"To say that the constitution of England is a

union of three powers, reciprocally checking each

other, is farcical; either the words have no

meaning, or they are flat contradictions. To say

that the commons is a check upon the king

presupposes two things:

_"First._--That the king is not to be trusted

without being looked after; or, in other words,

that a thirst for absolute power is the natural

_disease_ of monarchy.

_"Secondly._--That the commons, by being appointed

for that purpose, are either wiser, or more worthy

of confidence than the crown."

_Junius._

"The three branches of the legislature seem to

treat their separate rights and interests as the

Roman triumvirs did their friends--they

reciprocally sacrifice them to the animosities of

each other, and establish a detestable union among

themselves upon the ruin of the laws and the

liberty of the commonwealth."--Let. 39.

"There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the

composition of monarchy--it first excludes a man

from the means of information, yet empowers him to

act in cases where the highest judgment is

required. The state of a king shuts him from the

world, yet the business of a king requires him to

know it thoroughly; wherefore, the different

parts, by unnaturally opposing and destroying each

other, prove the whole character to be absurd and

useless."

In speaking of and to the king, he says:

"It has been the misfortune of your life, and

originally the cause of every reproach and

distress which has attended your government, that

you should never have been acquainted with the

language of truth until you heard it in the

complaints of your people."--Let. 35.

"A faultless, insipid equality in his character is

neither capable of virtue or vice in the extreme,

but it secures his submission to those persons

whom he has been accustomed to respect, and makes

him a dangerous instrument of their ambition.

Secluded from the world, attached from his infancy

to one set of persons and one set of ideas, he can

neither open his heart to new connections, nor his

mind to better information."--Let. 39.

"That the crown is this overbearing part in the

English constitution, needs not to be mentioned;

and that it derives its whole consequence merely

from being the giver of _places and pensions_, is

self-evident. Wherefore, though we have been wise

enough to shut and lock a door against absolute

monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish

enough to put the crown in possession of the key.

"The prejudice of Englishmen in favor of their own

government by king, lords, and commons, arises as

much or more from national pride than reason.

Individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than

in some other countries, but the will of the king

is as much the law of the land in Britain as in

France, with this difference: that, instead of

proceeding directly from his mouth, it is handed

to the people under the formidable shape of an act

of parliament. For the fate of Charles the First

hath only made kings more subtle--not more just."

Of the king's influence on parliament, he says:

"It is arbitrary and notoriously under the

influence of the crown."--Let. 44.

"I beg you will convey to your gracious master my

humble congratulations upon the glorious success

of _peerages and pensions_, so lavishly

distributed as the rewards of Irish virtue."--Let.

66.

"That the sovereign of this country is not

amenable to any form of trial known to the laws,

is unquestionable; but exemption from punishment

is a singular privilege annexed to the royal

character, and no way excludes the possibility of

deserving it. How long and to what extent a king

of England may be protected by the forms, when he

violates the spirit of the constitution, deserves

to be considered. A mistake in this matter proved

fatal to Charles and his son."--Preface to Junius.

"Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and

prejudice in favor of modes and forms, the plain

truth is that _it is wholly owing to the

constitution of the people, and not the

constitution of the government_, that the crown is

not as oppressive in England as in Turkey."

"The consequences of this attack upon the

constitution are too plain and palpable not to

alarm the dullest apprehension. I trust you will

find that the people of England are neither

deficient in spirit or understanding, though you

have treated them as if they had neither sense to

feel, nor spirit to resent. We have reason to

thank God and our ancestors that there never yet

was a minister in this country who could stand the

issue of such a conflict, and, with every

prejudice in favor of your intentions, I see no

such abilities in your grace as should enable you

to succeed in an enterprise in which the ablest

and basest of your predecessors have found their

destruction.... Never hope that the freeholders

will make a tame surrender of their rights, or

that an English army will join with you in

overturning the liberties of their country."--Let.

11.

I will now present their doctrine of _equal rights_:

_Common Sense._

"Mankind being originally equals in the order of

creation, the equality could not be destroyed by

some subsequent circumstance....

"As the exalting one man so greatly above the

rest, can not be justified on the equal rights of

nature...."

_Junius._

"In the rights of freedom we are all equal....

"The least considerable man among us has an

interest equal to the proudest nobleman."--Let.

37.

"When the first original right of the people, from

which all laws derive their authority," etc.--Let.

30.

"Those sacred original rights which belonged to

them before they were soldiers."--Let. 11.

"For all men being originally equals, no one by

birth could have a right to set up his own family

in perpetual preference to all others forever, and

though himself might deserve some decent degree of

honors of his cotemporaries, yet his descendants

might be far too unworthy to inherit them. One of

the strongest _natural_ proofs of the folly of

hereditary right in kings, is, that nature

disproves it, otherwise she would not so

frequently turn it into ridicule by giving mankind

an ass for a lion."

"Those original rights of your subjects, on which

all their civil and political liberties depend....

"If the English people should no longer confine

their resentment to a submissive representation of

their wrongs; if, following the glorious example

of their ancestors, they should no longer appeal

to the creature of the constitution, but to that

high Being who gave them the rights of humanity,

whose gifts it were sacrilege to surrender; let me

ask you, sir, upon what part of your subjects

would you rely for assistance?"--Address to the

king, Let. 35.

While I am upon the subject of king, I will present their views in this

place. And I would call attention to the severity of the language:

_Common Sense._

"In England, a king hath little more to do than to

make war and give away places, which, in plain

terms, is to impoverish the nation and set it

together by the ears. A pretty business, indeed,

for a man to be allowed eight hundred thousand

sterling a year for, and worshiped into the

bargain! Of more worth is one honest man to

society and in the sight of God than all the

crowned ruffians that ever lived.

"But where, say some, is the king of America? I'll

tell you, friend, he reigns above, and doth not

make havoc of mankind, like the royal brute of

Britain."

_Junius._

"For my own part, far from thinking that the king

can do no wrong; far from suffering myself to be

deterred or imposed upon by the language of forms;

if it were my misfortune to live under the

inauspicious reign of a prince, whose whole life

was employed in one base, contemptible struggle

with the free spirit of his people, or in the

_detestable_ endeavor to corrupt their moral

principles, I would not scruple to declare to him:

'Sir, you alone are the author of the greatest

wrong to your subjects and to yourself.... Has not

the strength of the crown, whether influence or

prerogative, been uniformly exerted for eleven

years together, to support a narrow, pitiful

system of government, which defeats itself and

answers no one purpose of real power, profit, or

personal satisfaction to you?'"--Pref.

"The minister who, by secret corruption, invades

the freedom of elections, and the ruffian [meaning

the king] who, by open violence, destroys that

freedom, are embarked in the same bottom."--Let.

8.

"When Junius observes that kings are ready enough

to follow such advice, he does not mean to

insinuate that, if the advice of Parliament were

good, the king would be so ready to follow

it."--Let. 45.

In commenting on the sentence spoken of the king,

"_by whose_ NOD ALONE _they were permitted to do

anything_," he says: "Here is idolatry even

without a mask; and he who can calmly hear and

digest such doctrine, hath forfeited his claim to

rationality; is an apostate from the order of

manhood, and ought to be considered as one who

hath not only given up the proper dignity of man,

but sunk himself beneath the rank of animals, and

contemptibly crawls through the world like a worm.

However, it matters very little now what the king

of England either says or does; he hath wickedly

broken through every moral and human obligation,

trampled nature and conscience under his feet;

and, by a steady and unconstitutional spirit of

insolence and cruelty, procured for himself an

universal hatred."

"There is surely something singularly benevolent

in the character of our sovereign. From the moment

he ascended the throne, there is no crime of which

human nature is capable (and I call upon the

recorder to witness it) that has not appeared

venial in his sight."--Let. 48.

"I know that man [the king] much better than any

of you. _Nature_ intended him only for a good

humored fool. A systematical education, with long

practice, has made him a consummate hypocrite....

What would have been the triumph of that odious

hypocrite and his minions if Wilkes had been

defeated? It was not your fault, reverend sir,

that he did not enjoy it completely."--Let. 51, to

Rev. Mr. Horne.

I shall now give two passages from another portion of Mr. Paine's work

to parallel with the last two of Junius on the king:

"Good heavens! what volumes of thanks does America

owe to Britain! What infinite obligation to the

tool that fills with paradoxical vacancy the

throne!"--Crisis, iii.

"The connection between vice and meanness is a fit

subject for satire, but when the satire is a fact

it cuts with the irresistible power of a diamond.

If a Quaker, in defense of his just rights, his

property, and the chastity of his house, takes up

a musket he is expelled the meeting; but the

present king of England, who seduced and took into

keeping a sister of their society, is reverenced

and supported by repeated testimonies, while the

friendly noodle from whom she was taken, and who

is now in this city, continues a drudge in the

service of his rival, as if proud of being

cuckolded by a creature called a king."--Crisis,

iii.

