Council, the Council of the Two Hundred, and the General

Council. On September 28 the Council began to apply itself to the

document laid before it. If the commission began its work the day after

it had been instituted, the fourteen days of which Calvin speaks extend

to September 28. It appears that the syndics, informed beforehand of the

presentation of the project, had caused the members of the Council to be

called together for that day, in order to consult about the ‘Ordinances

concerning religion.’ But the Council was not complete. ‘Many of the

lords councillors had not obeyed the summons to appear.’ Are we to

suppose that they would have preferred not to meddle with this business?

This was, probably, the reason in some cases, but there may have been

other reasons. Whatever the fact may be, it was resolved that the

absentees ‘should be again summoned for the next day,’ and that

remonstrances should be addressed to those who had not appeared.’[120]

On the 29th of September, then, the Council began to read the articles

of the ‘Ordinances on Church Government,’ and they continued their work

on the following days. Many of them were accepted, others were rejected.

This task of examination in the Council was rather a long one. ‘We have

not yet received any answer,’ wrote Calvin to Bucer, on October 15,

seventeen days after the document had been presented. Some people were

much astonished at these prolix discussions; but Calvin said, ‘I am not

greatly disquieted by the delay.’ He thought it natural that some of the

councillors should object to his propositions. ‘Meanwhile,’ said he, ‘we

are confident that what we ask will be granted.’ Nevertheless, anxious

that the members of the Council should obtain information from others

rather than from himself on the points which seemed to make them

hesitate, the reformer suggested a plan which appeared to him advisable,

namely, that the Council should previously enter into communication on

this subject with the churches of German Switzerland, and should not

come to any decision without ascertaining their opinion. He was sure of

their support. ‘We earnestly desire that this should be done,’ he

added.[121]

At length the Council communicated its remarks. The commission, and in

this Calvin was predominant, did not yield on any essential article. It

did make, however, some concessions, for example, as to the frequency of

the Lord’s Supper. Calvin had asked that it should be celebrated once a

month. It is known that he personally would have liked a still more

frequent celebration. The Council insisted on its continuing to be

observed only four times a year; and Calvin yielded. He altered and

softened some expressions. He thought this course legitimate by reason

of the weakness of the time. On the 25th of October, the preachers,

probably Calvin and Viret, brought to the Council the amended Articles,

and at the same time addressed to them ‘becoming admonitions praying

them to settle and pass them.’ The matter was adjourned to the next day;

and the ordinary Council was convoked for that day under the penalty

stated in the oath of a councillor (_sous la peine du serment_). On

October 27, they were still busied with the Ordinances; and this

ecclesiastical constitution was finally established ‘as it was contained

in writing in the articles.’ On November 9, the scheme was presented by

the ordinary Council to the Council of the Two Hundred; and the latter

adopted it after making one or two unimportant amendments. On November

20, it was read to the General Council, in which it passed ‘by a very

large majority.’ Consent, however, was not so unanimous as to show that

there were no longer any opponents of these ordinances. According to

Theodore Beza, there were some among the people and also among the

leading citizens, who, while they had indeed renounced the Pope, had

only in outward appearance attached themselves to Jesus Christ. There

were, likewise, some ministers who did not venture openly to reject the

ordinances, but who were secretly opposed to them. Calvin, by

perseverance and moderation, overcame these difficulties. He showed that

not only the doctrine but also the administration of the church ought to

be in conformity with the holy Scriptures. He supported his view by the

opinion of the most learned men of the age—of Œcolampadius, Zwinglius,

Zwickius, Melanchthon, Bucer, Capito, and Myconius, whose writings he

quoted; but, in a conciliatory spirit, he added that churches which were

not so advanced must not be condemned as if they were not Christian. The

articles, after the insertion of some trifling amendments and additions,

were definitively accepted (January 2, 1542) by the Three Councils.[122]

[Sidenote: Aim Of The Ordinances.]

What, then, were the spirit, the aim, and the constitution of the church

demanded by Calvin?

The Kingdom of God is the essence of the church. Jesus Christ came to

establish it by communicating to fallen men a divine life. The Reformers

had this in mind when, in January, 1537, they had presented to the

Council the first articles concerning the organization of the church,

‘because it had pleased the Lord the better to _establish his kingdom

here_.’ But this kingdom can be established only by means of _the

church_ or _the assembly_ of believers. It is, therefore, important that

this church should be organized in conformity with holy Scripture; and

this is Calvin’s practical point of view in the new Ordinances. They

begin with the following words:

‘In the name of God Almighty:

‘We, Syndics, Little and Great Councils, with our people assembled at

the sound of the trumpet and of the great bell, according to our ancient

customs,

‘Having considered that it is a matter worthy above all others of

recommendation that the doctrine of the holy Gospel of our Lord should

be indeed preserved in its purity, that the Christian church should be

duly maintained, that the young should for the future be faithfully

instructed, and that the hospital should be kept in good condition for

the support of the poor, it has seemed good to us that the spiritual

government, _as our Lord institutes it by his Word_, should be reduced

into proper form to be kept among us; and thus we have ordained and

established for observance in our own town and territory the

ecclesiastical policy set forth below, _seeing that it is taken_ from

the Gospel of Jesus Christ.’[123]

Thus Calvin wished to establish the church of Geneva after the model of

the primitive church. More than that, it was in the _word_ itself, in

_the Gospel of Jesus Christ_, that he would seek its nature, its rules,

and its character. Here is no question of tradition, not even of the

most ancient. This is the characteristic feature of the church as Calvin

wished to establish it.

[Sidenote: Geneva An Evangelical Fortress.]

In pagan antiquity legislators had made it their foremost aim to train

their peoples for war by exercises adapted to develop their strength and

their dexterity. Moses, at the same time that he set forth a living God,

the Creator, and his holy will, had been obliged, in order to keep the

people from evil, and to represent in figures things to come, to bind

them up in a network of numerous ceremonies. The Popes of modern Rome,

putting at the head of their system their own infallible and absolute

sovereignty, checked the development of the peoples; while by their

indulgences and their absolutions, they loosened the bonds of duty, and

struck a blow at morals. Calvin, who knew that _sin is the ruin of

nations_, desired for Geneva the conditions which are essential to the

real prosperity of a people, namely, that it should be good, pure, and

sound in body and in mind. His purpose was larger still. He wished to

make of the city which received him that which it in fact became—a

fortress, capable not only of offering resistance to Rome, but, in

addition, of winning the victory over her, and of substituting for her

superstitions and her despotism truth and freedom. Nothing less than the

salvation of modern Christendom was to be the result of his efforts. In

order to make of Geneva a _Villafranca_, as at a later period it was

sometimes named, it was not enough that he should deliver discourses, as

had frequently been demanded of him; it was necessary to watch over this

seed of the Word when cast into men’s hearts to the end that it might

flourish there. The ruin of Rome had been her separation of morals from

faith. Had not the world seen a Pope, John XXIII., when charged ‘with

all the mortal sins, infinite in number, and likewise abominable,’[124]

make answer ‘that he had indeed, as a man, committed some of these sins,

but that it was not possible to condemn a Pope except for heresy’?

Immorality had found its way not only into the abodes of the laity, but

into convents, presbyteries, bishoprics, and the palace of the Pope. And

thenceforward the Papacy was ruined. Calvin longed for Christianity in

its integrity, for its faith and its works. It is not enough that a

stream of water be near a meadow. It may pass beside it, and leave it

dry. There must be conduits and canals by which the water may pass,

spread over, and fertilize the lands. Calvin thought that he was bound

to do something of this sort for the establishment of the church which

he had at heart.

The earnestness with which he insisted on the necessity of a truly

Christian life is, perhaps, the distinguishing characteristic of Calvin

among all the Reformers. ‘There ought to be perceptible in our life,’

said he, a ‘_melody_ and _harmony_ between the justice of God and our

own condition, and _the image of Christ ought to appear in our

obedience_. If God adopt us for his children, it is to this

_life_.’[125] In the _Ordinances_ he did not stop to demonstrate this

doctrine; it was not the place to do so. He kept to the practical side.

‘With regard to what belongs to the Christian life,’ said he, ‘the

faults which are in it must be corrected.’ And, contrary to the common

opinion, he adds with regard to the remonstrances to be made,

‘Nevertheless, let all this be carried out _with such moderation, that

there may be no severity to burden_ any one; and also let correction be

only mild (_médiocre_), to bring back sinners to our Lord.’

[Sidenote: The Ministry.]

Calvin especially sets himself to establish what the ministry in the

church ought to be; and in doing this he shows not only what the

ministers, but also what the members of the Church ought to be: for St.

Paul says to the faithful, _Be ye imitators of me, as I also am of

Christ_. ‘There are,’ says Calvin, ‘four orders of offices which our

Lord has instituted for the government of his Church: Firstly, pastors;

next, teachers; after them, elders; and, fourthly, deacons.’[126] He

names pastors before teachers; _faith_ first, according to the

Scriptures, and afterwards _knowledge_.

Speaking first of pastors, Calvin insists on the importance of doctrine,

or of faith in Christ, since so long as we have not this, ‘we are,’ said

he, ‘only dry and useless wood; but all those who have a living root in

Christ are, on the contrary, fruitful vines.’ ‘The first thing,’ say the

_Ordinances_, ‘is _touching doctrine_. It will be right for the

ministers to declare that they _hold the doctrine_ approved in the

church; and it will be necessary to hear them treat particularly _the

doctrine of the Lord_.’[127] But he takes great pains to show that he

means a living doctrine, and not a dry, scholastic dogma. ‘It must be

such as the minister may communicate to the people to edification.’[128]

And, as he elsewhere says, ‘since there is no truth if it is not shown

by its fruits,’ he desires that the minister should teach by his life,

‘being a man of good moral character, and always conducting himself

blamelessly.’[129] On this point he insists. He knows that morals are

the science of man; and, nevertheless, as was said at a later period,

that ‘in the times we live in, the corruption of morals is in the

convents, and in the devotional books of monks and nuns....’[130] He

enlarges, therefore, on this topic, and gives a long catalogue of vices

which are altogether intolerable in a minister, the model of the flock.

‘Manifest blasphemy,’ he said, ‘and all kinds of bribery, falsehood,

perjury, immodesty, thefts, drunkenness, fighting, usury, scandalous

games, any crime entailing civil disgrace, and many other sins besides.’

Any minister who commits these crimes ought to be deposed from his

office, so that a lesson may thus be given to all Christians. He admits,

however, that there are vices the correction of which ought to be

attempted by brotherly admonition, such as ‘a manner of dealing with

Scripture which is unusual, and gives rise to scandal; curiosity, which

prompts idle questioning; negligence in studying the holy books.

Buffoonery (_scurrilité_), lying, evil-speaking (_détraction_),

licentious words, injurious words, rashness, cunning tricks (_mauvaises

cautèles_), avarice and excessive niggardliness, unbridled anger,

quarrelling, &c.’[131] Calvin has been frequently censured for his

severe morality; but a celebrated French moralist, a member of the

Academy, La Bruyère—said, ‘An easy and slack morality falls to the

ground with him who preaches it.’ Calvin thought the same.

But he knew that rules and prohibitions would not suffice. He was

acquainted with that saying of the wise man of Israel, ‘Train up a child

in the way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from

it.’[132] Thus say the _Ordinances_—‘At noon on Sundays let there be a

catechizing, that is to say, instruction of young children in all the

three churches. Let all citizens and inhabitants be under obligation to

bring or send their children to it. Let a certain formulary be provided

as a basis of this instruction; that while doctrine is imparted to them,

they may be questioned about what has been said, to see if they have

really understood and retained it. When a child is sufficiently

instructed to dispense with the catechism, let him solemnly repeat the

substance of its contents, and thus make a sort of profession of

Christianity in the presence of the church.’[133] Calvin knew and taught

that ‘when little children are presented to the Lord, he receives them

humanely and with great gentleness,’ and he added ‘that it would be a

too cruel thing to exclude (_forclorre_) from the grace of God those who

are of this age.’ He wishes ‘the elders _to have an eye to them_, that

they may watch over them.’[134] He thus says in his _Ordinances_, what a

great poet has repeated in his verses:

O vous, sur ces enfants, si chers, si précieux,

Ministres du Seigneur, ayez toujours les yeux.[135]

[Sidenote: Schools And Charities.]

It is not with children alone that he concerns himself, it is with all

the weak. He thinks of the sick. He fear that many neglect to find

consolation in God by His word, and die without the doctrine which would

then be to them more salutary than ever; and he requires that no one

should be sick more than three days without sending for a minister. He

takes thought for the poor, and will have the deacons receive and

dispense ‘as well the daily alms as possessions, annuities, and

pensions.’[136] He does not forget the sick poor, and will have ‘them

cared for and their wounds dressed.’ He demands for the town hospital a

paid physician and surgeon, who shall also visit the other poor. He

thinks also of foreigners. Many came to Geneva to escape persecution. He

therefore founds a hospital for wayfarers.[137] He demands a separate

hospital for the plague. But with regard to beggary, he declares it

contrary to good police, and wishes that ‘officers should be appointed

to remove from the place the beggars who would offer resistance

(_belistrer_); and if they were rude and insolent (_qu’ils se

rebecquassent_)’ he demands that they should be brought before one of

the syndics.[138] With respect to the last class of the unfortunate,

prisoners, he wishes that every Saturday afternoon they should be

assembled for admonition and exhortation, and that if any of them should

be in chains (_aux ceps_) and it is not thought advisable to remove

them, admission should be granted to some minister to console them; for

if it is put off till they are to be led out to die, they are often so

overcome by terror that they can neither receive nor understand any

thing.[139]

For these functions and for others, great care must be taken in the

choice of men for the ‘four orders of offices which the Lord has

instituted for the government of his church.’

‘No one is to intrude into the office of a minister without a call.’ We

have seen that the examination turns on doctrine and on morals. There is

no room for hesitation in regard to this: but there was in Calvin’s mind

some doubt as to the mode of their election. He had always acknowledged

that two orders ought to have a share in it: the pastors and the people.

But in the _Institution chrétienne_, in which he speaks in general

terms, he insists _that the common freedom and right of the church_ (_du

troupeau_) _shall be in no respect infringed or diminished_. He desires

that ‘the pastor should preside at the elections, in order to lead the

people _by good counsel and not for the purpose of cutting out their

work for them according to their own views, without regard to others_.’

‘The pastors,’ he adds, ‘ought to preside at the election in order that

the multitude may not proceed in a frivolous, fractious, or tumultuous

manner.’[140] Now Calvin in the _Ordinances_ went beyond this rule. He

established ‘that the _ministers should in the first instance elect_ the

man who was to be appointed to the office; that afterwards he should be

presented to the Council; and that if the Council accepted him, he

should be _finally_ introduced to the people by preaching, to the end

that he might be received by the common consent of the faithful.’[141]

Assuredly the right of the church was hereby _curtailed_. Calvin might

be mistaken in his estimate, and might suppose that the bold Genevese

would dare to reject the elect of two authorities, the spiritual and the

temporal. It did not turn out so; the consent of the people was an empty

ceremony and was ultimately dispensed with. The source of the evil was

the circumstance that church and nation were the same body; and that the

nation supplied the church with a great number of members who had

neither the intelligence nor the piety necessary to the choice of

competent and pious ministers. When the church is composed of men who

openly profess the great truths of the Gospel and conform their lives

thereto, it is possible to trust to the flock, which does not exclude

the natural influence of pastors. But when the church is a vast medley,

when perhaps even the incompetent elements predominate in it, it is

necessary to assign a larger share in the election to the ministers.

Calvin, however, made it too large, for it annulled that of the members

of the church. But election in a church by numbers is always a difficult

matter. The _Ordinances_ added ‘that for the purpose of introducing the

elected minister, it would be proper to adopt the practice of laying on

of hands, as in the time of the apostles; but that considering the

superstitions which have prevailed in past ages, the practice shall be

disused from regard to the infirmity of the times.’[142] The laying on

of hands was at a later period re-established.

The elected minister was to take, at the hands of the syndics and

council, an oath, prepared subsequently, by which he pledged himself ‘to

serve God faithfully, setting forth his word purely, with a good

conscience making use of his doctrine for the promotion of his glory and

for the benefit of the people, without giving way either to hatred or to

favor or to any other carnal desire, taking pains that the people may

dwell together in peace and unity, and setting an example of obedience

to all others.’[143]

[Sidenote: The Teachers.]

After the order of ministers, Calvin places ‘that of teachers,’ which he

calls also ‘the order of schools.’ The _reader in theology_ is to make

it his aim ‘that the purity of the Gospel be not corrupted by ignorance

or erroneous opinions.’[144] ‘Sound doctrine,’ said he elsewhere, ‘must

be carefully entrusted to the hands of faithful ministers who are

competent to teach it;’ and in this way he established, after St. Paul

(I Tim. ii. 2), the necessity for schools of theology.

He did not stop here; he pleaded the cause of letters and the sciences.

‘These lessons’ (theological) said he, ‘cannot profit unless there be in

the first place instruction in languages and natural science.’ Then,

anxious ‘to raise up seed for the time to come,’ he applies himself to

the case of childhood. ‘It will be needful,’ he says, ‘to erect a

college for the instruction of children, in order to prepare them as

well for the ministry as for the civil government. Consequently, he

demands for young people ‘a learned man who shall have under his charge

readers (professors) as well in languages as in dialectics, and, in

addition, masters to teach young children.’[145] Calvin, endowed with

great clearness of understanding, would have none of ‘those subtilties

by means of which men who are greedy of reputation push themselves into

notice, and which are puffed out to such a size that they hide the true

doctrines of the Gospel, which is simple and makes little show, while

this ostentatious pomp is received with applause by the world.’ But

while aware of the uselessness and the danger of half knowledge and of

‘those flighty speculations which make the simplicity of the true

doctrine contemptible in the eyes of a world almost always attracted by

outward display,’ he attached importance to the acquisition of

information, and to variety of knowledge on many subjects. Hence, in all

lands into which his influence has penetrated, it is found that the

people are well taught, and true science held in honor.

After the teachers come the elders, of whom there were to be twelve,

that is to say, nearly two elders to each minister. They were to be

‘people of good life and honesty, without reproach and beyond suspicion,

above all fearing God and having much spiritual discretion.’ Lastly come

the deacons, whose functions we have already pointed out.[146]

[Sidenote: The Consistory.]

The assembly of the ministers and the elders formed the consistory. The

twelve elders were elected, not by the church, but by the Council of

State or Little Council. They were not taken indiscriminately from among

the members of the church. Two were to belong to the Little Council,

four to the Council of Sixty, and six to the Council of the Two Hundred.

Before proceeding, however, to the election, the Council summoned the

ministers to state their views on the subject; and when election had

been made, it was presented to the Council of the Two Hundred, for its

approval.[147] These elders appointed or delegated by the Councils were

substantially magistrates; but the fact that the ministers were

consulted, the influence which the pastors must have over their lay

colleagues, and the very nature of their functions made them rather

beings of two species, belonging partly to the church and partly to the

state. This fact indeed gives peculiar importance to this body. It has

frequently been called a tribunal; but it was not such in reality.

Exhortation and conciliation played the principal part in its

proceedings. It has also been said that matters of doctrine belonged to

the ministers, and matters of morality to the elders. This is not the

exact truth. The two classes of men who formed the consistory had to do

with errors of both kinds. Lastly, this body had been likened to the

Inquisition. We cast aside with indignation this assimilation of

Genevese presbyterianism to the terrible, secret, and cruel institution

which depopulated provinces, which cost Spain alone the loss of five

millions of her subjects, which filled her with superstitions and

ignorance and lowered her in the scale of nations, while Geneva, under

the influence of her pastors, and her elders, increased in intelligence,

in morality, in prosperity, in population, in influence, and in

greatness.

The pastors took charge of the public worship. The preaching of the Word

was to be the essential feature of it. ‘The duty of the pastors,’ say

the Ordinances, ‘who are sometimes also named in the Scriptures

overseers (_episcopos_), elders, and ministers, is _to announce the Word

of God_ for instruction, admonition, exhortation, and reproof.’[148] The

Reformation deprived the priest of his magic, his power to transform by

a word a bit of bread and make of it the body and blood of Christ—Jesus

Christ in his entire being as God and man. This glory, with which the

head of the priest had till this time been encompassed, was now taken

from him; the minister was servant of the Word, and this was his glory.

The service of the Word became the centre of all the functions of a

minister. ‘Every time the Gospel is preached,’ said Calvin, ‘it is as if

God himself came in person solemnly to summon us, to the end that we may

no longer be like people groping in darkness, and not knowing whither to

go.’[149] The times for preaching were multiplied by Calvin. On Sunday

there were sermons at daybreak, again at nine o’clock, and at three

o’clock; and six in the course of the week.[150]

[Sidenote: Frequent Communion.]

While, however, Calvin most energetically rejected the superstition of

the mass, he knew that Christ would have in his church not only the

teaching of the truth by the word, but besides this, union with him. To

_know_ him was insufficient; it was needful to _have_ him. He insisted

on the fact that Christ verily imparted to his disciples not only his

doctrine, but in addition to that his life. This is recalled to mind by

the sacrament of the Supper, which becomes in truth a means of communion

with the Saviour, by quickening faith in his body which is broken for

us, in his blood which is shed for remission of sins. We find him also

again and again expressing his desire for a frequent communion. He did

not obtain this, and doubtless understood that as he had to do with a

multitude often caring little about this union, it would not do to have

the Supper too frequently repeated. But it remained ever true that the

Lord, having promised his presence to every assembly gathered in his

name,[151] could not be absent from the feast to which he invited his

people, and there gave heavenly food to those who had faith to receive

it.

Lastly, Calvin assigned an important place to the public prayers. Those

which he composed himself, which appear in his liturgy, are rich not

only in doctrine but in spiritual power. He wished also that all the

people should take an active part in the worship by the singing of

psalms. The whole service was simple but serious, full of dignity and

calling the people to worship in spirit and in truth.[152]

The elders had the function of _overseers_, which is expressed by the

Greek word ἐπίσκοπος. One of these was elected in each quarter of the

town, _in order to have an eye everywhere_.[153] ‘They used to be

accompanied,’ says Bonivard in his _Police Ecclésiastique_, ‘by the

tithing-men (_dizeniers_) from house to house, asking of all the members

of the household a reason for their faith. After that, if they think

that there is any evil in the house, general or particular, they

admonish to repentance.’ The consistory ‘met once a week, on Thursday

morning, to see if there were any disorder in the church and to discuss

remedies, when needful.’ Those who taught contrary to the received

doctrine and those who showed themselves to be despisers of

ecclesiastical order were to be called before it, for the purpose of

conference and to be admonished. If they became obedient they were to be

dismissed with kindliness; but if they persisted in going from bad to

worse, after being thrice admonished, they were to be separated from the

church.[154]

Private vices were to be privately rebuked; and no one was to bring his

neighbor before the church for any offence which was not notorious or

scandalous, except after being proved rebellious. With respect to

notorious and open vices, the duty of the elders would be to call before

them those who are tainted with them, for the purpose of addressing

friendly representations to them and, if amendment should appear, to

trouble them no further. If they persisted in doing wrong, they were to

be admonished a second time. If, after all, this should have no effect,

they were to be denounced as despisers of God, and to be kept away from

the Lord’s Supper until a change of life was seen in them.[155]

We cannot deny, however, that the Ordinances were severe, and that men

and women were summoned before the consistory on grounds which now

appear very trivial. Consequently, this discipline has been spoken

against in the modern world. But minds more enlightened do justice to

Calvin. ‘Without the transformation of morals,’ says a magistrate of our

own times, distinguished for his moderation and the fairness of his

views, ‘the reformation at Geneva would have been nothing more than a

change in the forms of worship. The new foundation which was needed for

a perpetual struggle would have been wanting. Nothing less than the

genius of Calvin, admitted even by his opponents, would have sufficed to

inspire with enthusiasm and to transform a people, and to breathe into

it a new life. In order to effect a religious revolution, as he

understood it, the submission of all the outward actions of life to a

severe discipline was necessary; but the burden of this discipline in

the sixteenth century must not be estimated by the conceptions of the

nineteenth.[156] In that age it would everywhere meet with the principle

of obedience in full force; and it was lightened for all by the

knowledge that no social position was exempted from its operation.’

[Sidenote: Supremacy Of The State.]

Calvin knew that a hand mightier than his must establish religious and

moral order in Geneva. ‘If God do not work by his spirit,’ said he, ‘all

the doctrine that may be set forth will be like a trifle thrown to the

winds.’ There was at this time a sort of public manifestation of this

thought. In the month of December, 1542, the Council ordered that the

monogram of the name of Jesus should be engraved on the gates of the

town (_Jésus gravés en pierre_).[157] The chronicles of Roset say that

the Council ‘ordered to be engraved on the gates of the new walls which

were being built, _the name of Jesus above the armorial bearings_.’[158]

It is very commonly stated that this resolution was adopted at the

request of Calvin; but neither the registers of the Council, nor those

of the consistory, nor Roset, mention it. This does not indeed imply

that he had nothing to do with it; and this inscription was at all

events placed by order of the Council, which was friendly to Calvin. But

it was nothing new. Roset states that ‘this name was engraved on the old

gates of the city, _time out of mind_.’ It had been placed there on the

demand of the syndics, in 1471, and the custom appears to be still more

ancient.

Opinions differ as to the nature of the government of the church of

Geneva in the sixteenth century. Some have called it a _theocracy_, and

have seen in it the predominance of the church over the state. This view

is the most widely spread, and is current among both friends and

opponents of the reformer. In our days the contrary view has been

maintained. It has been asserted that at the time of the reformation of

Geneva, the authority of the state was completely substituted for that

of the ecclesiastical power; that the Council from that time intruded on

ground which was altogether within the province of the church. In fact,

it went to such a length as to regulate the hour and the number of

sermons; and a minister could neither publish a book, nor absent himself

for a few days, without the permission of the Council.[159]

[Sidenote: State Control Of The Church.]

This last point of view is the true one; but there were sometimes

circumstances which modified this state of things. Much depended on the

relations of Calvin with the governing body. If he were not on good

terms with them, the Council rigorously imposed its authority. Thus it

was that in the affair of Servetus, Calvin, in spite of reiterated

demands, could not induce the magistrate to soften the punishment of the

unhappy Spaniard. But when their relations were agreeable, Calvin’s

influence was undoubtedly powerful. There is no need to suppose that the

state of things was always the same and absolutely self-consistent. But

if the legislation be considered by itself, apart from the

circumstances, which we have just pointed out, and without regard to the

conviction which possessed Calvin’s mind that when essential matters of

faith are at stake we must obey God, and not man, then it is not untrue

to say that ‘Calvin impressed on his organization a lay, not to say a

democratic, stamp; that he did not invest the clergy either with

exclusive authority or even with the presidency of the church; and that

assigning carefully the part of the magistrate and that of the ministry

he set at the summit of his scheme a secular episcopate, which he placed

in the hands of the state.’[160]

It is true that this episcopate was placed in the hands of the state;

but it is not certain that it was Calvin who placed it there. It was the

state that assumed it. Before Calvin’s arrival, and while Farel and his

friends were evangelizing Geneva, the Council had constantly exercised

this overseership; and it was unwilling to throw it up by resigning it

afterwards to the ministers. The Ordinances were not accepted exactly in

the form in which Calvin had conceived them. The commission, of which

the majority were laymen, and the Council itself, introduced corrections

and additions, as we have previously remarked. But we insist on this

point in order that the part of Calvin and that of the Council in this

business may be clearly distinguished from each other. If the draft

names the _elders_, the official copy adds, ‘Otherwise named _appointees

of the seignory_ (_commis par la seigneurie_);’ and elsewhere,

‘_deputies of the seignory to the consistory_.’[161] This is important.

If the subject be the examination of a minister, and his introduction to

the people, the official copy adds, ‘being first of all, after

examination had, _presented to the seignory_.’ If the draft says, ‘To

obviate any scandals of life it will be necessary that there should be

some form of correction;’ the official copy adds, ‘_which shall pertain

to the seignory_.’ If the draft says of the schoolmaster, ‘that no one

is to be received unless he is approved by the ministers;’ the official

copy adds, ‘_having first of all presented him to the seignory_, and

that the examination must be made _in the presence of two lords of the

Little Council_.’ If the draft set out how the elders and the ministers

are to proceed in their admonitions, the Council adds, ‘We have ordered

that the said ministers are not to assume to themselves any

jurisdiction; but that they are merely to hear the parties, and make the

above-mentioned representations; and upon their statement of the case we

shall be able to consult, and to deliver judgment, according to the

exigencies of the case.’

Finally, the following additional article, proposed by the commission,

was inserted in the official text, at the end of the Ordinances. ‘And

let all this be done in such a manner that the ministers may have no

civil jurisdiction, and make use only of the spiritual sword of the Word

of God, as St. Paul enjoins upon them. And that this consistory shall in

no respect trench upon either the authority of the seignory or ordinary

courts of justice; but that the civil power may continue in its

integrity. And if there should be need of inflicting any penalty and of

attaching the parties, that the ministers with the consistory, after

hearing the parties and making such representations as shall be proper,

are to report the whole to the Council, which, on their statement, will

consider of their decree, and give judgment according to the

facts.’[162]

The Council displayed its zeal even in mere trifles. Not once only, but

every time the word _elder_ occurs, it added to it or substituted for it

the words _appointed or deputed by the seignory_. And whenever the

report, to designate the Council, employs the word _Messieurs_, the

official copy does not fail to insert in its place _the seignory_.

If Calvin had a large share in the Ordinances, assuredly the Council had

its share too. The corrections which Calvin’s work received at their

hands are all the more remarkable because at no other time did they hold

him in greater esteem. The members of the seignory were friends of his,

and the reformer having yielded to their entreaties so frequently

repeated, it would have been natural that they should exhibit some

deference to him; but, on the contrary, their manner of proceeding had a

little stiffness in it. Calvin having, it seems, some fears about the

alterations which the Council might have introduced into his scheme,

requested, in concert with his colleagues, to see them; but the Council

decided _that it was not for the preachers to revise them_,[163] and

that the whole should be delivered the same day to the Council of the

Two Hundred.

[Sidenote: Limits Of Calvin’s Responsibility.]

According to all these data, the responsibility of Calvin in the

ecclesiastical government of Geneva does not seem so great as is

supposed; and the circumstance that the deputies or nominees of the

Council formed the majority in the consistory is certainly significant.

Many of the alterations or additions were just. This was especially the

case with the article which assigned to the ministers the spiritual

sword alone. Calvin must have acceded to it with joy. But others were

real encroachments of the civil power. It is probable that the reformer

was pained to see them, for he wished the church to have for its supreme

law the word of its divine head. He would never have made a compromise

on doctrine; but considering the great work which had to be done in

Geneva, he believed—as otherwise he must have renounced the hope of

accomplishing it—that he ought to make concessions on some points of

government. He always condemned ‘the hypocrites who, while omitting

judgment, mercy, and faith, and even reviling the law, are all the more

rigorous in matters which are not of great importance.’ _He did not

strain at a gnat while he swallowed a camel._ The dangers involved in

the intrusion of the state into the affairs of the church were not

recognized in his time; and the sacrifices which he made were more

important than he imagined.

Footnote 117:

Calvin to Bucer, October 15, 1541. _Opp._ xi. p. 299.

Footnote 118:

Calvin to Bucer, Oct. 15, 1541.—_Opp._ xi. p. 299.

Footnote 119:

In a letter to some anonymous correspondent Calvin speaks of about

twenty days. ‘Intra viginti dies formulam composuimus.’ This passage

cannot invalidate the other account, and is not far from agreeing with

it.

Footnote 120:

Registers of September 28.

Footnote 121:

Calvin to Bucer, October 15, 1541. Registers of September 29.

Footnote 122:

Registers, October 25 and 27; November 9 and 20, 1541; and January 2,

1542. Roset, Chron. MS. book iv. ch. 50. Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 8.

Gautier, book vi. p. 485. Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 15; xi. p. 379.

Footnote 123:

Calv. _Opp._ x. 15-30. Scheme of ecclesiastical ordinances. This

introduction (p. 16) is found at the head of the ordinances in the

Registers of the Venerable Company of Pastors, to which they were

officially communicated.

Footnote 124:

Memoir sent to the Council of Constance. See also _Pici Mirandulæ ad

Leonem P. M. de Reformandis Moribus_.

Footnote 125:

_Institution de la Religion Chrétienne_, book iii. ch. 6.

Footnote 126:

Calvin on John xv. 4, 5.

Footnote 127:

_Ordonnances ecclésiastiques._—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 17.

Footnote 128:

_Ibid._

Footnote 129:

_Ibid._

Footnote 130:

Pascal.

Footnote 131:

_Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. pp. 19, 20.

Footnote 132:

Proverbs, xxii. 6.

Footnote 133:

_Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 28.

Footnote 134:

_Ibid._ p. 28.

Footnote 135:

Racine.—_Athalie._

Footnote 136:

_Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 23.

Footnote 137:

_Ibid._ p. 24.

Footnote 138:

Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 27.

Footnote 139:

_Ibid._ pp. 27 and 28.

Footnote 140:

See, for these quotations, _Institution chrétienne_, book iv. ch. 3.

sect. 15.

Footnote 141:

_Ordonnances._—Calv. Opp. x. p. 17.

Footnote 142:

_Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 18.

Footnote 143:

_Ibid._ pp. 31, 32.

Footnote 144:

_Ibid._ p. 21.

Footnote 145:

_Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. pp. 21, 22.

Footnote 146:

_Ibid._ pp. 22, 23.

Footnote 147:

_Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 22.

Footnote 148:

_Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 17.

Footnote 149:

Calvin on Matt. xxiv. 14.

Footnote 150:

_Ordonnances_, Calv. x. pp. 20, 21. (The article of the Ordinances

appears to say _five_, not _six_.) ‘On work-days, in addition to the

two customary preachings, there shall be preaching at St. Peter’s

three times a week, to wit, on Monday, Tuesday, and Friday, before it

begins at the other places.’—Editor.