"Though the Kennedies were convicted of a most

deliberate and atrocious murder, they still had a

claim to the royal mercy. They were saved by the

chastity of their connections. They had a sister;

yet it was not her beauty, but the pliancy of her

virtue, that recommended her to the king.

"The holy author of our religion was seen in the

company of sinners; but it was his gracious

purpose to convert them from their sins. Another

man who, in the ceremonies of our faith, might

give lessons to the great enemy of it, upon

different principles, keeps much the same company.

He advertises for patients, collects all the

diseases of the heart, and turns a royal palace

into an hospital for incurables. A man of honor

has no ticket of admission at St. James'. They

receive him like a virgin at the Magdalen's--'Go

thou and do likewise.'"--Let. 67, to Lord

Mansfield.

The above will explain a passage in Junius--Let.

56--which is as follows: "You must confess that

even Charles the Second would have blushed at that

open encouragement, at those eager, meretricious

caresses, with which every species of private vice

and public prostitution is received at St.

James'."

I will now make a few remarks upon COMMON SENSE. I have introduced a few

extracts to show its spirit, scope, and object; and the opinions,

principles, language, and style of Mr. Paine. I have also thrown by the

side of them the similar characteristics of Junius, but this is not all.

COMMON SENSE was to America what _Junius_ would have been to England if

the same success had attended it. There is a _plan_ in COMMON SENSE

similar to that of Junius. It opens the new year with a new policy; it

begins by a contrast between society and government; it attacks the

government and defends the original rights of the people; it assaults

the king and his minions; it defends republicanism against royalty; it

calls on the people to rebel against the tyrant, to take up arms in

their defense, and to establish government upon the natural and original

rights of the people. If one will study the two works he will find not

only the general plan the same, but even in detail they strikingly

correspond; showing the same head to plan, and the same hand to execute.

There is the same language, the same figures of speech, the same wit,

the same method of argumentation, the same withering satire, the same

appeals to Heaven, and the same bold, proud, unconquerable spirit, in

the one as in the other.

If Mr. Paine was Junius, these things would naturally be expected. And

it would be expected, also, that having failed to produce the desired

effect in England, and all further effort there being at an end, that

if Junius lived he would change his base of operations if a favorable

opportunity offered, and strike once more for the liberties of the

people. Thus the natural order of things leads us to an irresistible

conclusion. But in order not to be too hasty we ought to ask: Is there

not _one_ fact in the whole life and character of Mr. Paine incompatible

with Junius? When it is found I will surrender the argument. But let us

proceed.

Nature is prodigal of varieties. No two individuals are alike, either in

physical form or mental features. Great differences may be found even

among those most resembling each other, but when we find a man prominent

among his fellow-kind, it is because of marked characteristics in which

he greatly differs from the rest. These characteristics are expressed in

action. A record of these actions is the history of men. Faust gives us

movable type, and Watt the steam-engine. Newton asks nature to reveal

her mode of operation in the movement of matter. Bacon asks her for her

method. Buckle inquires after the science of history. Napoleon was a

magazine of war. And thus great minds reveal themselves in their own

way; and the more striking and peculiar the characteristic, the more

easily can we distinguish and describe the person. Mr. Paine was a

literary adventurer. And unlike adventurers in conquest or discovery, he

left the record of his course as he went along. His was not a path in

the sea, nor foot-prints in the sand, but a work like that of Euclid or

Laplace, carved out of thought; he called out of chaos a new world of

politics; he fought great battles and won victories with the pen. To

know the man, then, we must examine his writings. To this end,

therefore, I call the reader's attention to his style.

STYLE.

I will first make some concise remarks upon this subject, to aid us in

comparing Junius with Mr. Paine; because I propose to show that the

style of the one is the style of the other.

Style, by most authors, is treated under the following heads:

_Perspicuity_, _Vivacity_, and _Beauty_. Perspicuity, I define, the

clear and true expression of our thoughts in the fewest words. Vivacity

is the energy or life of expression; it attracts the attention, and

excites the imagination. It takes the will by storm and produces

conviction. Combined with perspicuity it becomes eloquence. Beauty is

the harmony and smoothness of of expression, and is often made

synonymous with _elegance_.

The first requisite in style is perspicuity. It is a prevalent notion

among the vulgar that clearness of expression leads to dryness and

dullness in speaking or writing, owing to the plain garb in which ideas

are clothed. But the fact is, the very reverse of this is true, and as

the legitimate result.

Words are said to be the signs of ideas, or symbols of thought. But

words _spoken_ is thought passing in the air; they are ideas in

invisible vibrations, and a sound can neither be a sign nor a symbol.

But words written are symbols of thought. Language addresses both the

ear and the eye. The true end and aim of language is to make others feel

the full force of an idea as it is felt by the speaker. Language must

therefore be forever imperfect, and this from the nature of things, or

at least till ideas can be silently conveyed upon the waves of some

subtle nerve force. Ideas flit from the mind with the rapidity of

lightning. To the inward beholder truth becomes visible at times

instantaneously. He sees it, he feels it; it fills him with emotions; it

struggles for utterance. Truth writhes to get free and become

universally, instead of particularly, known and felt. It may be and is

felt instantaneously, yet it can not be expressed in words for hours,

and perhaps never: certainly never as it should be. Truth rests in the

mind, or flutters there in ideal beauty. It requires an artist

transcending earthly perfection to breathe it to the ear or throw it out

to the eye on canvas. The tongue and hand both fail, the sounds are

discordant, and the lines are broken. In the one instance we have a

jumble of sounds, and in the other a daub for a picture.

It becomes apparent at once, the more words we use to express thought,

the more it is cumbered with technicalities and idiomatic phrases, just

so much more gross, and feeble, and uninviting it becomes, because

robbed of its ideal beauty. But, on the contrary, if a word or a look or

a touch could express it, its beauty, and its power, and its worth would

not be thus blemished. Byron would have spoken that word were it

lightning. Hence arises the interest and charm in beholding the picture

of an artist, where so much is revealed at a glance; for it is thought

which is expressed there. Hence, also, it becomes evident that far more

can be expressed in a figure of speech, quickly and boldly put, than

could be otherwise presented in hours or days. "A single hieroglyphic

character," says Champoleon le June, "would probably convey more to the

mind of an ancient Egyptian than a quarto page would to a European."

Perspicuity, therefore, is not necessarily devoid of energy or elegance,

in fact the only means to secure a clear and concise style is to use the

trope--especially in the two forms of metaphor and comparison: observing

always that long and labored figures of speech are generally ambiguous,

and always have a bad effect. Their beauty, and worth, and power consist

in the brevity and clearness with which they are expressed. "The thought

expressed in a single line by Chaucer," says Lord Kames, "gives more

luster to a young beauty, than the whole of his much labored poem,

"Up rose the sun, and up rose Emilie."

Perspicuity, then, we would consider the very soul of vivacity, and

vivacity the soul of eloquence.

The elegance or beauty of expression is of far less consequence, and

must often be sacrificed to the very nature of ideas. It can not be said

that all ideas are beautiful. There are uncomely and hideous things on

earth; there are disagreeable and hateful subjects to be spoken of, and

there are painful feelings to be expressed. Language would fail to

subserve the end for which it exists, did it not correspond to the

sources of thought and the objects to be described; otherwise it would

not be language. To be elegant, therefore, at all times, in speaking or

writing, involves an absurdity, inasmuch as only a part of our ideas

could be expressed were this the case. The simple narration of facts

enlightens; elegance soothes and pleases; but vivacity moves to action.

It is the duty of the writer to make his style and language correspond

with his subject.

Keeping the foregoing principles in view, the reader may apply such

terms to the piece he reads, or the discourse he hears, as may be most

fitting. It is thus we speak of concise, diffuse, bold, feeble, nervous,

plain, neat, dry, or flowery styles. A full sentence or _period_, as it

is called, must therefore have: 1. _Precision_; that is, it must be

clear and not ambiguous: 2. _Unity_; that is, it must not have crowded

into it different subjects: 3. _Strength_; that is, all unnecessary

words must be thrown away, and it must be built with such mechanical

skill as will render it the most forcible to the mind: and, 4.

_Harmony_; that is, it must sound with the sense.

For the purpose of an argument, it is immaterial to me whether I have

cause to praise or censure the style of Mr. Paine. It is a comparison of

the known with the unknown, in which I am about to engage, and it is the

_likeness_, not the merits, which I wish to bring out. A good or a bad

style would not affect the similarity were either produced by the same

hand. But it is a fact worthy of remark, as I am passing, that a bad

style in writing or speaking, has never produced any marked effect upon

the world. It is the nature of great minds to be possessed of clear

ideas, and to such minds nature never withholds the gift of purity of

diction.