Footnote 151:

‘Where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in

the midst of them.’—Matt. xviii. 20.

Footnote 152:

_Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. pp. 25, 26.

Footnote 153:

_Ibid._ p. 22.

Footnote 154:

_Ibid._ x. p. 29.

Footnote 155:

_Ordonnances._—Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 30.

Footnote 156:

_Introduction aux extraits des registres du consistoire de Genève_,

1541-1814, by M. the Syndic Auguste Cramer. These autograph notes have

not been printed.

Footnote 157:

Registers of the Council of December 27, 1542.

Footnote 158:

Roset, Chron. MS. de Genève, book iv. chap. 61. In the middle ages the

name of Jesus took an _h_ (Jhesus or Jehesus). It was represented by

the letters J H S, with a mark of abbreviation above them. These three

letters were subsequently considered to be the initials of the formula

JESUS HOMINUM SALVATOR.—Blavignac, Armorial Genevois. _Mémoires

d’Archéologie_, vol. vi. p. 176.

Footnote 159:

Roget, _L’Eglise et l’Etat_, Geneva, 1867, p. 7.

Footnote 160:

Cramer, _Introduction aux extraits des registres du consistoire_.

Geneva, 1853, p. 5.

Footnote 161:

Calv. _Opp._ x. p. 21, note 4.

Footnote 162:

_Ordonnances_, &c. Calv. _Opp._ x. pp. 16, 17, 21, 22, 29, 30.

Footnote 163:

Registers of the Council, November 9, 1541.

CHAPTER XXIII.

CALVIN’S PREACHING.

A great work had thus been accomplished; it remained to make practical

application of its principles. The machine must work, must bring into

act on the spiritual forces, and produce a movement in the pathway of

light. As soon as Calvin had settled at Geneva he had resumed the duties

of his ministry. On Sundays he conducted divine service, and had daily

service every other week.[164] He devoted three hours in each week to

theological teaching; he visited the sick, and administered private

reproof. He received strangers; attended the consistory on Thursday, and

directed its deliberations; on Friday was present at the conference on

Scripture, called the _congregation_; and, after the minister in office

for the day had presented his views on some passage of Scripture, and

the other pastors had made their remarks, Calvin added some

observations, which were _a kind of lecture_. He wished, as he

afterwards said, that every minister should be diligent in studying, and

that no one should become indolent. The week in which he did not preach

was filled up with other duties; and he had duties of every kind. In

particular, he devoted much attention to the refugees who flocked to

Geneva, driven by persecution out of France and Italy;[165] he taught

and exhorted them. He consoled, by his letters, ‘those who were still in

the jaws of the lion;’ he interceded for them. In his study he threw

light on the sacred writings by admirable commentaries, and confuted the

writings of the enemies of the Gospel.

[Sidenote: Calvin’s Principal Office.]

Calvin’s principal office, however, was that which, in the Ordinances,

he had assigned to the minister; namely, _to proclaim the Word of God

for instruction, admonition, exhortation, and reproof_.[166] It is

important to observe that he gives to preaching a practical character.

He felt the need of this so strongly that he established it in the

fundamental law of the church. For all this, it has been said that we

find in his discourses chiefly ‘political eloquence, the eloquence of

the forum, of the agora.’[167] Unfortunately, the finest minds have

believed this on mere hearsay. Reproaches of another kind have been made

against him. It has been supposed that his sermons were full of nothing

but obscure and barren doctrines. Calvin is certainly quite able to

stand up for himself, and needs not the help of others. His works are

sufficient, and if they were read as they deserve to be, although he

might not be found eloquent after the present fashion, he would be found

invariably Christian; a man possessing great knowledge of the world,

with a strong popular element.

It is indispensable, however, to give in this place some account of

Calvin’s preaching. He was, with Luther, the most important actor at the

epoch of the Reformation; and there is no character in history more

misunderstood than he is. It is a duty to come to the aid of one who is

assailed—were it even the weakest that offers his aid to the strongest.

Besides, it is no task of special pleading that we undertake. We shall

confine ourselves to laying before the reader the documentary evidence

in the trial.

Two or three thousand of Calvin’s sermons are extant. He could not spend

weeks on the composition of a homily. During great part of the year he

preached every day, sometimes twice a day. He did not write his sermons,

but delivered them extempore. A short-hand writer took down his

discourses during their delivery.[168] These sermons opened the

treasures of the Scriptures, and spread them abroad amongst men; and

they were full of useful applications.

[Sidenote: Calvin’s Sermons.]

Calvin usually selected some book of the Bible, and preached a series of

sermons on the divine words contained in it. These were published in

large _infolios_. One volume appeared which contained a hundred and

fifty-nine sermons on Job; another which consisted of two hundred

sermons on Deuteronomy; in a third were given a hundred on the Epistles

to Timothy and Titus. There are volumes of sermons on the Epistles to

the Ephesians, the Corinthians, the Galatians, &c. How can it be thought

that on these sacred books Calvin would deliver harangues of the

_forum_? We have seen, from the Ordinances, that he esteemed it a great

fault in a preacher to adopt _an unusual manner of treating the

Scriptures, which gives occasion for scandal; a curious propensity to

indulge in idle questionings, &c._ While so many prejudices with regard

to Calvin exist among Protestants, there are Catholics who have done

justice to him. One of these, a writer not generally friendly to him,

has acknowledged that, according to this reformer, ‘the first and

principal duty of the preacher is to be always in agreement with Holy

Scripture. It is only on condition of his faithfully and conscientiously

setting forth the divine word, that he has any right to the obedience

and confidence of the church. From the moment that he ceases to preach

the pure Gospel, his right to speak is extinct.’[169] It is a pleasure

to record this just and true judgment. It is entirely in agreement with

what Calvin said of himself from the pulpit. ‘We must all,’ he said, ‘be

pupils of the Holy Scriptures, even to the end; even those, I mean, who

are appointed to proclaim the Word. If we enter the pulpit, it is on

this condition, that we learn while teaching others. I am not speaking

here merely that others may hear me; but I too, for my part, must be a

pupil of God, and the word which goes forth from my lips must profit

myself; otherwise woe is me! The most accomplished in the Scripture are

fools, unless they acknowledge that they have need of God for their

schoolmaster all the days of their life.’[170] In Calvin’s view, every

thing that had not for its foundation the Word of God was a futile and

ephemeral boast; and the man who did not lean on Scripture ought to be

deprived of his title of honor, _spoliandus est honoris sui titulo_.

This was not the rule laid down for the orators of the agora.

Calvin used to preach in the cathedral church of St. Peter, which was

more particularly adapted for preaching. A great multitude thronged the

place to hear him. Among his hearers he had the old Genevese, but also a

continually increasing number of evangelical Christians, who took refuge

at Geneva on account of persecution, and who belonged, for the most

part, to the most highly cultivated of their nation. Among them were

also some Catholic priests and laymen, who had come to Geneva with the

intention of professing there the reformed doctrines, and to these men

it was very necessary to teach the doctrine of salvation. But if, in the

sixteenth century, people came from a great distance to hear Calvin,

will they be ready at this day, without stirring from their homes, to

make acquaintance with some of those discourses which at that period

contributed to the transformation of society, and which were, as usually

stated on the title-page, ‘taken down _verbatim_ from his lips as he

publicly preached them’? They are considered by many persons the weakest

of his productions, and it is hardly thought worth while even to glance

at them. It is generally asserted that what was printed in the sixteenth

century is unreadable in the nineteenth. Times are indeed changed; but

there are still readers who, when studying an epoch, desire to see at

first-hand the words of its most distinguished men. It is our duty to

satisfy such readers.

Calvin ascended the pulpit. The words which he uttered, instead of

resembling those which were heard in the political gatherings of Greece

and Rome, bore rather the impress of the sermon on the mount, addressed

by Jesus Christ to his disciples assembled around him. We may enter the

church of St. Peter’s any day that we like, and our judgment will soon

be formed on these questions.

Calvin has a word about the young, which is still a word in season for

our day.

‘_Wherewithal_,’ said he one day, ‘_shall a young man cleanse his way?

By taking heed thereto according to thy word._ If we desire that our

life should be pure and simple, we must not each one devise and build up

what seems good to himself; but God must rule over us and we must obey

him, by walking in the way which he appoints for us. And if in this

passage it is the young man that is spoken of, we are not to suppose

that it does not also concern the old. But we know what the ebullitions

of youth are, and how great is the difficulty of holding in check these

violent affections. It is as if David said—The young go astray like the

beasts which cannot be tamed; and they have such fiery passions that

they break away just at the moment when they seem to be well in hand.

But if they followed this counsel to take heed to themselves according

to the word of God, it is certain that though their passions naturally

break through restraint, we should see in them modesty and a quiet and

gentle demeanor. Let us not put off remembering God till we are come to

the crazy years of old age, and till we are broken and worn out in

body.’[171]

The same day Calvin addressed those who loved money, and pointed out the

way to find true happiness. ‘_I have rejoiced_, says David, _in the way

of Thy testimonies as much as in all riches._ What must we do to taste

this joy? It is impossible,’ says Calvin, ‘that we should know the

sweetness of the word of God, or that the doctrine of salvation should

be pleasant to us, unless we have first cut off all those lusts and

sinful affections which too much prevail in our hearts. It is just as if

we expected to get wheat to grow in a field full of briars, thorns, and

weeds, or to make a vine flourish on stones and rocks where there is no

moisture. For what is the nature of man? It is a soil so barren that

there is nothing more so; and all his affections are briars, thorns, and

weeds, which can only choke and destroy all the good seed of God.’[172]

[Sidenote: Sermon To Worldlings.]

On another occasion Calvin addressed the friends of the world; and

quoting these words of David—‘_I am a stranger on the earth, hide not

thy commandments from me_,’ he added, ‘There are some who in imagination

make their permanent nest in this world, who expect to have their

Paradise here, and feel no want of the commandments of God for their

salvation. They are satisfied if they have their meat and drink, if they

are able to gratify their appetites, have pleasures and delights, be

honored and held in respect. This is all they ask for, and they rise no

higher than this perishable and decaying life. Suppose a man given up to

avarice, to uncleanness, to drunkenness, or to ambition, and although he

should never hear a word of preaching, although he should never be

spoken to about Christianity or the life eternal, for all that he would

be quite content. To such men indeed it is irksome, it is to talk of

gloomy things, to speak to them of God. They would like never to hear

his name mentioned nor receive any tidings of him. But as for David, it

is as if he said—If I had regard only to the present life, it would be

better that I had not been born, or that I had been a hundred times

destroyed. And wherefore? Because we are merely passing through this

world and are on our way to an immortal life.’[173]

Subsequently he deals with another class of characters; he directs his

attention to those who have only sudden and transitory fits of devotion,

and who only turn to God by fits and starts. ‘We ought not to have fits

(_bouffées_), as many persons have, for glorifying God; and with whom,

lift but a finger, it is all reversed. There may be some to-day who will

feign that they are very devout. What a fine sermon! they will say. What

admirable doctrine? And to-morrow how will it be with them? They will

for all this go on mocking God and uttering taunts against his Word; or

if God should send them adversity, then they will be fretted with him.

True, the present life is subject to many vicissitudes; to-day we may

have some sorrow; to-morrow we may be at ease; afterwards some sudden

trouble may fall upon us; and then once more we come right. But

notwithstanding this succession of changes, men must not bend to every

wind; but while passing over the waves of the sea must be strong in that

righteousness and uprightness which is the word of God.’[174] ...

Calvin was struck with that exclusive self-love which exists in man. He

believed, as was said by Pascal, a man whose intellect in many respects

resembled his own, that ‘since sin occurred man has lost the first of

his loves, the love for God; and the love for himself being left alone

in this great soul, capable of an infinite love, this self-love has

extended itself and overflowed into the void left by the love for God;

and thus he has loved himself alone and all things for himself, that is

to say, infinitely.’ Calvin energetically demands of man love to God.

‘If a man,’ says he, ‘is so sensitive that he is moved to avenge himself

the moment he is wounded, and yet does not trouble himself at all when

God is insulted and his law thrown to the ground, does it not show

clearly that he is altogether fleshly, yea, more, that he is brutal

(_tenant de la brute_)? It is a common characteristic of men, that if

any wrong is done to them, they will be disturbed about it to the end.

Let the honor of a man be touched, he flies immediately into a rage, and

cares for nothing but to proceed against the offender. Let a man be

robbed, his anger will be unappeasable. He is concerned about his purse,

his meadows, his possessions, his houses, whichever it may be, and he

will feel that he is wronged. But the man who has well regulated

affections will not have so much concern for his own honor or for his

own property as for the justice of God when this is violated. We ought

to be affected by offences committed against God rather than by what

merely concerns ourselves. There are very few who care at all about

those offences. And if there be some who will say, “It grieves me that

people thus sin against God,” and who nevertheless allow themselves to

do as much evil or more than others, they show plainly that they are

mere hypocrites. They persecute men rather than hate vice, and they

prove that what they say is only feigning.’[175]

Calvin in treating of other subjects appears full of grace and

simplicity. Surrounded as he was by violent enemies, he felt a lively

sympathy with David when in his Psalms he gives utterance to that cry of

anguish,—‘O Lord, how are mine enemies multiplied!’ Calvin likewise knew

what it was to be hated by furious enemies.

[Sidenote: The Wandering Sheep.]

He draws a touching picture of terror. It is a graceful parable. ‘_I

have gone astray like a lost sheep; save thy servant!_ David,’ he says,

‘was so terrified at his enemies because he suffered such great and

cruel persecutions. He was in the midst of them like a poor hunted lamb,

which when it catches sight of a wolf, flees to the mountains to hide

itself. Here was a poor lamb escaped from the jaws of the wolf, and so

terrified that if it come to a well, it will plunge in headlong rather

than pursue its way, for it knows not what to do nor what is to become

of it. And thus David, being terrified, cried out—Lord, redeem thy

servant! thus indicating that he leaned entirely on God’s protection and

this is what we must do.’[176]

These fragments are taken from sermons on the Old Testament; it is worth

while to hear Calvin also on the New. People suppose that he put forward

gloomy doctrines, which shut man out from salvation instead of leading

him to it, and that he concerned himself with predestination alone. This

opinion is at once so widely diffused and so untrue that it is the

indispensable duty of the historian in this place to establish the

truth. Let us hear him on I Timothy, ii., 3, 4, 5. Calvin declares that

it is the will of God that all men should be saved.

‘The Gospel,’ he says, ‘is offered to all, and this is the means of

drawing us to salvation. Nevertheless, are all benefited by it?

Certainly not, as we see at a glance. When once God’s truth has fallen

upon our ears, if we are rebels to it, it is for our greater

condemnation. God, therefore, must go further, in order to bring us to

salvation, and must not only appoint and send men to teach us

faithfully, but must himself be master in our hearts, _must touch us to

the quick and draw us to himself_. Then, adapting himself to our

weakness, he lisps to us in his Word, just as a nurse does to little

children. If God spoke according to his majesty, his language would be

too high and too difficult; we should be confounded, and all our senses

would be blinded. For if our eyes cannot bear the brightness of the sun,

is it possible, I ask you, for our minds to comprehend the divine

majesty? We say what every one sees: _It is God’s will that we should

all be saved_, when he commands that his Gospel shall be preached. The

gate of Paradise is opened for us; when we are thus invited, and when he

exhorts us to repentance, he is ready to receive us as soon as we come

to him.’

Calvin goes further and rebukes those who by their neglect set limits to

the extent of God’s dominion.

‘It is not in Judea alone and in a corner of the country that the grace

of God is shed abroad,’ he says, ‘but up and down through all the earth.

It is God’s will that this grace should be known to all the world. We

ought, therefore, as far as lies in our power, to seek the salvation of

those who are to-day strangers to the faith, and endeavor to bring them

to the goodness of God. Why so? Because Jesus Christ is not the Saviour

of three or four, but offers himself to all. At the time when he drew us

to himself were we not enemies? Why are we now his children? It is

because he has gathered us to himself. Now, is he not as truly the

Saviour of all the world? Jesus Christ did not come to be mediator

between two or three men, but _between God and men_; not to reconcile a

small number of people to God, but to extend his grace to the whole

world. Since Jesus invites us all to himself, since he is ready to give

us loving access to his Father, is it not our duty to stretch out our

hand to those who do not know what this union is in order that we may

induce them to draw nigh? God, in the person of Jesus Christ, has his

arms as it were stretched out to welcome to himself those who seemed to

be separated from him. We must take care that it be not our fault that

they do not return to the flock. Those who make no endeavor to bring

back their neighbor into the way of salvation diminish the power of

God’s empire, as far as in them lies, and are willing to set limits to

it, so that he may not be Lord over all the world. They obscure the

virtue of the passion and death of Jesus Christ, and they lessen the

dignity which was conferred on him by God his Father; to wit, that

_to-day for his sake the gate of heaven is opened_, and that God will be

favorable to us when we come to seek him.’

But Calvin asks how are we to bring a soul to God, and how are we to

come to him ourselves?