The style of Mr. Paine is as peculiar as the great mind that produced

it, and I will describe it to be: _strong, bold, clear, and harmonious_.

The construction of any of his pieces, is like the building of a fine

edifice. He never begins without plan and specifications. He builds it

in the ideal before he puts it on paper. The reader finds a foundation

fit and substantial in the first paragraph, often in the first sentence.

Upon this he finds a superstructure to correspond, which in size and

proportions, is neat and artistic, constructed with each separate

material of the best kind, and in its proper place, never left without

cornice and entablature, so that when taken all together it is most

pleasing and useful. He never leaves a period like a broken column, yet

a careless vine sometimes winds around it, to attract the mind from its

stately proportions, and we have lost the argument in the beauty of the

figure. But the effect is momentary. He soon brings us back to the

practical and the real. And it is his peculiar beauty, that he does not

impose ideas upon us which his language can not convey to the commonest

understanding.

Mr. Jefferson says of his style: "No writer has exceeded Paine in

familiarity of style, in perspicuity of expression, happiness of

elucidation, and in simple and unassuming language."

Style presents the _law_, as well as the image, of the writers' mind; in

other words, style gives us the true portrait and habits of the mind,

for the mind can by no means counterfeit itself. I will therefore

proceed to an analysis and comparison of Mr. Paine's style with that of

Junius; and, first, of the sentence, or period. The different members

are of the same length, hence the rythm or harmony. Take the following

examples, and I will place bars between the different members to aid the

eye:

"The style and language you have adopted are, I confess, | not ill

suited to the elegance of your own manners, | or to the dignity of the

cause you have undertaken. | Every common dauber writes rascal and

villain under his pictures, | because the pictures themselves have

neither character nor resemblance. | But the works of a master require

no index; | his features and coloring are taken from nature; | the

impression is immediate and uniform; | nor is it possible to mistake the

characters, | whether they represent the treachery of a minister, | or

the abused simplicity of a king." |

"Were I disposed to paint a contrast, | I could easily set off what you

have done in the present case | against what you would have done in

_that_ case, | and by justly opposing them, | conclude a picture that

would make you blush. | But as, when any of the prouder passions are

hurt, | it is much better philosophy | to let a man slip into a good

temper | than to attack him in a bad one-- | for that reason, therefore,

I only state the case, | and leave you to reflect upon it." |

"Ye that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, | can ye restore to us

the time that is past? | Can ye give to prostitution its former

innocence? | Neither can ye reconcile Britain and America. | The last

cord now is broken-- | the people of England are presenting addresses

against us. | There are injuries which nature can not forgive-- | she

would cease to be nature if she did. | As well can the lover forgive the

ravisher of his mistress, | as the continent forgive the murders of

Britain." |

"The question is not of what metal your instruments are made, | but

whether they are adapted to the work you have in hand. | Will they grant

you common halls when it shall be necessary? | Will they go up with

remonstrances to the king? | Have they firmness enough to meet the fury

of a venal House of Commons? | Have they fortitude enough not to shrink

at imprisonment? | Have they spirit enough to hazard their lives and

fortunes in a contest, | if it should be necessary, with a prostituted

legislature? | If these questions can fairly be answered in the

affirmative, your choice is made. | Forgive this passionate language. |

I am unable to correct it. | The subject comes home to us all. | It is

the language of my heart." |

The above is sufficient. The first and last paragraphs are from Junius,

the other two from Paine. The last two paragraphs are passionate, the

first two calm but energetic. Throughout the whole, nature is at

work--there is nothing artificial. But it was the melody or rythm that I

wished to indicate to the reader. This is peculiar and common to both,

and itself can not be imitated. If a writer ever succeeds in reproducing

this style, it will be from the nature of his own mind, and not from

imitation.

If the reader will now return to page 71, and compare the Dedication to

Junius with the Introduction to Common Sense, he will find in rythm a

striking parallel, because the subject is the same, and the mind of the

writer is performing the same work.

Grammatical accuracy is often sacrificed to conciseness, as in the

following:

_Paine._

"Many circumstances have and will arise which are

not local."--Introduc.

_Junius._

"If this be your meaning and opinion, you will act

consistently with _it_ in choosing Mr. Nash."--Let. 57.

Mr. Paine was bold enough to transcend the minor rules of grammar

whenever he found them cumbersome to his style. In this he is consistent

with Junius.

* * * * *

There is a majesty of manner, and a grandeur of style, which strike the

mind of the reader with great force. Take, for example, the following:

_Paine._

"It was not Newton's honor, neither could it be

his pride, that he was an Englishman, but that he

was a philosopher; the heavens had liberated him

from the prejudices of an island, and science had

expanded his soul as boundless as his

studies."--Crisis, viii.

_Junius._

"You have still an honorable part to act. The

affections of your subjects may still be

recovered; but, before you subdue their hearts,

you must gain a noble victory over your own.

Discard those little personal resentments which

have too long directed your public conduct. Pardon

this man the remainder of his punishment; and, if

resentment still prevails, make it what it should

have been long since--an act, not of mercy, but of

contempt. He will soon fall back into his natural

station, a silent senator, and hardly supporting

the weekly eloquence of a newspaper. The gentle

breath of peace would leave him on the surface

neglected and unremoved; it is only the tempest

that lifts him from his place.

"The heart that feels not now is dead; the blood

of his children will curse his cowardice who

shrinks back at a time when a little might have

saved the whole, and made them happy. I love the

man that can smile in trouble, that can gather

strength from distress, and grow brave by

reflection." ... Speaking of the principles of

war, he continues: "What signifies it to me

whether he who does it is a king or a common man;

my countryman or not my countryman; whether it be

done by an individual villain or an army of them?

... Let them call me rebel and welcome; I feel no

concern from it, but I should suffer the misery of

devils were I to make a whore of my soul by

swearing allegiance to one whose character is that

of a sottish, stupid, stubborn, worthless, brutish

man! ... There are cases which can not be overdone

by language, and this is one."--Crisis, i.

"Without consulting your ministers, call

together your whole council. Let it appear to the

public that you can determine and act for

yourself. Come forward to your people. Lay aside

the wretched formalities of a king, and speak to

your subjects with the spirit of a man, and in the

language of a gentleman.... These sentiments, sir,

and the style they are conveyed in, may be

offensive, perhaps, because they are new to

you."--Let. 35.

In the following, diminutives are handled with telling effect:

_Paine._

"Indolence and inability have too large a share in

your composition ever to suffer you to be any

thing more than the hero of little villainies and

unfinished adventures."--To Lord Howe, Crisis, v.

"That a man whose soul is absorbed in the low

traffic of vulgar vice, is incapable of moving in

any superior region, is clearly shown in you by

the event of every campaign."--To Lord Howe,

Crisis, v.

"You may plan and execute little mischiefs, but

are they worth the expense they cost you, or will

such partial evils have any effect on the general

cause? Your expedition to Egg Harbor will be felt

at a distance like an attack upon a hen-roost, and

expose you in Europe with a sort of childish

frenzy."--Crisis, vi.

_Junius._

"About this time the courtiers talked of nothing

but a bill of pains and penalties against the lord

mayor and sheriffs, or impeachment at the least.

Little Mannikin Ellis told the king that if the

business were left to his management he would

engage to do wonders. It was thought very odd that

a business of so much importance should be

intrusted to the most contemptible little piece of

machinery in the whole kingdom. His honest zeal,

however, was disappointed. The minister took

fright, and at the very instant that little Ellis

was going to open, sent him an order to sit down.

All their magnanimous threats ended in a

ridiculous vote of censure, and a still more

ridiculous address to the king."--Note, Let. 38.

The reader will observe that the method also of ridicule is the same. A

hundred examples of this might be selected from both; and he has,

doubtless, already noticed the biting satire of both. The Letters of

Junius are among the finest specimens of satire in the English language,

and are only equaled by Mr. Paine's Letters to Lord Howe, and passages

in his Rights of Man to Mr. Burke. I will give a few extracts. It will

be remembered how Junius called the king not only a "ruffian," but said

"nature only intended him for a good humored fool," and that if he ever

retired to America he would get a severe covenant to digest from a

people who united in detesting the pageantry of a king and the

supercilious hypocrisy of a bishop. With this remembrance I will submit

the following piece of satire from Crisis, No. vi:

"Your rightful sovereign, as you call him, may do well enough for you,

who dare not inquire into the humble capacities of the man; but we, who

estimate persons and things by their real worth, can not suffer our

judgment to be so imposed upon; and unless it is your wish to see him

exposed, it ought to be your endeavor to keep him out of sight. The less

you have to say about him the better. We have done with him, and that

ought to be answer enough. You have been often told so. Strange! that

the answer must be so often repeated. You go a begging with your king as

with a brat, or with some unsalable commodity you are tired of; and

though every body tells you no, no, still you keep hawking him about.