‘We are but worms of the earth, and yet we must go out of the world and

pass beyond the heavens. This, then, is impossible unless Jesus Christ

appear, unless he stretch out his hand and promise to give us access to

the throne of God, who in himself cannot but be to us awful and

terrible, but now is gracious to us in the person of our Lord. If when

we come before God, we contemplate only his high and incomprehensible

majesty, every one of us must shrink back and even wish that the

mountains may cover and overwhelm us. But when our Lord Jesus comes

forward and makes himself our mediator, then there is nothing to terrify

us, we can come with our heads no longer cast down, we can call upon God

as our Father, in such wise that we may come to him in secret and pour

out all our griefs in order to be comforted. But such a glory must be

given to Jesus Christ that angels and other dignities may be assigned to

their own rank, and that Jesus Christ may appear above all and in all

things have the pre-eminence. This dignity must always be preserved for

him, in that he shed his blood for us and reconciled us with God,

discharging all our debts.

‘In every age the world has deceived itself with trifles and trash as

means of appeasing God, just as we might try to pacify the anger of a

little child with toys. Christ must needs devote himself, at the cost of

his passion and death, in order to reconcile us (_nous appointer_) with

God his Father, so that our sins may no longer be reckoned against us.

We cannot gain favor in the sight of God by ceremonies or parade; but

_Christ has given himself a ransom for us_. We have the blood of Jesus

Christ and the sacrifice which he offered for us of his own body and his

own life. In this lies our confidence, and by this means we are

forgiven.’[177]

[Sidenote: Predestination.]

This, then, is what Calvin says—‘The gate of paradise is open to us; the

Lord is willing to receive us.’ What! some will say, does he give up the

doctrine of the election of God, and of the necessity of the operation

of the Holy Spirit for the regeneration of man? Certainly not. Calvin

believed, in its full import, this saying of the Saviour—‘You have not

chosen me, _I have chosen you_.’ It has been acknowledged by men endowed

with a fine intellect, who at the same time did not hold the Christian

faith, that there is an election of God, not only in the sphere of

grace, but in that of creation. One of them has said—‘The life of

children, who differ _so much from each other, although they spring from

the same stock_, and pass through a similar course of education, is well

adapted to confirm the followers of Augustine in their doctrine. Minds

are not wanting that take offence every time they hear the doctrine of

grace set forth without disguise. Have these same minds ever reflected

on that strange fatality which stamps us with a mark distinct and deep

from our birth and our infancy? If these minds are religious, to what

doctrine will they have recourse (to explain this) which does not

resolve itself into the doctrine of grace?‘[178]

[Sidenote: Calvinism A Kind Of Madness.]

Calvin said to Christians, in conformity with the Scriptures, that it is

God who seeks them and saves them; and that this goodwill of God ought

to make them rejoice, _deliver them from fears in the midst of so many

perils, and render them invincible in the midst of so many snares and

deadly assaults_. But he makes a distinction. There are the hidden

things of God, which are a mystery, and of these he says—‘Those who

enter into the eternal council of God _thrust themselves into a deadly

abyss_.’ Then there are the things which are known, which are seen in

man, and are plain. ‘Let us contemplate the cause of the condemnation of

man in his depraved nature, in which it is manifest, rather than search

for it in the predestination of God, in which it is hidden and

_altogether incomprehensible_.’[179] He is even angry with those who

want to know ‘things which it is neither lawful nor possible to know

(predestination). _Ignorance_,’ says he, ‘_of these things_ is

_learning_, but _craving to know them is a kind of madness_.’[180] It is

a singular fact that what Calvin indignantly calls a madness should

afterwards be named _Calvinism_. The reformer sets himself against this

craving as a raging madness, and yet it is of this very madness that he

is accused.

In Calvin there is the theologian, sometimes indeed the philosopher,

although before all there is the Christian. He desires that every thing

which may do men good should be offered to them. ‘But with regard to

this dispute about predestination,’ he says, ‘by the inquisitiveness of

men it is made perplexing and even perilous. They enter into the

sanctuary of divine wisdom, into which if any one thrusts himself with

too much audacity, he will get into a labyrinth from which he will find

no exit, and in which nothing is possible to him but to rush headlong to

destruction.’[181] We are not sure that Calvin did not allow himself to

be drawn a step too far into the labyrinth. But we have seen the deep

conviction with which he declares that _the gate of heaven is opened,

that the will of God is that his grace should be known to all the

world_. This is enough.

Calvin did not, however, hide from himself the fact that a minister of

God’s Word must look forward to many contradictions and struggles. Thus,

in his sermon on the duty of a preacher, it is said to the minister—‘It

is thy duty to prepare thy hand betimes, so that no assault should

overcome thee. Thou must not retreat nor fly before the foe (_que tu

placques làtout_), but take warning that henceforth thou must needs

fight.’[182]

Such was Calvin as a preacher. He points out the evils which are in

man’s heart, but he proclaims still more loudly the love and the power

of Him who heals him. He makes man feel that he is powerless, but he

breathes into his soul the power of God. He casts down, but he also

lifts up; and if he humbles, he is still more in earnest in getting men

to run straight to the mark, in entreating them not to go astray in

cross-ways, but to ‘get rid of all distractions.’ Forwards! forwards! he

cries to the loiterers, and he shows them the means of advancing.

[Sidenote: Calvin Not A Politician.]

Calvin certainly was not narrow-minded; and while he was before all a

member of the kingdom of God, he did not think it his duty to take no

interest in the concerns of nations and of kings. He never forgot his

persecuted fellow-religionists; and if for their deliverance it was

needful to appeal to the powerful, to the princes, of the earth he did

so. Is he to be accused of having therein played the part of a

politician? Would it not have been a sad blemish on so fair a life to

have forgotten his countrymen who were cast into prisons or bound on the

galleys? But Calvin, having gained the rock on which the tempest could

not harm him, did not cease to direct his attention to such of his

brethren as were still pelted by the storm and well-nigh swallowed up in

the abyss. He prayed; he cried aloud; he called upon those in power to

stay the sword which was unsheathed against the righteous; he was able

likewise, in grave emergencies, from the pulpit to invite to prayer and

humiliation, to recall to mind the martyrs of old time, to declare that

persecutors will have to render an account, to show that faith in the

living God is an impregnable fortress; to urge those who, having come

from a distance, had taken refuge at Geneva, to behave themselves

holily, and to entreat all Christians, especially the weak, to make no

blameworthy concessions, but to continue steadfast in the purity of the

faith. What is there in all this incompatible with the evangelical

ministry? What is there in all this that is not even obligatory and that

could not fail to be approved of God? No, Calvin was neither a Dracon

nor a Lycurgus; neither a political orator nor a statesman. His pulpit

was no tribune for harangues; his work was not that of a secret chief of

Protestantism. He was before all things an evangelist, a minister of the

living God. Far from addressing himself to the people in general, he

laid hold of the individual, and on him he made a deeper and more

lasting impression than modern preachers have done with their vague

discourses.

Footnote 164:

‘Alternis hebdomadibus totis concionabator.’—Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p.

8. Calvin’s letter to Myconius, Geneva, March 14, 1542. Calv. _Opp._

xi. p. 337. _Ordonnances_, edit. of 1561. Bèze-Colladon, _Vie

française de Calvin_, pp. 55, 56.

Footnote 165:

‘Multos ex Gallia et Italia.’—Beza, _Vita Calvini_, p. 9.

Footnote 166:

_Ordonnances._—Calvin, _Opp._ x. p. 17.

Footnote 167:

Sayous, _Études sur les écrivains de la réformation_, i. p. 173.

Footnote 168:

The title-page of the volume on Deuteronomy states—‘Taken down

faithfully and _verbatim_, as M. Jean Calvin publicly preached them.’

Footnote 169:

Kampschulte, _Joh. Calvin_, i. p. 406.

Footnote 170:

_Vingt-deux Sermons de M. Jean Calvin sur le Psaume_ cxix. Geneva: by

François Estienne, for Estienne Anastase, 1562, p. 38.

Footnote 171:

_Vingt-deux Sermons_, &c—Second Sermon, pp. 26, 27.

Footnote 172:

_Vingt-deux Sermons_, &c.—Second Sermon, pp. 41, 42.

Footnote 173:

_Ibid._ Third Sermon, pp. 52, 53, 61, 62.

Footnote 174:

_Vingt-deux Sermons_, &c.—Eighteenth Sermon, p. 368.

Footnote 175:

_Vingt-deux Sermons_, &c.—Twentieth Sermon, pp. 405, 406.

Footnote 176:

_Ibid._ Twenty-second Sermon, pp. 452, 453.

Footnote 177:

_Sermons de J. Calvin sur les Epîtres de saint Paul à Timothé et à

Tite_, 1561, p. 67, &c.

Footnote 178:

Sainte-Beuve, _Port-Royal_, iii. p. 403.

Footnote 179:

_Institution Chrétienne_, book III. ch. xxiii. § 8.

Footnote 180:

_Ibid._

Footnote 181:

_Institution Chrétienne_, ch. 21, § 1, 2.

Footnote 182:

_Calvin d’après Calvin_, published by the Evangelical Alliance of

Geneva for the third Jubilee of May 27, 1564, p. 28.

CHAPTER XXIV.

CALVIN’S ACTIVITY.

(FEBRUARY 1542.)

[Sidenote: State Of Mind At Geneva.]

With Calvin words and deeds went hand in hand. If he took part in

external affairs, we understand that he did so in the midst of his

flock. He was preacher and pastor, although he is chiefly known as

teacher and reformer. Apart from Calvin, without the institutions of

which he was the promoter, the evangelical reformation, religious and

moral, would not have been accomplished in Geneva. We may also add that

national independence and political liberties would not have been

maintained in this town. The old Genevese population would have been

unable to do this. Undoubtedly there had been men among this small

people who had displayed great energy in repulsing the ambitious

attempts of the Dukes of Savoy, in taking from the bishops the temporal

privileges which they had usurped, in restoring civil liberties and in

uniting Geneva to the Swiss cantons. All these measures were essential

to the Reformation, for which a free people was indispensable. We have

already narrated their achievements; and we have been reproached,

unjustly, we think, for having done this at too great length. But at the

time when Calvin appeared in the city of the first Huguenots, morality

was far from being irreproachable; religion, scarcely disengaged from

the forms and errors of Rome, was with the majority neither personal nor

evangelical, deep-seated, pure, vital, or active; and civilization

itself was hardly at a higher level there than it had reached in other

countries. The heroes of independence had need themselves of being

enlightened by the light of the Gospel, and of being transformed by its

fire. Their first education was defective, and it was necessary to begin

it again. Their intercourse with all that surrounded them exerted an

influence over them which needed to be counterbalanced. The great

advantage of the Reformation having been, in their view, their

deliverance from the pretensions of priests and of princes, it was

needful that they should learn to recognize in the Gospel the tidings of

a higher order, of a spiritual enfranchisement, which would deliver them

from sin and would give them the liberty of the children of God. They

had availed themselves of the reformation as a political instrument;

they must now learn to have recourse to it as a religious, moral, and

divine instrument, capable of making them citizens of another and more

glorious city. Many did this. Calvin’s return was not exclusively the

work of a party. A profound conviction existed, both in the most

influential men and in the minds of the people in general, that Calvin

was the man they wanted. The Genevese population was therefore disposed

to accept the institutions which he offered them. But there were

nevertheless some secret discontents, which were to break out some day,

and would become for Calvin and for the consistory the occasion of

frequent and obstinate conflicts.

The presidency of the consistory was not vested in Calvin, but in one of

the syndics. The reformer knew how to keep his own place, and gave due

honor to the lay magistrate. While, however, he was not president of

this body, it may be truly said that he was its soul.[183] The

consistory met immediately after its establishment. The report of its

sittings did not begin till Thursday, February 16, 1542; but nine

meetings had previously been held.

Calvin was not a theocrat, as he has been called, unless the term be

taken in the most spiritual sense. A breath of eternal life inspired

him; he was full of love for souls; a practical man in the best sense of

the word. Many of the characteristics of St. Paul reappeared in Calvin.

While, like Paul, he strenuously maintained the great doctrine of grace,

he took an interest in the comforts of life of those to whom his

preaching was addressed, and sometimes applied himself to the humblest

details. He was well informed even on matters which do not seem to be in

his province. For instance, he made inquiries after a house for his

friend De Falais, and offered him one with ‘a garden, a large yard, and

a fine view.’[184] But it was especially in the consistory that he

displayed the same interest in small things as in great. Conversation,

dress, food, all were interesting to him. He protected women against the

bad treatment of their husbands; he taught parents and children, masters

and servants, their mutual duties; and saw that the sick were treated

with all needful attention. At the first sitting of the consistory

(February 16, 1542), De Pernot, from the district of Gex, who had

somewhat the air of those loungers (_flâneurs_), who are found in all

parties, related to the venerable body that he had been to Mount Salève

with Claudine de Bouloz and some companions. The Genevese had before

this time begun to enjoy pleasure excursions on this mountain. This

excursion was perhaps for De Pernot one of those parties of pleasure to

which some mystery is attached. He walked with the Genevese maiden; they

chatted and laughed as they came down the mountain, and, as Racine says:

Ils suivaient du plaisir la pente trop aisée.

Now, in the midst of this gaiety and these pretty trifling speeches,

there was, said Pernot to the consistory, some talk about marriage.

Moreover, he added, when they arrived at Collonges-sous-Salève, Claudine

had drunk with him ‘to their marriage, in the presence of credible

witnesses.’ But Claudine denied it altogether. She drank, she owned, but

agreed to nothing else, because she had not the permission of her

parents. Thus, then, a dispute about a promise made on the mountain and

at the inn was one of the subjects to which the grave Calvin had to give

his attention. There were other questions of more importance. Domestic

disagreements, altercations, duels, games of chance, above all

licentious conduct, were frequently brought before the consistory; but

such cases gradually diminished in number.[185]

[Sidenote: Subjects Before The Consistory.]

The consistory had besides much to do with Roman Catholicism, which was

of too long standing in the episcopal city to be expelled from it at a

single stroke. Now, hostility to Rome was at this time general. It

prevailed in the ministers and their friends by reason of their

attachment to the Holy Scriptures, which condemned the system of the

papacy. It prevailed in the other citizens by reason of the conviction

which possessed them that Protestantism alone could maintain their

independence. It influenced the French refugees who, having escaped from

prison, and from the death to which their brethren were still exposed,

felt their hearts stirred with indignation at the sight of Roman

Catholicism, the source of these hateful persecutions. Further, many

persons were cited before the consistory on suspicion of being

Romanists. These people were not very courageous; in their own church

they were placed under a _régime_ of fear; and a soul that is led by

fear is always the weaker. [Sidenote: Examination Of Jeanne Peterman.]

On March 30, 1542, Dame Jeanne Peterman appeared before the consistory.

She was unwilling to abjure her faith, but she endeavored to confess it

as faintly as possible, and even had recourse to strategem to avoid

making an avowal of what she believed. She made a well-tangled skein,

and endeavored thereby to entangle the members of the consistory. They

wanted to clear up the matter, and she tried to darken it. ‘You have not

received the holy supper,’ they said to her, ‘and you go to mass; what

is your faith?’ ‘I believe in God,’ she said, ‘and wish to live in God

and holy church. I say my _Pater Noster_ in the Roman tongue, and I

believe just as the church believes.’ ‘What do you mean by that?’ ‘That

I do not believe except just as the church believes.’ ‘Is there no

church in this town?’ ‘I do not know.’ ‘Are not the sacraments of our

Lord administered here?’ ‘I believe in the holy supper, as God said,

_This is my body._’ ‘Why are you not content with the supper

administered in this town, but go elsewhere?’ ‘I go where I please; our

Lord will not come here in full array, but where his word is there is

his body. He said that there would come ravening wolves.’ After Calvin

had given her an admonition according to the Word of God, she said that

on the previous Sunday a German, a very respectable man, asked her how

she prayed, and that she had replied, ‘You do not find people here

saying to the Virgin Mary, Pray for us.’ She did not on this occasion

add that she herself invoked her. As she often said, ‘I believe in God,’

which deists themselves might have said, she was asked, ‘What then is

your faith toward God?’ She replied, ‘The preachers ought to know better

than I do about God. I am not a learned person like you. There is no

other God for me but God.’ She was pressed more closely. ‘In what way

will you take the holy supper?’ ‘I do not mean to be either an idolater

or an hypocrite. The Virgin Mary is my advocate. The Virgin Mary is a

friend of God, daughter and mother of Jesus Christ. I do not know about

the church.’ By this she doubtless meant that she would not enter into

controversy on this subject. ‘I do not know,’ she added, ‘whether the

faith of others is right. _Our lady is a good woman, and I wish to live

in the faith of holy church._’ Thus the poor woman hardly got any

further than _the Virgin_ and _the church_. This was a long way. It

appears that it was the president-syndic and not Calvin who had pressed

her, for she ended by saying, ‘The lord syndic is a heretic, and I do

not wish to be one.’ The pastors said to her, ‘There is only one

mediator, Jesus Christ; as for the saints, male or female, let people do

as they will.’ The consistory required that the poor woman should be

corrected in an _evangelical_ manner, in order that she might not go to

other places to worship idols; ‘that remonstrance should be made, and

that she should go daily to sermon.’ Again, appearing before them on the

following Thursday, she spoke with more decision. ‘I cannot receive the

supper,’ she said; ‘I have taken it and will take it elsewhere, until

the Lord touch my heart.’ Thereupon she was declared _to be out of the

church_. ‘In my time,’ she said; ‘the Jews have been driven out of this

town, and a time will come when the Jews will be all over the town.’ If

the prediction has not been fulfilled with respect to the Jews, those

who adhere to the faith of this woman are now very numerous there; and,

perhaps, this is what at bottom she meant to predict.[186]

Matters of the same kind as that which we have just indicated, and

others, such as extravagance in dress, licentious or irreligious songs,

improprieties during divine service, usury, frequenting of taverns and

gaming houses,[187] drunkenness, debauchery, and other like offences

were frequently brought before the consistory. It had nothing to do, or

only indirectly, with political events, or even with measures for the

suppression of the libertine party, for this was effected by judicial

methods, and the consistory was not called upon to take cognizance of

such matters. There is not a word about the trial of Servetus in 1543;

the consistory had nothing to do with that proceeding. The only allusion

that we find to it does not occur till a month after that odious act,

November 23, 1543. On that day a woman, accused of frequenting a certain

house, replied that she had only been there twice, the day after the

supper ‘and the day _the heretic_ was burnt.’ The name of Servetus is

not even mentioned. In this circumstance there is, perhaps, a hint for

those who look upon Calvin as the principal offender in the death of the

unfortunate Servetus. Assuredly he was blameworthy, and his whole age

with him.[188]

[Sidenote: Impartiality.]