But there is one that will have him in a little time, and as we have no

inclination to disappoint you of a customer, we bid nothing for him."

Many passages of similar severity could be collected. In fact, the two

Letters addressed to Lord Howe are not equaled in force or severity by

the most savage of Junius' productions. I now call attention to other

parallel peculiarities.

* * * * *

{103}The manner of threatening, commanding, and warning, is, the same:

_Paine._

"I hold up a warning to your senses, if you have

any left.... I call, not with the rancor of an

enemy, but the earnestness of a friend, on the

deluded people of England.... There is not a

nobleman's country seat but may be laid in ashes

by a single person."--Crisis, vi.

_Junius._

"The English nation must be roused and put upon

its guard.... The corruption of the legislative

body on this side, a military force on the other,

and then _farewell_ to England."--Let. 40.

"A change of the ministry in England may probably

bring your measures into question and your head to

the block."--To Lord Howe, Crisis, v.

"Sullen and severe without religion, profligate

without gayety, you live like Charles the Second,

without being an amiable companion, and, for aught

I know, may die as his father did, without the

reputation of a martyr."--Let. 12.

"Go home, sir, and endeavor to save the remains of

your ruined country by a just representation of

the madness or her measures. A few moments well

applied may yet preserve her from political

destruction."--Crisis, v.

"Return, my lord, before it be too late, to that

easy, insipid system which you first set out with.

Take back your mistress. Indulge the people.

Attend New Market. To be weak and inactive is

safer than to be daring and criminal; and wide is

the distance between a riot of the populace and a

convulsion of the whole kingdom."--Let. 11.

"The farce of monarchy and aristocracy in all

countries is following that of chivalry, and Mr.

Burke is dressing for the funeral. _The time is

not very distant_ when England will laugh at

itself for sending to Holland, Hanover, Zell, or

Brunswick, for men, at the expense of a million a

year, who understand neither her laws, her

language, nor her interest, and whose capacities

would scarcely have fitted them for the office of

parish constable."--Rights of Man.

"_The period is not very distant_ at which you

will have the means of redress in your own power;

it may be nearer, perhaps, than any of us expect,

and I would warn you to be prepared for

it."--Dedication.

But examples of this kind are not wanting in any chapter or Letter. The

threat, the command, the warning, is a peculiarity so prominent that no

one would fail to observe it. And this peculiarity often passes into the

style of prophecy. As above, Junius says: "The period is not very

distant," and Mr. Paine repeats the expression in the same style: "The

time is not very distant." This reveals, not a literary theft, but a

mind whose mode of thinking and expression was ever the same.

* * * * *

The reader will furthermore notice the peculiarity in the use of "sir,"

and the expressions, "You, Sir William," "You, sir," so common to both.

This arises from the proud and commanding character of Mr. Paine. He

always talks as one having authority, when addressing those he wishes to

satirize, but with an avowed modesty when addressing those he wishes to

influence. This last is seen in Junius, with regard to Lords Rockingham

and Chatham, when speaking of parliamentary reform, and in Common Sense,

when speaking of a constitution and methods of taxation. Junius says,

after giving his own views: "Other measures may, undoubtedly, be

supported in argument, as better adapted to the disorder, or more likely

to be obtained." And Common Sense says: "In a former page I threw out a

few thoughts on the propriety of a continental charter, for I only

presume to offer hints, not plans." These things point to the same

mental source, and this characteristic influences the style to a marked

degree.

* * * * *

I call attention now to what is termed _alliteration:_ the bringing

words together commencing with the same letter, as follows:

_Paine._

Conduct and character.

Mark the movements and meaning.

For law as for land.

Fears and falsities.

Prejudice and prepossession.

Patron and punisher.

Wise and worthy.

Stay and starve.

Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related.

_Junius._

Best and brightest.

Character and conduct.

Concurrence of calamitous circumstances.

Catchpenny contrivance.

Dignity of the design.

Enormous excesses.

Faith and folly.

Fashionable formality.

Pernicious principles, etc.

Good faith and folly have long been received as

synonymous terms.

The above are only a few examples. Almost every page exhibits this

feature of the writer. It is a mania with Mr. Paine, and it is almost

the first observable feature of Junius. No other author that I have read

so abounds in alliteration. But herein Junius and Mr. Paine, not content

with two words, frequently unite three, as in some of the examples

above. They also bring two words thus together, and ascending from the

sound to the sense, give them relationship in meaning; as in the last

examples above.

As alliteration exhibits a law of the mind, it can easily be determined,

by the rule of averages, whether Mr. Paine and Junius agree. I have

estimated the ratio by counting twenty thousand words in each, and have

found them to average the same. Were all the words in Junius counted and

compared with the same number in Mr. Paine's political writings, it

would give the true law of averages, but twenty thousand words will give

an approximation not far from the truth.

{107}There is another peculiarity in the style of Mr. Paine and Junius,

arising out of this law of the mind, or this mania for alliteration,

which is to continue the alliteration throughout the paragraph. For

example, if a prominent word begins with an f, t, or p, or any other

letter, he continues to select words beginning with the same letter, or

in which the sound is prominent, while expressing the same thought or

idea. In the following he plays upon like letters in a wonderful manner.

I will put the words in italics:

_Paine._

"_Perhaps_ the sentiments contained in the

_following pages_, are not yet _sufficiently

fashionable_ to _procure_ them general _favor_; a

long habit of not _thinking_ a _thing wrong_ gives

it a _superficial appearance_ of being _right_,

and _raises_, at _first_, a _formidable_ out_cry_

in _defense_ of _custom_. But the _tumult soon

subsides_. _Time makes more converts_ than

reason."--C. S., Introd.

_Junius._

"_Prejudices_ and _passions_ have, sometimes,

_carried_ it to a _criminal_ length, and whatever

_foreigners may imagine_, we know that Englishmen

have erred as _much_ in a _mistaken_ zeal _for

particular persons_ and _families_ as they ever

_did_ in _defense_ of what _they thought_ most

_dear_ and _interesting_ to _themselves_."--Let.

1.

I have not gone out of my way for the above examples. Thousands of just

such examples may be taken from both. This, together with the even

length of the members of the period, is what produces the rythm and

harmony of Mr. Paine's style, and which I have never seen paralleled,

except in Junius. I have compared it with a hundred authors, and never

have I found any thing like it. But Junius is in no respect unlike Mr.

Paine. Had a perfect portrait been painted of Mr. Paine, at the time he

wrote his Common Sense, and another at the time Junius wrote his

Letters, the two portraits could not have more resembled each other than

does the style of Junius resemble that of Mr. Paine. And this is what

can not be imitated, for it arises out of the constitution of the mind,

just like poetry or music; and the poet and musician are born, not made.

Mr. Paine and Junius never use poetry, unless it be a line at the head

of a piece. And they both ridicule the use of it in prose composition.

_Paine._

"I can consider Mr. Burke's book in scarcely any

other light than a dramatic performance, and he

must, I think, have considered it in the same

light himself by the _poetical_ liberties he has

taken of omitting some facts, distorting others,

and making the machinery bend to produce a stage

effect.... I have now to follow Mr. Burke through

a pathless wilderness of rhapsodies."--Rights of

Man, part i.

_Junius._

"These letters, my lord, are read in other

countries and in other languages, and I think I

may affirm without vanity, that the gracious

character of the best of princes is by this time

not only perfectly known to his subjects, but

tolerably well understood by the rest of Europe.

In this respect alone I have the advantage of Mr.

Whitehead. His plan, I think, is too narrow. He

seems to manufacture his verses for the sole use

of the hero who is supposed to be the subject of

them, and, that his meaning may not be exported in

foreign bottoms, sets all translation at

defiance."--Let. 49.

They sometimes wander from the point, and then bring the reader back by

mentioning the fact:

_Paine._

"But to return to the case in question."--Crisis,

vii and xiii. "Passing on from this _digression_,

I shall now endeavor to bring into one view the

several parts."--Crisis, viii. "But to return to

my account."--Rights of Man, part i.

_Junius._

"But, sir, I am sensible I have followed your

example too long, and wandered from the

point."--Let. 18.

Another peculiarity is the method of bringing the subject "into one

view:"

_Paine._

See last quotation above. "Having now finished

this subject, I shall bring the several parts into

one view."--Rights of Man, part ii.

_Junius._

"This, sir, is the detail. In one view, behold,"

etc.--Let. 1.

See also Letter 13.

I have before called attention to the manner in which Mr. Paine signed

his Introduction to Common Sense, and Junius his Dedication; but there

is a similarity in the manner in which they frequently close their

pieces. The expressions, "To conclude," "I shall conclude," "I shall

therefore conclude," are used by both.

* * * * *

There is a marked peculiarity in taking illustrations from the Bible,

and I now speak of and compare the political writings of Mr. Paine with

Junius. Junius is filled with such references, and they are no less

plentiful in Common Sense. This leads me on to speak of figures of

speech.

* * * * *

In the use of the trope I find the one a reproduction of the other. The

metaphor comes before us in every conceivable beauty, and herein they

paint with an artist's skill, and the many delicate touches, as well as

bold strokes, show the same hand at the brush. There is never, for

example, a long and labored metaphor; never a company of them together;

never one that does not apply with admirable effect.

At the close of an article, a figure of speech is often used with a

master's skill, and leaves an impression on the mind of the reader not

easily effaced. In this they are alike. Junius, for example, closes

thirty-six of his Letters in this manner; and in Mr. Paine's three

works--Common Sense, The Crisis, and Rights of Man--he closes

twenty-three parts in this manner, which gives us about the same ratio.

They both abound in metaphor and comparison. Seldom do they use allegory

or hyperbole, but personification and exclamation are frequent. I will

now give a few parallels which I have selected from the many examples,

and I will begin the list with exclamations so common to both:

_Paine._

Alas!

I thank God!

For God's sake!

In the name of Heaven!

Good God!

Good Heavens!

I pray God!

_Junius._

But, alas!

I thank God!

Would to God!

In God's name!

May God protect me!

I appeal to God for my sincerity!

I pray God!

The expression, "I thank God!" is the most frequent with both. As this

is not common with writers, the parallel is a strong one. But to

continue:

_Paine._

"Every political physician will advise a different

medicine."--Common Sense.

_Junius._

"It is not the disorder, but the physician--it is

the pernicious hand of government."--Let. 1.

"Why is the nation sickly?"

"Infuse a portion of new health into the

constitution."--Let. 68.

"Like a prodigal lingering in habitual

consumption, you feel the relics of life, and

mistake them for recovery."--Address to English

people.

"No man regards an eruption on the surface when

the noble parts are invaded and he feels a

mortification approaching the heart."--Let. 39.

"These are the times that try men's

souls."--Crisis, i.

"These are not the times to admit of any

relaxation in the little discipline we have left."

The constituents "making a rod for themselves."

"Under the rod of the constituent."

Speaking of Abbe Raynal's work, he calls it a

"_performance_."--Letter to.

Speaking of M. de Lolme's Essay on Government, he

calls it a "_performance_."--Preface.

"At stake." This expression is very frequent.

"At stake." This expression is very frequent.

"In one view." Quite frequent.

"In one view." Quite frequent.

"The time is not very distant."

"The period is not very distant."

"The simple voice of nature and reason will say it

is right."

"The voice of truth and reason must be silent."

"Where nature hath given the one she hath withheld

the other."

"Nature has been sparing of her gifts to this

noble lord."

"For as the greater weight will always carry up

the less, and all the wheels of a machine are put

in motion by one, it only remains to know which

power in the constitution has most weight."

"We incline the balance as effectually by

lessening the weight in the one scale as by

increasing it in the other."

"You would fain be thought to take no share in

government, while in reality you are the

mainspring of the machine."

"One of the strongest natural proofs of the folly

of hereditary right in kings is that _nature

disapproves it_, otherwise she would not so

frequently turn it into ridicule by giving mankind

an ass for a lion."

"It is you, Sir William, who make your friend

appear awkward and ridiculous, by giving him a

laced suit of tawdry qualifications which _nature

never intended_ him to wear."

In the last metaphor nature personified is brought forward as the actor,

by turning to ridicule the vanity of man in assuming more than he is.

Junius, without expressing it in words, has put forward the fable of the

ass in a lion's skin, when speaking of Lord Granby's courage. But Mr.

Paine has applied the same fable to the king. The figures are

differently expressed but exactly the same.

_Paine._

"Like wasting an estate on a suit at law to

regulate the trespasses of a tenant, whose lease

is just expiring."

_Junius._

"Like broken tenants who have had warning to quit

the premises, they curse their landlord, destroy

the fixtures, throw every thing into confusion,

and care not what mischief they do the estate."

The above is the same figure, but differently applied. This figure is

quite often used by Mr. Paine and Junius.

_Paine._

"Quitting this class of men, I turn with the warm

ardor of a friend, to those who have nobly stood

and are yet determined to stand the matter out. I

call not upon a few, but upon all, up and help us;

lay your shoulders to the wheel."--Crisis, i.

_Junius._

"I turn with pleasure from that barren waste in

which no salutary plant takes root, no verdure

quickens, to a character fertile as I willingly

believe in every great and good qualification. I

call upon you, in the name of the English nation,

to stand forth in defense of the laws of your

country and to exert in the cause of truth and

justice those great abilities with which you were

intrusted for the benefit of mankind."--Let. 68.

There are two facts in the above parallel showing that the same mind

indited both. First: Turning away from those who have deserved and who

have been receiving his censure to the friends of the cause; and,

Secondly: The call which immediately follows: "I call upon you." That it

was not stolen from Junius by Mr. Paine, is proven by two facts. First:

The language and figure are different; and, Secondly: That which makes

it a parallel it is impossible to steal. It is a parallel of conditions,

the one in England and the other in America. But if Junius were not Mr.

Paine, then would the conditions be destroyed. But there is a parallel

of conditions, which can not be plagiarized; therefore Thomas Paine was

Junius.

If it be argued in answer to this reasoning: There might be just such

conditions existing with the character Junius in England as with Paine

in America, which might produce a parallel as above, I admit the

possibility; but the chances are infinity to one against such a

hypothesis.

But to reduce the chances still more, let us bring a parallel of fact to

illustrate a principle of _national honor_.

_Paine._

"There is such an idea in the world as that of

national honor, and this falsely understood is

oftentimes the cause of war. In a Christian and

philosophical sense mankind seem to have stood

still at individual civilizations, and to retain

as nations all the original rudeness of nature.

Peace by treaty is only a cessation of violence

for a reformation of sentiment. It is a substitute

for a principle that is wanting and ever will be

wanting till the idea of national honor is rightly

understood. I remember the late Admiral Saunders

declaring in the House of Commons, and that in the

time of peace, 'That the city of Madrid laid in

ashes was not a sufficient atonement for the

Spaniards taking off the rudder of an English

sloop of war.' I do not ask whether this is

Christianity or morality, I ask whether it is

decency? whether it is proper language for a

nation to use? In private life we call it by the

plain name of bullying, and the elevation of rank

can not alter its character. It is, I think,

exceedingly easy to define what ought to be

understood by national honor; for that which is

the best character for an individual is the best

character for a nation; and wherever the latter

exceeds or falls beneath the former, there is a

departure from the line of true

greatness."--Crisis, vii.

_Junius._

"If we recollect in what manner the _king's

friends_ have been constantly employed, we shall

have no reason to be surprised at any condition of

disgrace to which the once respected name of

Englishman may be degraded.... The expedition

against Port Egmont does not appear to have been a

sudden ill-concerted enterprise: it seems to have

been conducted, not only with the usual military

precautions, but in all the forms and ceremonies

of war. A frigate was first employed to examine

the strength of the place. A message was then sent

demanding immediate possession in the Catholic

king's name, and ordering our people to depart. At

last a military force appears and compels the

garrison to surrender. A formal capitulation

ensues, and his majesty's ship, which might at

least have been permitted to bring home his troops

immediately, is detained in port twenty days and

her rudder forcibly taken away. This train of

facts carries no appearance of the rashness or

violence of a Spanish governor. Mr. Buccarelli is

not a pirate, nor has he been treated as such by

those who employed him. I feel for the honor of a

gentleman when I affirm that our king owes him a

signal reparation. When will the humility of this

country end? A king of Great Britain, not

contented with placing himself upon a level with a

Spanish governor, descends so low as to do a

notorious injustice to that governor. Thus it

happens in private life with a man who has no

spirit nor sense of honor. One of his equals

orders a servant to strike him: instead of

returning the blow to the master, his courage is

contented with throwing an aspertion equally false

and public upon the character of the

servant."--Let. 42.

The above parallel, like the preceding one, arises primarily in the mind

from the association of ideas. The definition of national honor is the

same, and arose out of the same transaction. Taking away the rudder from

an English frigate was a national insult, but instead of demanding

reparation of the king of Spain, the king of England would satisfy his

honor by attacking a king's servant, which furnishes the materials for

the censure of Junius, and Admiral Saunders would be satisfied to see

the city of Madrid laid in ashes, which furnishes the just ground for

the aspersions of Mr. Paine; and from thence they define national honor

to be that deportment which is best suited to an individual. They both

state the case, and then define; the method and figures are the same.