If the consistory proceeded with severity against immorality and

licentiousness, its activity was no less conspicuous in a charitable

direction, and one favorable to the public liberties.[189] It did not

forget that it was bound to protect the little ones who were oppressed,

and all those who were in any misfortune. Calvin recalled the saying of

Jesus Christ about those of his people who are brought low, and said,

‘If their insignificance give occasion to the world to fall upon them,

they ought to know that God does not despise them. It would be a thing

too absurd for a mortal to make no account of those who are so precious

in the sight of God.’[190] The consistory used its influence with the

council on behalf of reforms which were for the advantage of the people.

It demanded a reduction in the price of wheat, improvement of prison

discipline, and restriction of imprisonment for debt. It censured

fathers who were too severe with their children, and creditors who were

too exacting with their debtors. It was severe against those who held a

monopoly, and against forestallers of food. It urged moderation in the

citations made before the consistory, and desired that they should be

confined to scandalous cases. Men have been heard at various periods,

even men of the humblest class, lifting up their voices against Calvin

and his consistory without any suspicion that they were insulting their

own friends and benefactors. Was not the suppression of drunkenness, of

immorality, of gaming-houses, of quarrelling, and other evils of the

like kind a benefit, and a very great benefit to the people? One who has

set forth in the most accurate and impartial manner the proceedings of

the consistory has said, ‘We must not, indeed, expect absolute

impartiality nor abundance of good nature in the face of the resistance

which was offered to the consistory; nevertheless, the facts speak, and

are all in favor of the reformers.’[191]

The realization of the plan formed by Calvin, the moral and religious

restoration of Geneva, called for great efforts on his part, and exposed

him to much opposition, many affronts and contemptuous speeches which

were flung in his teeth. He bore it all without cherishing resentment.

This man, whose name was familiar throughout Christendom, the leader who

could cope with Rome, the great teacher whose letters kings received

with reverence, when called by a fish-wife, in the presence of his

colleagues, ‘a tavern haunter,’ took it with admirable patience. Wrongs

done against the persons of the pastors were treated by the consistory

with greater lenity than opposition to evangelical doctrine, invocation

of the devil, or invocation of the Virgin and the saints. Calvin,

admitting that outward appearance has its value in the policy of the

world, but holding that it ought not to be considered in the spiritual

kingdom of Christ, held the balance true between a working man and a

member of the most honorable families. Sons of the latter were more than

once reprimanded and punished, even though the father was friendly to

the reformation. Hence troubles frequently arose, although the fathers

continued faithful to the established order. In the midst of these

agitations Calvin remained calm. He wrote to Myconius, ‘It was in my

power, when I came here, to triumph over my enemies, and to attack at

full sail the party which had done me wrong; but I have abstained. I

have also most carefully avoided all kinds of reproach, lest in uttering

a word, however innocent, I should seem to intend to persecute the one

or the other.’[192]

The knowledge which he gained during his first residence at Geneva, and

the reflections which had occupied his mind during the three years of

his exile, had been profitable to the reformer; his wisdom and his

meekness had been ripened by experience.

Calvin and Viret had resolved to use their utmost efforts to procure

peace; ‘for,’ said the former, ‘it is necessary not only that we abstain

from debate, but that we take great pains to put an end to dissension

among others, removing every occasion of hatred and rancor.’ He was well

acquainted with the state of men’s minds in Geneva, and likewise with

the sentiments of his colleagues.[193] ‘There are some of them,’ he

wrote to Myconius, ‘who are no friends of mine, and others who are

openly hostile; but I take all the pains I can to prevent the spirit of

discord from creeping in amongst us. We have in the town a seed of

intestine discord, but we strive by our patience and gentleness[194] to

prevent the church suffering from it. Every one knows, by experience,

the humane and amiable disposition of Viret.[195] I am not more severe

than he is, at least in this respect. Perhaps you will hardly believe

this, but for all that it is true. I value so highly general peace and a

cordial union that I do violence to myself; so that even those who are

opposed to us are obliged to give me this praise. This is so well known

that day after day men who were previously my avowed enemies are

becoming my friends. I conciliate others by my courtesy, and in some

measure succeed, although not on all occasions.’

The opponents of Calvin in his own time were not the only ones to do

justice to him; those likewise whom he has had in later times have done

the same. ‘This kindly and conciliatory conduct of Calvin after his

return,’ one of these has said, ‘is one of the most beautiful pages of

his history.’ It is impossible not to value this testimony; but is it

fair to add that it would have been more meritorious if Calvin had had

less consciousness of it, and that what he wrote to his friends on the

subject often leaves on the mind of the reader an unpleasant

impression?[196] We must, in the first place, remark that, in

attributing patience and gentleness to himself, Calvin is not speaking

exclusively of himself. He says _we_, which includes, at least,

Viret.[197] Next, we must note that he was bound to give an accurate

account of the state of things to the friends who had done every thing

to promote his return to Geneva. And, lastly, that if Calvin is to be

condemned for this communication, we shall have to condemn likewise

(which no one will do) Christians more perfect than he was; St. Paul,

for instance, who said, ‘Be ye followers of me, even as I also am of

Christ.’

[Sidenote: Gentleness And Strength.]

In Calvin gentleness was combined with strength. He understood the

difficulties of his task, and devoted himself to it with great

seriousness and indefatigable zeal. He had now to set in motion the

chariot which he had taken so much pains to construct. He had to teach

each man his duty, to restore the public worship, to attend to the

young, the poor and the sick, to do the work of peace-maker, of

consoler, and of reformer. It was to him that recourse was had about

every thing, sometimes even about affairs of the state. He had not two

consecutive hours, he says, free from interruption. ‘You cannot

believe,’ he wrote to Bucer, ‘in what a whirlwind and confusion I am

writing to you. In this place I am entangled in such a multitude of

affairs that I am almost beside myself.’ And to Myconius he said,

‘During the first month of my ministry I was so overwhelmed with painful

and distressing labors that I was well-nigh exhausted. How difficult and

wearisome is the task of reconstructing a fallen building!‘[198]

[Sidenote: New Ministers.]

Calvin consequently felt the need of assistants who would earnestly

co-operate with him. He endeavored to retain Viret at Geneva. ‘With

Viret,’ he said, ‘I can bear the burden tolerably well; but if he is

taken from me I shall be in a more deplorable position than I can

say.’[199] Viret was, however, obliged to resume his duties at Lausanne

in July, 1542. The _Ordinances_ had provided that there should be at

Geneva five ministers and three coadjutors, the latter also to be

ministers. Now, on his arrival Calvin had found, in addition to Viret

and Bernard, Henri de le Mare and Aimé Champereau, the last elected in

1540. But these ministers were ‘rather an obstacle than an aid.’ He

found them too rough, full of themselves, having no zeal and still less

knowledge, and, further, ill-disposed towards himself. ‘I endure them,’

he adds; ‘I behave myself towards them with kindliness. I might have

dismissed them on my arrival, but I preferred to act with moderation.’

Here again, we find Calvin steadily adhering to a line of conduct which

does him honor. This same year, 1542, four new pastors were appointed

for the church of Geneva: Pierre Blanchet, who showed himself apt to

teach; Matthias de Geneston, who successfully delivered his first

sermon. ‘The fourth sermon,’ wrote Calvin to Viret, ‘surpassed all my

expectations.’ The other two pastors were Louis Treppereau and Philippe

Ozias, surnamed _de Ecclesia_. Of one of these Calvin said ‘that he had

given a specimen of his ability, such as he had expected from him;’

whether good or bad he does not inform us. In 1544 Geneva had twelve

pastors, but six of them were serving in the country churches. The best

known of these new ministers was Nicolas des Gallars, seigneur de

Saules, near Paris, whom Calvin highly esteemed, and who afterwards

filled an important position in the French reformation, at Poissy, at

Paris, and at La Rochelle. Some unfrocked monks arrived at Geneva,

expecting to find there, in addition to the liberty of not being

Romanists, that of not being Christians; but Calvin distrusted people of

this sort. There were some pastors whom it was necessary to dismiss,

either because they were indolent in their work, or because they were

extravagant in their preaching, or because they did not conduct

themselves becomingly.[200]

In addition to the labors and the anxieties of his public office Calvin

had some personal sorrows to bear.

[Sidenote: Ami Porral.]

A heavy trial which fell upon him in the month of June, 1542, was at the

same time a precious seal sent on his ministry by God. The first

magistrate of the republic was Ami Porral, one of those citizens who had

labored with the utmost earnestness to secure the independence of Geneva

and its union with Switzerland. He had a cultivated mind, and had

written a book on the history of Geneva, for which the Council expressed

to him its acknowledgments.[201] Among the old Huguenots no one had more

joyfully received the reformation and the reformer. In the spring time

he fell ill. No sooner had Calvin heard of it than he hastened to his

house, in company with Viret. ‘I am in danger,’ said the first syndic;

‘the malady from which I suffer has been fatal in my family.’ These

three excellent men then had a long conversation together on various

subjects, Porral speaking with as much facility as if his health had

been sound. His sufferings increased during the two days which followed;

but his understanding seemed more lively than formerly, and his speech

more fluent. A great number of the citizens of Geneva came to see him;

and to each of these he gave a serious exhortation, which was no idle

babbling, but was discreetly adapted to the special circumstances of

each individual. For three days he appeared to be recovering, but on the

fourth day his illness increased, and danger was imminent. Nevertheless,

the more he suffered in body the more full was his mind of animation and

life. It was he who had censured De la Mare for the strange expressions

which we have already noticed. Bernard had taken the part of his

colleague, and the result was a coolness between the syndic and the two

ministers. Porral now sent for them, and a reconciliation was made after

he had seriously admonished them. On the day which proved to be his

last, Calvin and Viret arrived at his house at nine o’clock in the

morning. The pious reformer, fearing lest he should fatigue his friend

if he made a long address, simply set before the dying man _the cross of

Jesus Christ, his grace and the hope of everlasting life_.[202] ‘I

receive the messenger whom God sends to me,’ said Porral, ‘and I know

the power of Christ to strengthen the conscience of true believers.’

Then he bore witness to the work of the ministry as a means of grace,

and to the benefits which flow from it, ‘in so luminous a manner,’ says

Calvin, ‘that we were both of us astonished, and, I might almost say, in

a state of stupor.’ Porral had experienced it. He said, in drawing to a

close, ‘I declare that I receive the remission of sins which you

announce in the name of Jesus Christ, as though an angel from heaven

appeared to proclaim it to me.’ Then he commended, ‘in a marvellous

manner, the unity which makes one single body of all the true members of

the church.’ He was pained at the recollection of former differences,

and, turning to several friends who were at this moment standing by him,

he implored them to be of one mind with Calvin and Viret. ‘I have

myself,’ said he, ‘been too obstinate in certain matters; but my eyes

have been opened, and I see now what mischief may come of disagreement.’

He afterwards made a confession of his faith, short but sincere, serious

and clear. Then, turning to Calvin and Viret, Porral exhorted them to

perseverance and steadfastness in the work of the ministry. He set forth

the difficulties which they would encounter. One might have called him a

prophet unveiling the future. He spoke with admirable wisdom of things

which concerned the public good. ‘You must continue to put forth your

utmost efforts,’ he said to those who surrounded him, ‘for the purpose

of reconciling Geneva with her allies.’ The contest with Berne was

especially dwelt upon. ‘Although some blustering fellows may cry out

very loudly,’ said he, ‘fear not, and be not discouraged.’ After a few

more words Calvin prayed, and then departed with Viret.

Idelette, informed of Porral’s danger, came in the afternoon. ‘Whatever

may befall,’ the Christian syndic said to her, ‘be of good courage;

remember that you did not come here by chance, but that you were

conducted hither by the wonderful council of God, in order that you

might be of service in the work of the church.’ A little while after he

made a sign that his voice failed him. However, he made known that he

perfectly recollected the confession which he had made, and added that

in this faith he died.

Having recovered a little strength, he pronounced with faith, but with a

feeble voice, the song of Simeon. ‘Lord,’ said he, ‘now lettest thou thy

servant depart in peace, according to thy word; for mine eyes have seen

thy salvation, which thou hast prepared before the face of all people; a

light to lighten the Gentiles, and the glory of thy people Israel.’ He

added, ‘I have seen, I have touched with my hand that merciful Redeemer

who saves me.’[203] He then lay down to rest, as if to wait for the

Lord; and after that he spake no more, only showing from time to time,

by some sign, that his spirit was present.

At four o’clock, Calvin came with the other three syndics, Porral’s

colleagues. The dying man made an effort to speak to them, but could

not. Calvin, affected, began to speak himself, ‘and spoke,’ says he, ‘as

well as he could, his friend listening to him in perfect peace. Hardly

had we left him, before he gave up his pious soul to Jesus Christ. He

had been entirely renewed in his mind.’[204]

This death clearly shows that Calvin’s work was not merely to establish

order in the church and to prescribe for all a moral life. He was the

instrument of still greater good. Porral had found Jesus Christ, perhaps

in his latter days; he had become a new creature; he called upon God as

his Father; he was in possession of that peace which passeth all

understanding, and had the hope of eternal life. Calvin was not the

teacher of a scholastic theology; he was the minister of a living

Christianity, and none are his true disciples but those in whom the

Christian life exists.

No sooner had Porral passed away than Calvin was threatened with a

greater affliction still. Idelette, who regarded the first syndic as her

husband’s protector, seems to have been deeply affected by his death. At

the beginning of July she was ill and prematurely gave birth to a child.

Her life was in danger, and Calvin feared that the loss of his friend

might be followed by that of the faithful companion of his life. To

Viret, then at Lausanne, he wrote, ‘I am in very great anxiety.’[205]

But God preserved to him this precious helper for some years more.

[Sidenote: Development Of Religious Life.]

In the midst of his griefs, Calvin had great consolations. The Christian

work was prospering. He was not easy to satisfy; and yet, as early as

November, 1541, he wrote to Farel—‘The people are quite disposed to

conform to our wishes. The preaching is well attended, the hearers

behave well. Many things, it is true, have to be set right, both with

respect to the understanding and with respect to the affections, but the

cure can only be effected by degrees.’ In March, 1542, he wrote to

Myconius—‘What consoles and refreshes me is the fact that we are not

laboring in vain or without fruit. Fruit, indeed, is not so abundant as

we might desire; nevertheless, it is not so very rare, and there are

tokens of a change for the better. A fairer future shines before us, if

only Viret be left us.’[206]

[Sidenote: Pierre Tissot And His Mother.]

Thus the action of the reformer, of his friends and of the institutions

which he had established, under the blessing of God, gradually wrought a

change in this Genevese population, so passionate, so full of

excitement, and so much addicted to pleasure. A real religious life

developed itself in many individuals, and its influence was general.

Luxury diminished; simplicity, morality, and the other virtues, which

are the fruit of faith, increased. There still remained, indeed, some

evil; enmity and discord frequently sprung up, sometimes among the

people in general, sometimes in families; but there was also much that

was good. Calvin believed ‘that we ought to adopt a way of living so

regulated that it should make us beloved of all, while at the same time

we should be prepared to incur hatred for the love of Christ;’ and

further ‘that we are bound to take pains to settle the differences which

exist among others.’ Occupation of this sort did not fail him, and he

was frequently successful. Calvin’s manner of proceeding has been so

much misrepresented that it is necessary to give some examples of it in

order to re-establish the truth. We shall have brought before us at the

same time a scene characteristic of the period. Françoise, mother of the

noble Pierre Tissot, treasurer of the republic, was a woman of irritable

and intractable temper. Her bad disposition was the occasion of trouble

in the family, and made herself unhappy. The fact was the more to be

regretted because it concerned a family of high standing, so that any

dissension prevailing in it was the worse example. It was resolved that

an attempt should be made to effect a reconciliation between the mother,

her son, and her daughter-in-law, Louise.