But there is another parallel in these two pieces, and in the same

connection. Mr. Paine and Junius both use very harsh language in

commenting on the facts in the case, and when they close their censure

they say:

_Paine._

"This, perhaps, may sound harsh and uncourtly, but

it is too true, and the more is the pity."

_Junius._

"These are strong terms, sir, but they are

supported by fact and argument."

This apology taken in the same connection, shows the same mind, for it

is a law of nature, whether exhibited in mind or matter, that when given

the same conditions the same results follow. Now if Thomas Paine be not

Junius, then would no such parallels be found; for, as before remarked,

literary theft is impossible, inasmuch as conditions can not be stolen,

and more especially the most important condition in the above case,

_mental constitution_. In other words the case is stated by the _same

person_, in the _same style_, but not in the same language.

_Paine._

"This plain language may, perhaps, sound uncourtly

to an ear vitiated by courtly refinements, but

words were made for use, and the fault lies in

deserving them, or the abuse in applying them

unfairly."--Crisis, ii.

_Junius._

"These sentiments, sir, and the style they are

conveyed in, may be offensive perhaps, because

they are new to you. Accustomed to the language of

courtiers, you measure their affections by the

vehemence of their expressions; and when they only

praise you indifferently you admire their

sincerity."--Let. 35.

"Like a stream of water."

"Like a rapid torrent."

"Slave in buff."

"Cream-colored parasite."

"My creed in politics."

"Political creed we profess."

"Expressed myself over-warmly."

"Passionate language."

"By following the passion and stupidity of the

pilot you wrecked the vessel within sight of the

shore." Applied to England.

"In the shipwreck of the state, trifles float and

are preserved, while every thing solid and

valuable sinks to the bottom and is lost forever."

"It needs no painting of mine to set it off, for

nature can only do it justice."

"The works of a master require no index; his

features and coloring are taken from nature."

"She [England] set out with the title of parent or

mother country. The association of ideas which

naturally accompany this expression are filled

with every thing that is fond, tender, and

forbearing. They have an energy peculiar to

themselves, and overlooking the accidental

attachment of natural affection apply with

infinite _softness_ to the first feelings of the

heart."

"With all his mother's _softness_."

[Mr. Paine argued against this title of "mother country" being applied

to England. And what is remarkable, Junius was never betrayed into it,

even with all his prejudice in favor of the English nation hanging about

him. In Letter 1, he speaks of England as having "alienated the colonies

from their natural affection to their _common_ country," and in no place

says parent or mother country. This fact is a striking parallel.]

"That men never turn rogues without turning fools,

is a maxim sooner or later universally

true."--Crisis, iii.

"There is a proverb concerning persons in the

predicament of this gentleman, 'They commence

dupes, and finish knaves.'"--Let. 49.

"The corrupt and abandoned court of Britain."

"Corruption glitters in the van, collects and

maintains a standing army of mercenaries."

"Trembling duplicity of a spaniel."

"In that state of abandoned servility and

prostitution." ... "The ministry, abandoned as

they are."

"Agony of a wounded mind."

"When the mind is tortured."

"Compound of reasons."

"Compound his ideas."

"Nothing but the sharpest essence of villainy

compounded with the strongest distillation of

folly, could have produced a _menstruum_ that

would have effected a separation."--Crisis, iii.

"He was forced to go through every division,

resolution, composition, and refinement of

political chemistry before he happily arrived at

the _caput mortuum_ of vitriol in your grace. Flat

and insipid in your retired state; but brought

into action you become vitriol again."--Let. 15.

In the above Mr. Paine applies this figure of political chemistry to the

causes which led to the separation of the colonies from England. Junius

is speaking to the Duke of Grafton. "_Menstruum_" and "_Caput mortuum_,"

are old chemical terms. The former means that which will dissolve, and

the latter the worthless matter which is left. They are both figures of

analysis, and show the writer to have given his attention to chemistry.

Mr. Paine, it is well known, in 1775, shortly after arriving in

America, "set his talents to work" to _make_ saltpeter by some cheap and

expeditious method, and formed an association to supply gratuitously the

national magazines with powder. This fact also shows that Mr. Paine came

to America to fight England; for it was before he had written his Common

Sense. His object was, to be prepared; his method was, first the powder

and then the Declaration of Independence, which last was produced by the

pamphlet Common Sense.

_Paine._

"It renders man diminutive in things that are

great, and the counterfeit of woman in things that

are small."--Rights of Man, part i.

_Junius._

"Women, and men like women, are timid, vindictive,

and irresolute."--Let. 41.

"Fact is superior to reasoning."--Rights of Man,

part ii., chap. i.

"The plain evidence of facts is superior to all

declarations."--Let. 5.

"You sunk yourself below the character of a

private gentleman."--Crisis, ii.

"You are degraded below the condition of a

man."--Let. 34.

"Now if I have any conception of the _human

heart_, they will fail in this more than in any

thing they have yet tried."--Crisis, iii.

"I thought, however, he had been better read in

the history of the _human heart_."--Let. 27.

Mr. Paine and Junius both reasoned, and this very often, from the nature

of man, and especially his passions. The following are parallels:

_Paine._

"Spirit of prophecy."

"Man of spirit."

"Air of."

"Strokes of."

"Give color to."

"Tranquillity of."

"Narrow views."

_Junius._

"Spirit of prophecy."

"Man of spirit."

"Air of."

"Strokes of."

"Give color to."

"Tranquillity of."

"Narrow views."

"But the great hinge on which the whole machine

turned, is the _union of the States_."--Crisis,

xv., note.

"This is not the hinge on which the debate

turns."--Let. 16.

"Each individual feels his share of the wound

given to the whole."--Crisis, xii.

"I consider nothing but the wound which has been

given to the law."--Let. 30.

"Thorn in the flesh."

"Thorn in the king's side."

"As the future ability of a giant over a dwarf is

delineated in his features while an

infant."--Crisis, xi.

"The features of the infant are a proof of the

descent."--Let. 58.

"But from such opposition, the French revolution,

instead of suffering, receives homage. The more it

is struck, the more sparks it will emit."--Rights

of Man, part i.

"Hardly serious at first, he is now an enthusiast.

The coldest bodies warm with opposition, the

hardest sparkle in collision."--Let. 35.

"He pities the plumage, but forgets the dying

bird."--Do.

"The feather which adorns the royal bird supports

his flight. Strip him of his plumage, and you fix

him to earth."--Let. 42.

"The ripeness of the continent for independence."

"When you are ripe, you shall be plucked."--Let.

66.

"Had you studied true greatness of heart, _the

first and fairest ornament of mankind_."--Crisis,

vii.

"But neither should I think the most exalted

faculties of the human mind a gift worthy of the

Divinity, nor any assistance in the improvement of

them a subject of gratitude to my

fellow-creatures, if I were not satisfied that

really to inform the understanding, corrects and

enlarges the heart."--Last sentence of Junius.

[This shows a parallel also in the _estimation_ they place upon the

human faculties, which is worth more in argument than any parallel of

figure or expression.]

"Wounded herself to the heart."

"Stab you to the heart."

"Unite in despising you."

"United detestation."

"We are not moved by the gloomy _smile_ of a

worthless king."--Crisis, iv.

"How far you are authorized to rely upon the

sincerity of those _smiles_ which a pious court

lavishes without reluctance upon a libertine by

profession," etc.--Let. 15.

"That which, to some persons, appeared moderation

in you at first, was not produced by any real

virtue of your own, but by a contrast of passions,

dividing and holding you in perpetual

irresolution. One vice will frequently expel

another, without the least merit in the man, as

powers in contrary directions reduce each other to

rest."--Crisis, v.

"We owe it to the bounty of Providence that the

completest depravity of the heart is sometimes

strangely united with a confusion of the mind,

which counteracts the most favorite principles,

and makes the same man treacherous without art,

and a hypocrite without deceiving."--Let. 15.

The last parallel above will bear a moment's thought and study. Paine

says: "Without the least merit in the man." Junius says: "We owe it to

the bounty of Providence." They were both deeply read in the history of

the human heart. The following is of the same nature, showing the same

mental philosophy:

_Paine._

"Men whose political principles are founded on

avarice are beyond the reach of reason, and the

only cure of toryism of this cast is to tax it. A

substantial good drawn from a real evil, is of the

same benefit to society as if drawn from a virtue;

and when men have not public spirit to render

themselves serviceable, it ought to be the study

of government to draw the best possible use from

their vices. When the governing passion of any man

or set of men is once known, the method of

managing them is easy; for even misers, whom no

public virtue can impress, would become generous

could a heavy tax be laid upon covetousness."