The task was entrusted to Calvin and the syndic Chiccand. They summoned

the treasurer before them. ‘Your mother,’ they said, ‘is annoyed with

you and your wife.’ ‘I give honor and reverence to my mother,’ replied

the treasurer, ‘as God commands.’ The mother having made her appearance

in the hall of the consistory, Tissot, who desired to maintain a

decorous and honorable deportment, approached and saluted her, and

wished her ‘Good-day’; but she replied passionately—‘Keep your

“good-days” to yourself, and the devil fill your belly with them!’

Thereupon Tissot said to the consistory—‘I make my mother a larger

allowance than my father fixed for her, and it is regularly paid her. If

my mother does not like the wheat which I send her I give her money to

buy other. I furnish her with wine, the best that is to be had. She has

but lately asked me for eight _écus_ for her servant. I paid the

apothecary and the physicians the expenses of her recent illness. My

wife during that time visited her, but my mother refused to eat the

soups which she prepared for her. With regard to my brother Jean,’

continued the treasurer, ‘I have used all the means which appeared to me

likely to bring him back to an honorable life, but without effect; he is

a profligate.’

Françoise was not slow to reply. ‘My allowance has not been paid the

last year, as the treasurer alleges. His wife never brought me broth in

my illness, nor did he ever give me any of his wine, except two

_bossots_, which I cannot drink.’ ‘I gave her good wine,’ said the

treasurer, ‘but she put it into a vessel not fit to keep it in. Mother,’

said he, turning to her. ‘I am not thy mother,’ bluntly replied

Françoise.

The consistory, then, through the medium of Calvin, who had been charged

with the duty, addressed to them remonstrances and warnings

(_commonitions_). ‘Lay aside,’ said the reformer, ‘all hatred and rancor

for all bygone time to the present day. Live together in true peace and

love, as son and mother ought, and let any thing that is due to the said

Françoise be paid to her.’ ‘I am ready,’ said the treasurer, ‘to pay her

what shall be quite sufficient for her, the utmost that I can, and more

than before.’ Then, speaking to Françoise, ‘Mercy, mother, for God’s

love, and let bygones be bygones.’ ‘But,’ says the Register, ‘Françoise

would do nothing of the sort.’ This woman seemed to have a heart of

flint. Her look, her manner, and her words showed this. The consistory,

vexed at her obstinacy, requested her to appear again the following

week, asked her to reflect on the business and to attend the sermons,

and directed that fitting remonstrance should be made with her. At this

moment, whether Calvin’s words made some impression on her, or whether

she became conscious of her fault and a better spirit was given her from

on high, or probably from all these causes combined, Françoise was

softened and affected. ‘The mountains melted like wax at the presence of

the Lord.’ ‘Ah, well,’ she said, ‘I am going to forgive them for the

love of God and the seignory. I forgive my son all the faults he has

committed against me, and I forgive also my daughter-in-law.’ The

latter, who was perfectly innocent, and had done all that she could for

her mother-in-law, then said, ‘I am not the cause of the quarrel. When

my mother was ill I went to be of service to her, as the neighbors know.

When I knew that she was in want of any thing I used to give it her. It

is no fault of mine that we are not all friends with one another.’ So

the matter ended. The poor Françoise was particularly sharp, exacting,

and irritable, but at the same time open to conciliation. The

restoration of goodwill between parties who were at variance was, it is

evident, one of Calvin’s duties. ‘While we preserve peace,’ said he,

‘the God of peace counts us as his children.’[207]

The institution of the consistory and the beginning of its activity mark

the epoch at which the reformation of Geneva may be considered to be

accomplished. At the same time it is the work which is characteristic of

Calvin. To form a people it is not enough to collect a vast assembly of

men; they must be governed by the same spirit, the same constitution,

and the same laws. A multitude of soldiers levied in a whole country is

not yet an army; they must form a single body, must be subjected to the

same discipline, and must obey the same general. Here are two distinct

operations: in the first place, the creation of the elements; next,

their organization. We can hardly fail to acknowledge that God had given

to Luther the qualifications needed for beginning the work, and to

Calvin those which were required for completing it. Each of these

undertakings was not only suited to their individual characters, but was

likewise in accordance with the spirit of the two races of men to which

they belonged. One of these races takes an enterprise in hand with

energy, and the other carries it out to perfection. These are the flags

of the two leaders.

[Sidenote: Originators Of Reformation.]

Luther had not been the only man of action, although he was such in the

broadest and loftiest acceptation. What he had been in Germany,

Zwinglius had at the same time been in German Switzerland, and Farel

somewhat later in the French districts. Later still, Knox and others

were the same in their respective countries. Energetic men, fearless and

blameless knights of the spiritual realm, they assailed courageously the

stronghold of the enemy, and made noble conquests. At the sight of the

deplorable condition to which Rome had reduced Christendom, of the

licentiousness and the dissensions of popes, bishops, monks, and

council, they had cried aloud. This cry had been heard by a great

multitude of men, who were sleeping at the time, and it had created

immense excitement in all Christian lands. Starting out of a sleep of

several centuries, they had rushed to arms from all quarters. The wise

and the good had laid hold of the Bible; but sometimes fanatical

peasants had laid hold of the scythe. Philosophers had devised erroneous

systems; and libertines had given themselves up to immoral imaginations.

There was a great tumult in Christendom and immense confusion.

Then it was that Calvin appeared. Calm in the midst of violent

excitement, strong in the midst of fatal weakness, he did not confine

his attention to the little city in which he had been twice settled. He

went bravely forward over a burning soil, the shot hissing right and

left of him; he stretched out his hand to Christendom. Raising his eyes

to his Chief, who was in heaven, he besought his aid; and for the

purpose of influencing men he took into his hands the sovereign Word of

God. Commander of the armies of the Lord, if we may so speak, nothing

disturbed the serenity, the security, or the majesty of his aspect.

Called to introduce order in the midst of great confusion, his

penetrating glance was turned to the conflict in which the combatants

were engaged hand to hand. He distinguished in the crowd who were

friends and who were foes. He saw who ought to be repulsed and who ought

to be encouraged. He understood that he had to contend not only with

Rome, which was making open war on the Gospel, but also with those

perfidious adversaries who insinuated themselves into the ranks of the

evangelicals, and under shelter of their colors promulgated deadly

errors, and even overthrew the counsel of God from its foundation. He

did more. Those who were fighting for the same cause as himself gave him

hardly less trouble. It was necessary to prevent their firing madly at

one another, to make peace between their divided chiefs, to establish

order and to promote unity. Above all it was necessary to baffle and

repulse with a face of brass the crafty and powerful enemy, Jesuitism,

which was mustering against him all the forces of the papacy. After the

great Luther, the bold Zwinglius, and the indefatigable Farel, there was

need of a man who should temper and restrain the minds of men, who

should demand and get, not the factitious unity of Rome, but the

spiritual and true unity of the people of God, and whose forehead, ‘as

an adamant, harder than flint,‘[208] should repulse and disperse Rome

and her army. The first three champions whom we have just named carried

the sword. Calvin, humble, poor and of mean appearance, held in one hand

a balance, and in the other a sceptre; and if the first three were the

heroes of the reformation, if Luther was, under God, its great founder,

Calvin seems to have been its lawgiver and its king.

[Sidenote: Calvin, The Pilot.]

The vessel of reform, indeed, had been energetically launched by Luther;

but there soon appeared on her decks, from Italy, Spain, France,

Germany, the Netherlands, and Poland, men of acute and cavilling spirit,

of restless disposition, who, by their agitations and their

disputations, might cause the ship to capsize; while at the same time a

well-armed and well-appointed galley, under Roman colors, running at

full speed with oars and sails, struck the vessel with its beak-head,

intending to sink her in the deep. What errors and what dangers were

threatening! But God delivered the reformation from them, and no man

contributed more to this deliverance than Calvin did. A skilful and

trustworthy pilot, he saved the ship. He had, doubtless, some formidable

conflicts with those proud spirits; but the truth won the day. He

provoked in the Roman camp spite and hate against himself which have

never been quelled. But evangelical truth has held its ground, and is at

this day making the conquest of the world. When a healthful wind blows

over a sickly land, and drives away the poisonous exhalations, there

will sometimes be seen, it is true, after the passage of the wind, some

shattered branches strown here and there upon the ground; but the air

has been purified and life restored to the people.

It is generally imagined that the doctrines of Calvin were of an extreme

and intolerant character; but, in fact, they were moderate, mediating,

and conciliatory. He took a position between two extremes, and

established the truth. Of all the teachers of the reformation, Zwinglius

is the one who pushed furthest the doctrine of election; for, in his

view, election is the cause of salvation, while faith is nothing more

than its sign.[209] Calvin, in opposition to Zwinglius, places the cause

of salvation in the faith of the heart. He teaches that ‘the will of man

must be aroused to seek after the good and to surrender itself to it;’

and, as we have already seen, he declares that those who ‘to be assured

of their election enter into the eternal counsel of God plunge into a

deadly abyss.’ But if Zwinglius was at one extreme, the semi-Pelagians,

some of whom were outside the pale of Rome, were at the other, and

attributed to the natural will an importance in the work of salvation

which enfeebled the grace of God. Calvin opposes their error, and says

‘that man is not impelled of his own good pleasure to seek Jesus Christ

until he has been sought by him.’[210] And he teaches, as Augustine did,

that God begins his work in us, places it in the will of man, and, like

a good rider, guides it at a proper pace, urges it on when it is too

backward, holds it back when it is too eager, and checks it if too much

given to skirmishing. Nowhere does the mediating character of Calvin

appear more distinctly than in his view of the Lord’s Supper. We have

seen this, and it is needless to repeat it. We refrain likewise from

giving other instances which forcibly exhibit the mediating, moderating,

conciliatory character of Calvin.[211]

If Calvin was everywhere to be found, at least by his influence, at the

head of the armies which contended with Rome, he was also to be found

everywhere preaching the brotherhood and the unity of all evangelical

Christians. He was united in the closest friendship with Farel, minister

at Neuchâtel, and with Viret, minister at Lausanne; and he wrote to

them, ‘By our union the children of God are gathered into one flock of

Jesus Christ, and are even united in his body.’[212] He soon endeavored

to draw into this union, into this body, not only the churches of

Reformed France, but also those of German Switzerland, of Germany, the

Netherlands, England, and other countries. The aim of his life and his

chief desire was to see all of them included in one great network of

unity. ‘For this end,’ said he with heroic energy, ‘I should not shrink

from crossing ten seas, if that were needful.’[213] He succeeded, at

least in the most important part of his aim; for if it was not possible

to establish an external unity between the various churches, which was

not his object, there is at this time an internal, spiritual unity

between all those who love Jesus Christ and keep his word.

[Sidenote: Calvin As Mediator.]

In the procession of the ages there is one epoch which reminds us of the

moment when the sun rises and pours out his rays over the earth to guide

men in their goings. It is that epoch at which the _day-star from on

high_, Jesus Christ, the light of the world, appeared, and left behind

him in his Word a luminary intended to shed light and life into the

minds of men; but the natural darkness of man’s heart easily rises

around and obscures it, even if it cannot wholly extinguish it. Since

that time there have been other epochs of secondary importance, in which

God has rekindled the waning light of heavenly doctrine, and has

restored its pristine brightness for the salvation of the world. Of

these secondary epochs the Reformation is that which has exerted the

most powerful and most lasting influence in enlightening and in

converting men, and in giving to man and the world a new life and new

activity. No man had a greater share in this than Calvin; not, indeed,

in the first impulse; that was Luther’s alone; but in the happy

influence which it has had on human society in the two great spheres of

spiritual and temporal things. To convince ourselves of this, nothing

more is necessary than to glance at those countries in which this

influence of the great reformer prevails, and which generally present a

contrast to those in which the pope has prevailed. We know how many

enemies Calvin had, and we confess that there were shadows in his life,

as there are in the life of every human being; but we have an immovable

conviction that the truths which he announced with incomparable purity

and force are the mightiest remedy for the decay of the individual and

the nation, and that they alone can communicate to a people the light

and the life adapted to raise them from their weakness and to strengthen

their steps in the paths of justice, liberty, and moral greatness.

Footnote 183:

Cramer, _Extraits_ (autograph) _des régistres du Consistoire_.

Footnote 184:

_Lettres françaises_, i. p. 188.

Footnote 185:

Cramer, _Extraits_ (autograph) _des régistres du Consistoire_.

Footnote 186:

Cramer, _Extraits des régistres du Consistoire_.

Footnote 187:

Bonivard had to appear before the consistory for having one evening,

at the lodging of Jean Hugonier, while waiting for supper, played at

dice for a quart of wine with Clement Marot.—Roget, _Peuple de

Genève_, ii. p. 29.

Footnote 188:

Cramer, _Extraits des régistres du Consistoire_.

Footnote 189:

_Ibid._

Footnote 190:

Calvin on _Matt._ xviii. 6, 10.

Footnote 191:

Cramer, _Extraits des régistres du Consistoire_.

Footnote 192:

Calvin to Myconius, March 14, 1542.—‘Poteram quum veni magno plausu

exagitare hostes nostros, et plenis velis invehi in totam illam

nationem quæ nos læserat.’—_Opp._ xi. p. 378.

Footnote 193:

Jac. Bernard, H. de la Mare, Aimé Champereau.—_Opp._ xi. p. 364.

Footnote 194:

‘Nostra mansuetudine et patientia efficimus.’—_Opp._ xi. p. 378.

Footnote 195:

‘Quam placido humanoque ingenio sit Viretus.’—_Ibid._

Footnote 196:

‘Machen dadurch auf den Leser einen oft geradezu unangenehmen

Eindruck.’—Kampschulte, _J. Calvin_, i. p. 390. It is this same

historian who does justice to Calvin as above mentioned; and it may be

said that the passage in which the sentence occurs makes the most

agreeable impression of any in his book.

Footnote 197:

‘_Meine_ Milde und Geduld,’ Kampschulte makes Calvin say, as if he

were referring to himself alone. It is no doubt an oversight on the

part of the historian.

Footnote 198:

To Bucer, Letter of October 15, 1541. To Myconius, Letter of March 14,

1542.—_Opp._ xi. pp. 299, 377.

Footnote 199:

Letter to Myconius of April 17, 1542.—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 384.

Footnote 200:

_Genève ecclésiastique, ou Livre des spectables pasteurs et

professeurs_, p. 6. Calvin to Viret, July 1542.—_Opp._ xi. p. 420.

_Vie française de Calvin_, p. 54. Roget, _Peuple de Genève_, ii. pp.

40, 46.

Footnote 201:

Grenus, _Fragments historiques_, p. 8.

Footnote 202:

Calvin to Farel.—_Opp._ xi. p. 408.

Footnote 203:

‘Vidi et manu tetigi salutare illud. . .’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. p. 409.

Footnote 204:

‘Novo prorsus spiritu tunc donatum.’—_Ibid._

Footnote 205:

Calvin to Viret, July, 1542.—_Opp._ xi. p. 420.

Footnote 206:

‘Et spes in posterum amplius affulget si mihi reliquatur

Viretus.’—Calv. _Opp._ xi. pp. 322, 377.

Footnote 207:

Cramer, _Extraits des régistres du Consistoire_. Calvin on _Matt._ v.

9.

Footnote 208:

_Ezek._ iii. 9.

Footnote 209:

Works of Zwinglius, vi. pp. 340, 427.

Footnote 210:

_Institution Chrétienne_, book ii. ch. 3, 4.

Footnote 211:

We set forth several of these examples in a discourse delivered

September 6, 1861, in the church of St. Peter, Geneva, at the general

conferences of the Evangelical Alliance.

Footnote 212:

Dedication of the Commentary on the Epistle of Titus.

Footnote 213:

‘Ne decem quidem maria ad eam rem trajicere pigeat.’—Calv. _Epp._ to

Cranmer; edit. 1575, p. 100.

BOOK XII.

THE REFORMATION AMONG THE SCANDINAVIAN NATIONS: DENMARK, SWEDEN, AND

NORWAY.

CHAPTER I.

THE AWAKING OF DENMARK.

(1515-1525.)

The Scandinavians, men of the North or Northmen, who inhabited the three

countries, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, embraced the Reformation at the

same time. In each of these lands it had its own roots, but it came to

them essentially from Germany, the only European nation with which their

inhabitants had frequent intercourse.

A chief named Odin, whose history is confused with fables, appeared in

Europe about the time of the Christian era. Mounted on an eight-footed

horse, carrying a lance in his hand, and having on his shoulders two

ravens who served him as messengers, he advanced at the head of a people

whom he led out of the interior of Asia. His descendants were kings of

the Goths and the Cimbri. For himself, he became the god of these

nations, the father of gods, and the object of a senseless and

sanguinary worship.

A Christian man named Anschar, as much given to kindness as Odin had

been to carnage, as capable of inspiring love as the father of Thor had

been of exciting terror, was, in the ninth century, the apostle of

Scandinavia. Towards the close of the fourteenth century the three

kingdoms were united by the treaty known as the Union of Calmar.

The Scandinavians endowed, like the Germans, with deep affections have

an intellect perhaps not so rich as theirs, but they possess greater

energy. There seemed to be little probability that these countries would

receive the Reformation. The clergy were powerful, and the nobility most

commonly followed the leading of the priests; but the people, without

any violent action, without any abrupt movements or passionate speeches,

were to pronounce finally and decisively for the truth and for freedom.

It was in the hearts of the sons of the soil and the dwellers on the sea

coasts, that the love of the Gospel began to spring up in the sixteenth

century.

[Sidenote: John Tausen.]

The island of Fionia, situated in the centre of the Danish States,

between the continent of Jutland and the island of Zealand, is a green

and wooded country, full of freshness, radiant with beauty, generally

bordered with picturesque rocks cut out by the sea, the fiords of which

run up far into the land. On one of these inlets, to the north-east of

the Great Belt, stands the village of Kiertminde. At the end of the

fifteenth century there was living in this village a poor farmer named

Tausen, and to him was born, in 1494, a son who was named John. The

child used to play on the shores of the Great Belt, where the first

objects that attracted his notice were the sea and its vast expanse, the

waves running in to break upon the shore, the boats of the fishermen,

the distant ships, the abysses and the storms. His father was poor, and

John, from an early age, assisted him in his labors; he accompanied him

to the hop plantations, or leaped with him into the fishing-boat,

braving the waves. As it was customary for every one to make his own

garments, his furniture and his tools, the boy learnt a little of every

thing. But there was an intelligence in him which seemed to mark him out

for a higher calling than that of laborer or fisherman. His father and

mother often talked of this; but they were grieved to think that they

were unable, on account of their poverty, to give their son a liberal

education.[214]

However, the spirit which God gives a child often overcomes the greatest

obstacles. The men who are self-made without assistance from others are

usually those who exert the most powerful influence on their

contemporaries. In John Tausen there was a strong bent for study;[215]

and God never wills the end without providing the means. At the distance

of five or six miles from the village was Odensee, an ancient town of

which Odin was the reputed founder, and which at least bore his name;

and in this town was a school attached to the cathedral. John was placed

here by his parents; and being poor, like Luther, he gained his living

like him, by singing with other boys from door to door before the houses

of the rich folk of the town. He soon became distinguished among the

scholars; and some years later, one Knud Rud, a holder of a fief of the

crown, being in want of a tutor, took him into his family.[216]

The office of a teacher did not satisfy the lofty aspirations of Tausen.

Theology, which concerns itself with God and with the destination of

man, appeared to him to be above all the other sciences. He had also

another reason for paying attention to it. The love for heavenly good

was not yet kindled in his soul, but he was already anxious to hold a

good position in the world. The clergy and the nobility were the only

influential classes in Denmark; and, as Tausen was not of the noble

class, he would fain be at least a priest. There was, in his

neighborhood, at Antwerskov, a monastery of the Johannites, one of the

richest in the kingdom. The prior Eskill, was not only a powerful

prelate, but also perpetual counsellor of the crown. Tausen, impelled by

ambition, begged for admission into this monastery, and he took his vows

there in 1515. He was at this time twenty-one years of age, the same age

as Luther when he entered the cloister. The Johannites and the

Augustines followed the same rule. Tausen at once displayed intense

eagerness to increase his knowledge, and especially to fit himself for

preaching. He was a born preacher; he felt himself destined for public

discourse. Aware of its importance in the church, he often exercised

himself in preaching. There was pith in his discourses, and the prior,

who was delighted to hear him, liked to think that this young orator

would one day make his monastery illustrious. But a future of an

altogether different character was in store for Tausen. He had a gift,

but this gift was to be of service in raising up the church outside the

pale of Roman Catholicism.

[Sidenote: Tidings From Germany.]

The studies to which the young man applied himself with a good

conscience and without hypocrisy led him involuntarily to the

recognition of various errors in the Romish doctrine; and his moral

sense was at the same time offended by the empty babble and the

corruption of the monks. In a little while other lights in addition to

those of reading and reflection began to shine upon him. A new world,

and one which diffused a brightness far and wide, was at this time

created in Germany. Ships were frequently arriving from Lübeck in the

ports of Fionia and Zealand, bringing strange tidings. The merchants who

brought in these vessels told of a monk belonging to the same rule as

Tausen, a man of rare moral purity, who was proclaiming with power a

living and regenerative faith. A quickening breath proceeding from

Saxony in this way touched the islands of Scandinavia. It imparted a new

impulse to the susceptible, generous, and ambitious soul of Tausen.

Conscious that he was surrounded by darkness he began to long after

those regions of Germany which appeared to him to be illuminated with a

living and divine light. He made known his wish to the prior; and the

latter, believing that a residence in a foreign land would make his

young friend more capable of adding reputation to his order; gave him

the permission which he asked for, and added that he would himself pay

the expenses of the journey out of the revenues of the monastery. ‘You

may,’ said he, ‘attend a university, one only being excepted, that of

Wittenberg.’[217] Louvain was recommended to him, a university

distinguished for its attachment to the Roman doctrine.

[Sidenote: Tausen At Wittenberg.]

Tausen set out in 1517, a year memorable for the beginning of the

Reformation, and betook himself to Louvain, cherishing the hope that

some sparks from Wittenberg might have fallen there: but he found

nothing but darkness. He pined for air, he could not breathe, and,

anxious to be nearer to the town from which the light proceeded, he went

to Cologne. But there too, as at Louvain, he found nothing but idle

questionings of a barren scholasticism. Sick of these trifles, these

inanities,[218] he felt a need more and more pressing of a pure doctrine

and of solid studies. The works of Luther which found their way to

Cologne were read there with as much eagerness as are the bulletins from

a great army during a war. Tausen devoured them with the utmost

eagerness. One day it was the ‘Asterisks,’ another it was the

‘Resolutions,’ a third, the discourse on ‘Excommunication,’ and then

others besides. When he had done reading he would close the book with

reverence, and think within himself, ‘Oh, what would it be to hear him

myself!’ He was drawn by two opposing forces. The strict prohibition of

his prior held him back; the living word of Luther was calling him.

Should he go or not? His soul was agitated by a violent struggle. Should

he choose night or day? Is it not written in the Scriptures that a man

must be ready to sell all that he has that he may buy the truth? He no

longer hesitated; and, disregarding the rash promise which he had made,

he left the banks of the Rhine, in 1519, and betook himself to

Wittenberg. He heard Luther, he heard Melanchthon; he was at Wittenberg

at the time of the appearance of the ‘Appeal to the German Nobility;’ he

was there when Luther burnt the pope’s bulls, and when the reformer set

out for Worms to make his appearance before Charles V. The young

Scandinavian, finding in the Gospel the truth and the peace which he had

been so earnestly seeking, embraced with all his heart the cause of the

Reformation. In October, 1521, he quitted Saxony and returned to his

monastery, determined to diffuse in his native land the light which he

had found at Wittenberg.[219]

Four years had elapsed since his departure, and there was a new state of

things in Denmark. Luther’s writings had reached Copenhagen, and had

been read there with avidity. Above all, Tausen found in his own country

two men who seemed to be called to prepare the work of the Reformation.

One of these men was Paul Eliæ, a native of Holland,[220] prior of a

Carmelite monastery recently founded, the members of which were in

general enlightened men who had some degree of sympathy with Luther. The

other was a young nobleman, not intended for theology, named Peter Petit

of Rosefontaine. He had already seen and heard Luther and Melanchthon

before Tausen; and on his return to Copenhagen in 1519 he had determined

to avail himself of all his family and social relations to influence

other minds and gain them to the side of reform. The most important of

the persons whom he persuaded to favor the Gospel was the King of

Denmark himself.[221]

[Sidenote: Christian II.]

This prince, Christian II., who succeeded to the throne in 1513, at the

age of thirty-two, as sovereign of the three Scandinavian kingdoms, was

a man of extraordinary character. Endowed with a penetrating glance, he

distinctly recognized the defects of the constitution of his realm, and

the errors of his age; and he was capable of applying a remedy to them

with a firm and bold hand. To lessen the oppressive power of the

nobility and the clergy, to raise the condition of the townsmen and the

peasantry, were the objects of his reign. But it must be confessed that

self-interest was the mainspring of this enterprise. A friend to

knowledge, to the sciences, to agriculture, commerce, and industry, he

nevertheless took after his barbarian ancestors. He was cruel, and would

go headlong to extremities. While still a youth, the extraordinary

bodily exercises to which he devoted himself alarmed his masters; and

his nightly practices, his excesses of every kind, were the talk among

all classes. At a later time his swiftness of procedure and his faculty

of command in war were admirable; and no less so in peace his power to

secure obedience. When the health of his father began to fail, he gave

proof of a power of attention to affairs of government of which no one

had thought him capable. But this man of the North always retained the

fierce temper of a savage, nor did he ever learn to subdue the evil

dispositions which actuated him. In his fits of violence he had no

regard for age, for virtue, or for greatness; and at the very time that

he was contending against the despotism of castes, he was himself the

greatest despot of all.[222]

Christian II., perceiving that in order to increase the power of the

Scandinavian kingdom it was necessary to form great alliances, sought

and obtained the hand of Isabella, sister of the Emperor Charles V. The

princess, then fifteen years of age, arrived at Copenhagen in August,

1518, bringing with her a dower of 300,000 florins. The honors which she

received on her entry into the capital were too much for her strength.

While a bishop was delivering before her an interminable discourse, she

turned pale, tottered, and fainted away, the first of her ladies in

waiting catching her in her arms. The king showed great respect for her;

but in the midst of royal fêtes and pomp, a sharp thorn of sorrow

pierced the soul of the daughter of the Cæsars.

During a residence at Bergen, in Norway, of which kingdom he had been

viceroy, Christian had made the acquaintance of a young and beautiful

Dutchwoman, named Dyveke, whose mother Sigbrit kept a hostelry. The

prince conceived a violent passion for the girl, and thenceforth lived

with her. She died in 1517; but her mother, a proud, tyrannical, and

angry woman, who had a great mastery over other minds and who was

competent even to give prudent counsel in affairs of state, retained the

favor of the prince after her daughter’s death. He had more

consideration for her than for any one else; and when the king was at

her house the greatest lords and most esteemed ministers were compelled

to wait before her door, exposed to rain or snow, till the time came for

them to be admitted. The cold policy of which she made avowal, led this

fierce prince into grave errors and terrible deeds.[223]

A commissioner of the pope, named Arcimbold, having, in 1517, obtained

from the king by dint of much flattery a license for the sale of

indulgences to the peoples of the North, had set out his wares in front

of the principal churches. ‘By the authority of our Lord Jesus Christ,’

said he, ‘and of our holy father the pope, I absolve you from all the

sins which you have committed, however enormous they may be; and I

restore you to the purity and the innocence which you possessed at the

time of your baptism, in order that at your death the gates of heaven

may be opened to you.’[224] The papal commissioner, not satisfied with

laying hold of the money of the king’s subjects, was anxious also to

gain the favor of the king. He managed the matter so craftily that he

succeeded. Christian disclosed to him his projects and the most hidden

secrets of his government, in the hope that either the legate or the

pope himself would favor his designs.

The king, indeed, soon found himself in grave difficulties. Sweden

violated the union of Calmar and declared itself independent of Denmark;

and Troll, the archbishop of Upsala, for endeavoring to uphold the

Danish suzerainty, was imprisoned by the Swedes. The pope was angry and

came to the help of Christian by laying the country under an interdict.

At the same time the king defeated the Swedes. It is not our business to

enter into the details of this struggle; we must limit ourselves to the

narration of the frightful crime by which this prince sealed his

triumph.

In November, 1520, Christian II., the conqueror of his subjects, was to

be crowned at Stockholm. The insurrection in Sweden had greatly

irritated him; his pride had been exasperated by it, and the violent

excitement of his temper had not been allayed. He was bent on a signal

and cruel act of vengeance, but he dissembled his wrath and let no one

know his scheme. The prelates, nobles, councillors, and other notables

of Sweden, on being invited to the ceremony, perceived that the

coronation would be performed with very remarkable solemnity. The

creatures of the king said that it was to be terrible.

[Sidenote: Murder Of The Swedish Nobles.]

Christian had for his adviser and confessor a kinsman of Sigbrit, a

fellow who had been a barber; and this man, knowing his master well, was

always suggesting to him that if he meant to be really king of Sweden he

must get rid of all the Swedish leading men. The prince, leaning on the

pope’s bull which had thundered the interdict over the whole kingdom and

all its inhabitants, undertook to be the arm of the Roman pontiff, and

resolved to indulge without restraint his barbarous passions. He invited

to the castle about a hundred nobles, prelates, and councillors,

received them with gracious smiles, embraced them, deluded them with

vain promises and false hopes, and desired that three days should be

dedicated to all kinds of amusement. Brooding all the time on frightful

schemes, he chatted, laughed, and jested with his guests; and these were

charmed with the amiability of a prince whose malice they had been

taught to dread. Suddenly, on November 7, all was changed. The fêtes

ceased, the musicians and the buffoons disappeared, and their places

were taken by archers. A tribunal was set up. Archbishop Troll, as had

been arranged with the king, came forward boldly as accuser of the lords

and other Swedes who had driven him from his archiepiscopal see. The

king immediately constituted a court of justice, of which he took care

that none should be members but enemies of the accused. The judges, who

hardly knew what crime they had to punish, got over the business by

declaring _heretics_ the sacrilegious men who had dared to imprison a

bishop. Now heresy was a capital crime. The next day, November 8, in the

morning, the gates of the town and the doors of all the houses were

closed. The streets were filled with soldiers and cannon; and, at noon,

the prisoners, surrounded with guards, slowly and sadly descended from

the castle. The report rapidly ran through the whole town that the

bishops, the nobles, and the councillors who had been guests of the king

and had been so magnificently entertained, were being taken to the great

square and were going to be put to death there. In a little while the

square was strewn with the dead bodies of the most distinguished nobles

and prelates of Sweden.[225]

There seemed to be little chance of such a king ever being a favorer of

the Reformation. Nevertheless, the enterprise undertaken by Luther, and

the changes in states which resulted from it, struck him and excited his

interest. He thought that a religious reform would restrict the power of

the bishops, that the senate would be weakened by their exclusion from

it, and that the crown demesnes would be the richer. At the same time

his powerful understanding was impressed with the errors of Rome and the

imposing truth of the Gospel.

Nephew by the mother’s side of the elector Frederick of Saxony, the king

took an interest in a religious movement which had the sanction of that

illustrious prince. This strange man imagined that without separating

from Rome he could introduce into his own country the evangelical

doctrines. He determined to trust to the pope to rid him of the most

powerful of his subjects, and to Luther to instruct the rest. He

therefore wrote to his uncle and begged him to send some teacher

competent to purify religion, which was corrupted by the gross indolence

of the priests.[226] The elector forwarded this request to the

theologians of Wittenberg, who nominated Martin Reinhard, a master of

arts, from the diocese of Wurzburg, on the recommendation, as it

appears, of Carlstadt.

[Sidenote: Burlesque Of Reinhard.]

Reinhard, who seems to have somewhat resembled Carlstadt in his unsteady

and restless temper, arrived at Copenhagen in December, 1520.[227] The

king assigned him the church of St. Nicholas to preach in. The

inhabitants of Copenhagen, eager to become acquainted with the new

doctrine, flocked in crowds to the church. But the orator spoke German,

and his hearers knew nothing but Danish. He appealed therefore to

Professor Eliæ, who agreed to translate his discourses. Master Martin,

vexed at finding that he was not understood, tried to make up for what

was wanting by loudness of voice and frequent and violent gestures.[228]

The astonished hearers understood nothing, but wonderingly followed with

their eyes those hurried movements of the arms, the hands, the head, and

the whole body. The priests who were casting about for some means of

damaging the foreigner, caught at this circumstance, began to mock this

ridiculous gesticulation, and stirred up the people against the German

orator. Consequently, when he entered the church, he was received with

sarcasm, with grimaces, and almost with hootings.[229] The clergy

resolved to do even more. There was at Copenhagen a fellow notorious for

his cleverness in mimicking in an amusing way any body’s air and actions

and speech. The canons of St. Mary prevailed on him by a large reward,

and engaged him regularly to attend the preaching of Martin Reinhard, to

study his gestures, the expression of his features, and the intonations

of his voice. In a short time this fellow succeeded in imitating the

accent, the voice, the gestures of Reinhard. Henceforth the burlesque

mimic became an indispensable guest at all banquets. He used to appear

on these occasions in a costume like that of the doctor; grave

salutations were made to him, and he was called _Master Martin_. He

delivered the most high-flown speeches on the most profane topics, and

accompanied them with gestures so successful that, on seeing and hearing

the caricature, you seemed to see and hear the master of arts

himself.[230] He threw out his arms right and left, upward and downward,

and filled the air with the piercing or prolonged tones of the orator.