_Junius._

"In public affairs there is the least chance of a

perfect concurrence of sentiment or inclination.

If individuals have no virtues, their vices may be

of use to us. I care not with what principle the

new-born patriot is animated if the measures he

supports are beneficial to the community. The

nation is interested in his conduct, the motives

are his own."--Let. 58.

"I am not so unjust as to reason from one crime to

another; though I think that, of all vices,

avarice is most apt to taint and corrupt the

heart."--Let. 27.

"Charity with them begins and ends at

home."--Exam. of Prophecies, Appendix.

"His charity has improved upon the proverb, and

ended where it began."--Let. 27.

"Gut a verse."

"Gut a resolution."

The above are a few of the similar figures which have come under my eye.

The careful reader will, doubtless, find many more, as I have given my

attention to a multiplicity of subjects in this investigation, and many

parallels would thus escape me. But I have given more than sixty, which

ought to arrest the attention of any thinking man. Together with the

above may be taken parallel phrases _frequently_ used by both; for

example: "I affirm," "Excess of folly," "In point of," "Give the lie

to," "For several reasons," "Branded with," "It signifies not,"

"Circumstanced," "For my own part," "In short," "Forever," "Common

cause."

* * * * *

I now pass on to those figures of speech which come in the form of

argumentation, as antithesis and interrogation.

Antithesis is a species of word painting. It is to an argument what

light and shade are to a painting. There can, therefore, be no argument

without antithesis in some form. It may be defined, contrasting or

placing in opposition opinions, sentiments, and ideas. The following are

examples:

_Paine._

"At home and abroad."

"A government of our own is our natural right;

and when a man seriously reflects on the

precariousness of human affairs, he will become

convinced that it is infinitely wiser and safer to

form a constitution of our own in a cool,

deliberate manner, while we have it in our power,

than to trust such an interesting event to time

and chance. _If we omit it now_, some Massanello

may hereafter arise, who, laying hold of popular

disquietudes, may collect together the desperate

and discontented, and, by assuming to themselves

the powers of government, finally sweep away the

liberties of the continent like a deluge."--C. S.

_Junius._

"At home and abroad."

"If we see them obedient to the laws, prosperous

in their industry, united at home and respected

abroad, we may reasonably presume that their

affairs are conducted by men of experience,

abilities, and virtue. _If, on the contrary_, we

see an universal spirit of distrust and

dissatisfaction, a rapid decay of trade,

dissensions in all parts of the empire, a total

loss of respect in the eyes of foreign powers, we

may pronounce, without hesitation, that the

government of that country is weak, distracted,

and corrupt."--Let. 1.

As would naturally be expected from what has already been brought

forward, in regard to the mental constitution of Mr. Paine, he abounds

in this figure and style of argumentation; and it is the same with

Junius. Sentence after sentence, and period after period, are in

antithesis. The expressions, "On the one hand, and on the other," "At

home and abroad," "On this side, and on that," are the constant

companions of both. Hence the method, also, in both, of bringing forward

contradictions in the conduct and character of individuals, or in any

proposition they are attacking. This is the language, also, of ridicule;

the contradiction makes it absurd, the incongruity ridiculous.

Antithesis is, therefore, an argumentative figure of speech, in which

contrast or comparison is made to present an image of things or

principles to the mind. It is to rhetoric what light and shade are to

painting. In no other way can a writer paint a picture. Hence, when Mr.

Paine says, "Were I disposed to _paint_ a contrast," and when Junius

says, "Imagine what you might be, and then reflect upon what you are,"

they reveal the gift of that tremendous power they exhibit in their

productions.

It is from this constitutional arrangement of the mind which makes a man

a good mathematician. For, if one will trace a mathematical process of

reasoning, he will find it to be a system of comparisons or

antitheses--and nothing else--having foundation primarily in _equality_.

The idea of _equality_ is the origin of mathematics. It was, therefore,

a mathematician who wrote Junius. We can not go wrong in this

conclusion, for we reason from first principles, and we would expect to

find his style and language assuming mathematical preciseness, and only

equaled by Mr. Paine in argumentation.

* * * * *

From what has already been said, we would expect to find the frequent

use of the _dilemma_, and the _reductio ad absurdum_--or, that the

contrary of what is true leads to the _absurd_.

_Paine._

"There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the

composition of monarchy; it first excludes a man

from the means of information, yet empowers him

to act in cases where the highest judgment is

required. The state of a king shuts him from the

world, yet the business of a king requires him to

know it thoroughly; wherefore, the different

parts, by unnaturally opposing and destroying each

other, prove the whole character to be absurd and

ridiculous."

_Junius._

"The right of election is the very essence of the

constitution. To violate that right, and, much

more, to transfer it to any other set of men, is a

step leading immediately to the dissolution of all

government. So far forth as it operates, it

constitutes a House of Commons which does not

represent the people. A House of Commons so formed

would involve a contradiction, and the greatest

confusion of ideas; but there are some ministers,

my lord, whose views can only be answered by

reconciling absurdities, and making the same

proposition which is false and absurd in argument

true in fact."--Let. 11.

I give the following dilemmas:

_Paine._

"If you make the necessary demand at home, your

party sinks; if you make it not, you sink

yourself; to ask it now is too late, and to ask it

before was too soon; and, unless it arrive

quickly, will be of no use. In short, the part you

have to act can not be acted."--Crisis, ii.

_Junius._

"This confession reduces you to an unfortunate

dilemma. By renewing your solicitations, you must

either mean to force your country into a war at a

most unseasonable juncture, or, having no view or

expectation of that kind, that you look for

nothing but a private compensation to

yourself."--Let. 25.

But those methods of argumentation are only a species of antithesis, and

may all be reduced to the one fundamental form of comparison. This may

remind us of the fact that all improvement arises from comparison,

whether in language, government, or personal experience.

I have one marked feature of argumentative figure to point out, and this

is, _interrogation_. This is insinuation without direct attack, a sort

of flank movement, when charges are made that can not be proven, or when

too evident to need proof. This style is also not only common to both

Mr. Paine and Junius, but so prominent that it attracts attention at

once.

* * * * *

It is frequently the case with Mr. Paine and Junius that "_language

fails_," that is, it is poured forth in such torrents of abuse that the

reader is made painfully aware of it, and to recapture the mind of the

reader, they artfully charge it to the impossibility of doing justice to

so bad a subject. For example:

_Paine._

"There are cases that can not be overdone by

language, and this is one."--Crisis, i.

"There is not in the compass of language a

sufficiency of words to express the baseness of

your king, his ministry, and his army. They have

refined upon villainy till it wants a name. To the

fiercer vices of former ages they have added the

dregs and scummings of the most finished

rascality, and are so completely sunk in

serpentine deceit that there is not left among

them one generous enemy."--Crisis, v.

_Junius._

"But this language is too mild for the occasion.

The king is determined that our abilities shall

not be lost to society."--Let. 48.

"Our language has no terms of reproach, the mind

has no idea of detestation, which has not already

been happily applied to you and exhausted. Ample

justice has been done, by abler pens than mine, to

the separate merits of your life and character.

Let it be my humble office to collect the

scattered sweets till their united virtue tortures

the sense."--Let. 41.

"We sometimes experience sensations to which

language is not equal. The conception is too bulky

to be born alive, and in the torture of thinking

we stand dumb. Our feelings imprisoned by their

magnitude, find no way out, and in the struggle of

expression every finger tries to be a tongue. The

machinery of the body seems too little for the

mind, and we look about us for help to show our

thoughts by. Such must be the sensation of America

whenever Britain teeming with corruption shall

propose to her to sacrifice her faith."--Crisis,

xii.

"In what language shall I address so black, so

cowardly a tyrant. Thou worse than one of the

Brunswicks and all the Stuarts."--Let. 56.

"The king has been advised to make a public

surrender, a solemn sacrifice in the face of all

Europe, not only of the interest of his subjects,

but of his own personal reputation, and of the

dignity of that crown which his predecessors have

worn with honor. These are strong terms, sir, but

they are supported by fact and argument."--Let.

42.

In the last parallel above, it will be noticed, the strong terms were

called forth by a sacrifice of _national honor_ with Great Britain, and

a prospect of it in the United States. I call attention to this in this

place to save repetition of proofs, showing that proud spirit of

personal honor so prominent in Paine and Junius, and from which they

both say: national honor is governed by the same rules as personal

honor. I now pass to notice the most prominent mental characteristics.

MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS.