At table, they gorged him with meats and wine, in order to make him more

extravagant still. He was taken from quarter to quarter, and from street

to street, and repeated everywhere his comic representations. It was the

time of the Carnival, when nothing was cared for but buffoonery, and the

people responded to the declamations of the mimic by great bursts of

laughter. ‘This was done,’ adds the chronicle, ‘for the purpose of

extinguishing the light of the Gospel which God himself had kindled.’

This was not enough for the priests; they must get a stop put to sermons

which, in spite of their strange delivery, contained much truth. A

beginning was made by depriving Reinhard of his interpreter. The bishops

of Roschild and Aarhuus offered to Eliæ a canonry at Odensee. The

latter, wishing for nothing better than to make his escape from a

business which was becoming ridiculous, accepted it. The people called

him _the weathercock priest_. Reinhard, thus compelled to relinquish

preaching, maintained in Latin some theses on the doctrines of the

Reformation. Eliæ, at the instigation of the bishop of Aarhuus,

completely changed sides and attacked the messenger of Melanchthon and

Luther.[231] At the same time, the University required that the writings

of the reformers should be proscribed. The king had certainly not been

happy at his game. When the awakening of a people is in question, it is

not for royal chanceries to undertake it. There is a head of the church,

Jesus Christ, to whom this work belongs, and he had chosen for it the

son of a peasant of Kiertminde and other men like him.

The king, however, was in no humor to tolerate the opposition of bishops

whose influence he had set himself to destroy. He profited by the lesson

he had received. Finding that Reinhard was not the man that he wanted,

the king sent him back to Saxony, requiring him to take an invitation

from himself to the great reformer, whose position in Germany, Christian

thought, the edict of the diet of Worms must have made untenable. If

Luther could not come, said the king, he must send Carlstadt.

The first of these calls was unacceptable, and the second was

unfortunate.

Reinhard, who reached Wittenberg at the beginning of March, did not fail

to push himself into notice. He related to Luther what had taken place

at Copenhagen, or at least such portions of the story as were favorable

to himself and to his cause. It gave great joy to the reformer. ‘The

king of Denmark,’ he wrote to Spalatin (March 7), ‘has forbidden the

university to condemn my writings and is sharply pressing the

papists.’[232] Luther did not accept the king’s offer. His place was at

Wittenberg. Would not removing him from Germany be taking him from

Europe and from the work for which he had been chosen? At the most, he

thought that if in some dark hour the danger resulting from the edict of

Worms became too urgent, Denmark might be an asylum for him. As for the

turbulent Carlstadt, he was quite ready, and the adventure pleased him.

He took his passports and set out.

[Sidenote: Code Of Christian II.]

While awaiting the arrival of the Wittenberg doctors, Christian, a

prince at once civilized and savage, a murderer and a lover of

literature, a despot, a tyrant, and nevertheless the author of laws

really liberal, published a code which did him great credit. He felt the

necessity of reforming the clergy; he wished to imbue the ecclesiastics

with patriarchal morality, and to suppress the feudal and often corrupt

morality which characterized them. A third part of the land belonged to

them, and they were incessantly trying to add to their possessions. All

the bishops had strong castles and a body of guards in attendance on

their persons. The archbishop of Lund was usually accompanied by a

hundred and thirty knights, and the other prelates had almost as many.

The king forbade that more than twenty mounted guards should escort the

archbishop, and that the bishops should not have more than twelve or

fourteen domestics.[233] Then, coming to moral order, Christian said—‘No

prelate or priest may acquire any lands unless he follow the doctrine of

St. Paul (1 Tim. iii.), unless he take a wife and live like his

ancestors in the holy state of marriage.’ By suppressing celibacy, the

king not only put an end to great licentiousness, but he gave the

death-blow to the Romish hierarchy.

This law is the more remarkable because it preceded by four years the

declaration of Luther against celibacy. Another ordinance displayed the

wisdom, and we might almost say the humanity of the king. The bishops

had appropriated the right of wreck, so that whenever a ship foundered,

their men took possession of all articles which the sea cast up on the

shore, and sometimes put the shipwrecked men to death, lest they should

reclaim their property. The king withdrew this right from them. The

bishops complained. ‘I will allow nothing,’ said the king, ‘which is

contrary to the law of God as it is written in the Holy Scriptures.’

‘They contain no law about waifs and wrecks,’ said a bishop sharply.

‘What then,’ replied Christian, ‘is the meaning of the sixth and eighth

commandments—“Thou shalt not kill,” “Thou shalt not steal”?‘[234]

[Sidenote: Carlstadt In Denmark.]

At this crisis, Carlstadt arrived in Denmark. He was not the man that

was wanted. A lover of innovation, and rash in his proceedings, he had

by no means the moderation essential for reformers. He was honorably

received, and a grand banquet was given him. At table, he was thrown off

his guard, he talked a good deal and got excited, and when heated with

the feast he violently attacked the doctrine of transubstantiation.[235]

This outburst against the fundamental doctrine of Roman Catholicism gave

offence even to some of the friends of reform. The bishops took

advantage of it. ‘The master,’ they said, ‘is no better than the

disciple (Reinhard).’ The imprudent colleague of Luther was politely

sent back to Wittenberg.

The king, who was at this time absent from Copenhagen, was however no

stranger to the disgrace of this imprudent and noisy Wittenberg doctor.

Christian had gone into the Netherlands, to meet his brother-in-law

Charles the Fifth, for the purpose of treating with him of important

matters. He easily changed his mind, as passionate men generally do; and

amidst the splendor of the imperial court, he yielded to the influence

of the new atmosphere which surrounded him. He wished the emperor to

concede to him, as king of Denmark, the right of conferring the duchy of

Holstein as a fief. The court bishops, on their side, implored Charles

to make the expulsion of the Lutheran doctors the price of this favor.

Christian, aware of all that he had to fear from the Pope, from Sweden,

and even from a great number of the Danes, was anxious to conciliate the

emperor that he might be able to face all his enemies. He therefore

complied with the requirements of Charles. Carlstadt, as we have seen,

was sent away from Denmark, and Reinhard never returned.

For the reformation of Denmark Danes were required. Soon after the

departure of Carlstadt, Tausen requested permission to teach at the

university of Copenhagen, and he did actually lecture there on

theology.[236] But no man could then carry a bright lamp without

attempts being made to extinguish it. The teaching of the son of the

peasant of Fionia aroused opposition; the professor was recalled by his

prior, and remained for two years in his convent. Time was thus given

him in his retirement to meditate; and while he was strengthening

himself in the faith, great events were about to prepare the way for the

Reformation.

[Sidenote: Renewed Revolt Of The Swedes.]

The concessions which Christian made to the enemies of the evangelical

doctrines did not bring him any advantage. A violent storm at once broke

out on all sides against the prince and threatened to overthrow him.

Sweden revolted against him. Duke Frederick, his uncle, angry that his

nephew wanted to make Holstein a fief of Denmark, entered into an

alliance with the powerful city of Lübeck to fight against him. The

prelates, also, and the nobles of Denmark, seeing that Christian was

bent upon ruining them, formed a resolution to get rid of him. The blind

docility with which Christian followed the counsels of Sigbrit provoked

the grandees of the kingdom. Nothing was done except by the advice of

this woman of very low origin. The king conferred benefits only on her

favorites; and even political negotiations were discussed in her

presence and left in her hands.

The pride, the tyranny, and the passions of this old sorceress—for such

was she called—excited the indignation of all classes of society. The

people themselves were hostile to her, and many among the middle classes

were on her account hostile to the king.

The prelates and the barons resolved to have recourse to extreme

measures. They addressed to Christian (January 20, 1523) a letter by

which they revoked the powers with which he had been invested on the day

of his coronation. At the same time, they offered the crown of Denmark

to the duke of Holstein.[237] By these measures the monarch was thrown

into a state of unparalleled perplexity. All, however, was not lost. He

might recall the troops which he had in Sweden; he might then appeal to

the Danish people, among whom he still had many partisans, and might

maintain himself in Copenhagen until his allies, either the king of

England or his brother-in-law the emperor, should come to his aid. But

the blow which had fallen upon him was altogether unexpected. He lost

his presence of mind; his courage, his pride and his energies were

crushed. This terrible despot gave way and humbled himself. Instead of

offering resistance to the States of the kingdom, he threw himself at

their feet and pledged himself thenceforth to govern according to their

advice. He was willing to do any thing to give them satisfaction. He

promised to have masses said for the souls of those whom he had unjustly

put to death; he undertook even to make _a pilgrimage to Rome_. But the

nobility and the priests were inexorable; and the pope to whom he

appealed for help turned a deaf ear to him. Then Christian lost his

head; one might have thought that a waterspout had fallen and thrown him

to the ground. He caused a score of ships to be fitted out; hastily

collected the crown jewels, his gold, his archives, and every thing

which he most highly valued, and prepared for flight with the queen, his

children, the archbishop of Lund, and a few faithful attendants. His

greatest anxiety was to find means of taking Sigbrit along with him. At

all cost he was determined not to part with his adviser; and the hatred

which the people bore to this woman was so great that if she had been

seen she would have been torn to pieces. Christian therefore had one of

his chests made ready, and in this the old woman was laid. The chest was

carefully closed, and the unhappy creature was thus carried on board

like a piece of luggage. On the 14th April, 1523, the king weighed

anchor; but no sooner had he put to sea than his fleet was scattered by

a storm.[238]

Christian nevertheless succeeded in reaching the Netherlands, and he

hastened immediately to the emperor to implore his aid. Nor did he

confine himself to soliciting this prince, but applied to all the powers

and conjured them to come forward to assist him. Charles the Fifth

agreed to write to Duke Frederick; but his letters remained without

effect. At the same time he refused to furnish the king with the troops

which he asked for. The unfortunate monarch now appealed to Henry VIII.,

who made him magnificent promises, but kept none of them. Christian in

his distress betook himself to his brother-in-law, the elector of

Brandenburg, and next to his uncle, the elector of Saxony. As their

efforts of mediation all came to nothing, Christian assembled a small

army and with it advanced into Holstein. But he had no money to pay his

men, and consequently the greater part of them deserted him; and the

rest demanded their pay with threats. Under cover of night the unhappy

prince took flight.[239]

Christian, deserted by men, appeared now to turn to the Gospel. He

became one of the hearers of Luther,[240] and told every one that he had

never heard the truth preached in such a fashion; and that thenceforth,

with God’s help, he would bear his trial more patiently.[241] Must we

believe that these declarations were mere hypocrisy? May we not rather

suppose that in the soul of Christian there were two natures; the one

full of rudeness and violence, the other susceptible of pious feeling;

and that he passed easily from one to another? His heart, opened by

adversity, appears at this time to have received with joy the truths of

the Gospel. When the elector of Brandenburg endeavored to persuade him

to return to the Roman doctrine, he replied—‘Rather lose forever my

three kingdoms than abandon the faith and the cause of Luther.’ But in

speaking thus Christian was deceiving himself. Selfishness was the basis

of his character, and he was always ready to do honor to the pope when

he saw any hope of the pontiff’s aid in reinstating him on the

throne.[242]

[Sidenote: Death Of Queen Isabella.]

There were in his own family more faithful witnesses to the truth. His

sister, the wife of the elector of Brandenburg, was devoted to the

Gospel, and being persecuted by her husband was compelled to take refuge

in Saxony. Christian’s wife, Queen Isabella, herself a sister of Charles

the Fifth, having gone to Nürnberg for the purpose of asking in behalf

of her husband the assistance of her brother Ferdinand, received in that

town the communion at the hands of the evangelical Osiander. When the

archduke heard of it, he said to her very angrily that he no longer

owned her as his sister. ‘Even if you disown me,’ bravely replied the

sister of Charles the Fifth, ‘I will not on that account disown the Word

of God.’ This princess died in the following year (1526), in the

Netherlands, professing to the last a purely evangelical faith.[243] She

partook of the body and the blood of Christ, according to the

institution of the Saviour, although the grandees who were about her put

forth all their efforts to get her to accept the rites of the papacy.

This Christian decision of character in a sister of the emperor, in a

country in which the papal system in its strictest shape prevailed,

greatly troubled her connections and appeared to them a monstrous thing.

The imperial family could not possibly allow it to be thought that one

of its members had died a heretic. When the queen had lost all

consciousness, a priest by order of his superiors approached her and

administered to her extreme unction, just as he might have done to a

corpse. Every body understood that this proceeding, so grave in

appearance, was a mere piece of mimicry. The faith of the dying queen

was everywhere known and gladdened the friends of the Gospel. ‘Christ,’

said Luther, ‘wished for once to have a queen in heaven.’[244] Isabella

was not the last.

Nevertheless, the triumph of the prelatical and aristocratic party in

Denmark seemed to ensure the final ruin of the evangelical cause. No one

doubted that the abuses of the papacy and of feudalism would be

confirmed for the future. But there is a power which watches over the

destinies of the Christian religion, and which when this appears to be

buried in the depth of the abysses brings it forth again with glory. God

lifts up what men cast down.

Footnote 214:

‘Quanquam nee parentum rusticorum quippe conditio, nec rei familiaris

inopia permitterent ut ad literarum studia applicaret

animum.’—Gerdesius, _Annales Reformationis_, iii. p. 355.

Footnote 215:

‘In studia propensionem ab infantia vehementem.’—_Ibid._

Footnote 216:

Bröndlund, _Memoria J. Tausani_. Munter, _Kirchengeschichte von

Dänemark_, i. p. 73.

Footnote 217:

‘Adiret universitatem excepta sola atque unica

Witebergensi.’—Gerdesius, _Annal. Reform_, iii. p. 356. Munter, iii.

p. 74.

Footnote 218:

‘Nugarum et ineptiarum.’—_Ibid._

Footnote 219:

Gerdesius, _Annales Reformationis_, iii. p. 356. Munter, iii. p. 74.

Footnote 220:

Olivarus, _Hist. de Vita P. Eliæ carmel_.—Gerdesius, _Ann._, iii. p.

329.

Footnote 221:

Gamst, _De Petro Parvo Rosæfontano_. He was called in Danish, instead

of _Parvus_, Litle, which was converted into _Lille_, the name by

which he is best known.—Gerdesius, _Ann._, iii. p. 341.

Footnote 222:

See the documents collected by Gram, _Om Kong Christiern den Anderns

forehafte Reformation_. Mallet, _Hist. du Danemark_, tom. iii.

Footnote 223:

Suaningius, _Christianus II._ Mallet, _Hist. du Danemark_, vol. iii.

Raumer, _Geschichte Europas_, ii. p. 100.

Footnote 224:

Pontoppidan, _Kirchenhist._ book vi. ch 3. Munter, iii. p. 12.

Footnote 225:

[On the author’s manuscript appears this note: ‘_Add some details from

the documents._’ This intention was not carried out. The details are

wanting.—EDITOR.]

Footnote 226:

Suaningius, _Vita Christierni II._ Gerdesius, _Ann._, iii. p. 342.

Footnote 227:

‘Ex jussu principis vocatus huc venit.’—Matriculation-Book of the

Faculty of Theology of Copenhagen.

Footnote 228:

Scultetus, _Hist. Litt. Reform._ i. p. 33.

Footnote 229:

‘Ut ludibrio sannisque exceptus fuerit.‘—Gerdesius, _Ann._, iii. p.

343.

Footnote 230:

‘Omnibus conviviis et symposiis adhibitus, de rebus levissimis

ridiculisque conciones habuit. . . ita ut Martinum ipsum adesse vulgo

esset persuasum.’—Huitfeld, _Chron. Dan._ ii. p. 1152. Suaningius,

_Vita Christierni II._

Footnote 231:

Documents of Gram, p. 2. Resen, _Lutherus triumphans_, ad an. 1521.

Footnote 232:

‘Rex Daniæ etiam persequitur Papistas, mandato dato universitati suæ

ne mea damnarent.’—Luther, _Epp._ i. p. 570. (De Wette.)

Footnote 233:

‘Archiepiscopum vero equitantem viginti juvenes cum equis

prosequantur.’—Gerdesius, _Ann._ iii. p. 347.

Footnote 234:

Schlegel, _Geschichte der oldemb. Könige in Dänemark_, i. p. 107.

Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 48.

Footnote 235:

Suaningius, _Christianus II._

Footnote 236:

‘Mense Octobri inscriptus est in matriculam academiæ ad theologicæ

facultatis professionem.’—Resen, _Lutherus triumphans_, ad an. 521.

Gerdesius, _Ann._, iii. p. 356.

Footnote 237:

Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, p. 79. Mallet, iii. p. 420.

Footnote 238:

Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 82. Raumer, ii. p. 116. Mallet,

iii. p. 595.

Footnote 239:

Raumer, _Geschichte Europas_, ii. p. 142.

Footnote 240:

‘Christiernus Lutherum diu concionantem audit.’—Scultetus, _Ann._ i.

p. 52.

Footnote 241:

Munter, _Kirchengeschichte_, iii. p. 84.

Footnote 242:

Spalatin, _Leben Friedrichs des Weisen_, p. 137.

Footnote 243:

‘Magna fide excessit accepta cœna Domini.’—Luther, _Opp._ ii. p. 93.

(De Wette.)

Footnote 244:

Seckendorf, _Hist. des Lutherthums_, pp. 600, 722.