If the reader will carry forward in his mind what I have already said on

style and the object for which Mr. Paine and Junius wrote, it will

greatly aid me in reducing the size of this book. I shall act on the

principle of this suggestion, and while I give new matter upon new

subjects, the reader will find the parallels greatly strengthened by

what has already been said. The reader will also apply the facts already

brought forward to the passages I shall hereafter present, so that, like

a two-edged sword, it may be made to cut both ways. And first of

_avarice_ and the _miser_:

_Paine._

"Could I find a miser whose heart never felt the

emotion of a spark of principle, even that man,

uninfluenced by every love but the love of money,

and capable of no attachment but to his interest,

would and must, from the frugality which governs

him, contribute to the defense of the country, or

he ceases to be a miser and becomes an idiot."

_Junius._

"Of all the vices avarice is most apt to taint and

corrupt the heart."--Let. 27.

"As for the common _sordid views_ of avarice,"

etc.--Let. 53.

"The miser himself seldom lives to enjoy the

fruits of his _extortion_."--Let. 20, note.

"Every passion that acts upon mankind has a

peculiar mode of operation. Many of them are

temporary and fluctuating; they admit of cessation

and variety. But avarice is a fixed, uniform

passion. It neither abates of its vigor nor

changes its object."--Crisis, x.

"I could never have a doubt in law or reason

that a man convicted of a high breach of trust and

of a notorious corruption in the execution of a

public office, was and ought to be incapable of

sitting in the same parliament."--Let. 20.

I call attention to that pride of character and personal honor, so

conspicuous in both Paine and Junius:

_Paine._

"A man who has no sense of honor, has no sense of

shame."--Let. to Cheetham.

_Junius._

"Honor and honesty must not be renounced, although

a thousand modes," etc.--Let. 58.

"Knowing my own heart, and feeling myself, as I

now do, superior to all the skirmish of party, the

inveteracy of interested, or mistaken opponents, I

answer not to falsehood or abuse."--R. M., part

ii.

"Junius will never descend to dispute with such a

writer as Modestus."--Let. 29.

"Fortified with that proud integrity, that disdain

to triumph or to yield, I will advocate the rights

of man."--Do.

"For my own part, my lord, I am proud to affirm,

that if I had been weak enough to form such a

friendship, I would never have been base enough to

betray it."--Let. 9.

A thousand passages might be selected from both to show this riding

trait of character. The proud, imposing spirit that would dare to

undertake the business of a world for the good of mankind, and to tread

on the pride of courtiers, and to tell the king, who ruled over the

greatest nation on earth, that nature had only intended him for a

good-humored fool, is pre-eminently the leading trait in Junius and

Paine. No one can mistake it; no one can fail in finding it; no one can

help feeling the force of it. It has never been produced in any other

man. The world's history has given us but the one example of it. We

search in vain for another parallel. And if Mr. Paine did not write

Junius, nature produced twins of the same mental type to do the same

work for mankind, and then defeated all her arts and gave the lie to all

her laws, by exhibiting the one and forever concealing the other. But

surely nature can conceal nothing. Her method is to reveal, not to

conceal. She writes the character of man on all he touches, and reveals

it in the very language he would employ to conceal it.

It was this proud spirit which gave Paine that contempt for monarchy

which he so often expressed. "I have an aversion to monarchy," he says,

"as being too debasing to the dignity of man." This is a language which

courtiers could not understand, and they would consider it the vain

babbling of a mad-man; but it is the very basis of that government which

he labored to establish in America and France. This is also the spirit

of Junius when he says with such withering sarcasm: "It may be matter of

curious speculation to consider, if an honest man were permitted to

approach a king, in what terms he would address himself to his

sovereign." And after having gained the ear of the king, when he says:

"Let it be imagined, no matter how improbable, that he has spirit enough

to bid him speak freely and understanding enough to listen to him with

attention. Unacquainted with the vain impertinence of forms, he would

deliver his sentiments with _dignity_ and firmness." Here Junius, also,

fortified with that proud integrity of character which he held in common

with all who would not be enslaved, and which he possessed as the

birthright of man, was free to place the dignity of an honest man in

antithesis to a weak understanding in a king only supported by the vain

impertinence of forms. Paine was too proud to be vain; his pride came up

from nature; it was the pride of human worth, and opposed to that vanity

of art which always makes pretentions to more worth than nature has

conferred. Nature gives us pride, art makes us vain. It was this pride,

in opposition to vanity, which Junius expressed in his great battle

against the usurpations of government, when he says: "Both liberty and

property are precarious unless the possessors have sense and spirit

enough to defend them. This is not the language of vanity. If I am a

vain man my gratification lies within a narrow circle." That is, "to

write for fame and be unknown."

From this pride of character, so strong and peculiar, we may draw no

weak conclusion in regard to the authorship of Junius, for the parallel

is perfect, and the age in which he wrote gave us nothing like it in any

one but Paine. This characteristic gives tone to the whole mind, and a

shade of coloring to every faculty. It reflects itself upon the people,

and draws therefrom the conclusion that they have more "sense and

spirit" than they really possess. It gives a double coloring to hope,

paints two bows instead of one, and reduces the time for the

establishment of right. It thus produces more faith in the people than

facts will sustain. For example:

_Paine._

"The fraud, hypocrisy, and imposition of

governments are now beginning to be too well

understood to promise them any longer career. The

farce of monarchy and aristocracy in all

countries, is following that of chivalry, and Mr.

Burke is dressing for the funeral."

"The time is not very distant when England will

laugh at itself for sending abroad for a king."

&c.

_Junius._

"I believe there is yet a spirit of resistance in

this country, which will not submit to be

oppressed; but I am sure there is a fund of good

sense in this country which can not be

deceived."--Let. 16.

"Within the space of a few years we have seen two

revolutions, those of America and France.... From

both these instances it is evident that the

greatest forces that can be brought into the field

of revolutions, are reason and common

interest...."

"We may hereafter hope to see revolutions or

changes in government, produced by the same quiet

operation, by which any measure determinable by

reason and discussion, is accomplished."--R. of M.

Part ii.

"Although the king should continue to support his

present system of government, the period is not

very distant, at which you will have the means of

redress in your own power; it may be nearer,

perhaps, than any of us expect.

"I do not believe that monarchy and aristocracy

will continue seven years longer in any of the

enlightened countries of Europe."--R. of M. Part

ii. Pref.

"You are roused at last to a sense of your danger:

the remedy will soon be in your power."--Ded.

But Paine and Junius were both mistaken. Reason will, perhaps, forever

fail to produce a revolution without bloodshed. Reason only prepares for

war, and when time has slowly accomplished the work of reason in any

reform, it terminates that work in convulsions of war. The political

corruptions, also, which Junius was so hopeful would soon be resisted by

the English people, still exist, and the reforms he advocated, although

partly accomplished, fail to produce any better result. The reason is,

the people never resist tyranny till scourged into it, from

self-interest; and, besides, they must worship a tyrant of some

political form, bending the knee to king or party, and baring the back

to the lash. A leader the people must have, under whose banner they can

rally, and which they consider it treason to desert, and whether they

vote for a president or bow to a king, is all the same. The political

prayer of royalty or republicanism, if not in the same words, expresses

the same fact. The one is, "Oh, Lord! to the king I bow, thou knowest he

can do no wrong." The other is, "Oh, Lord! to the party I bow, thou

knowest I never scratched a ticket."

Although Paine and Junius were thoroughly read in the history of the

human heart, they failed to place a proper estimate on the character of

mankind. They failed because they reasoned from their own pride of

character, their own feelings, hopes, and desires, and these far

exceeded the mass of mankind.

They were both too proud to flatter.

_Paine._

"As it is not my custom to flatter but to serve

mankind, I will speak freely."--Crisis, xi.

"The world knows I am not a flatterer."--R. M.,

part ii, Preface.

_Junius._

"I am not conversant in the language of panegyric.

These praises are extorted from me; but they will

wear well, for they have been dearly

earned."--Let. 53.

The above characteristic is quite peculiar. I do not remember of ever

seeing the like of it in any other writer, and as there is a perfect

parallel here, the fact that it stands almost alone gives it great

weight.

* * * * *

They were both enthusiasts, as the following parallel on _moderation_

will show:

_Paine._

"Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary

offense, yet I am inclined to believe that all

those who espouse the doctrine of reconciliation

may be included within the following descriptions:

Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak

men who can not see; prejudiced men who will not

see; and a certain sort of _moderate_ men, who

think better of the European world than it

deserves; and this last class, by an ill-judged

deliberation, will be the cause of more calamities

to this continent than all the other

three."--Common Sense.

_Junius._

"The lukewarm advocate avails himself of any

pretense to relapse into that indolent

indifference about every thing that ought to

interest an Englishman, so unjustly dignified with

the title of _moderation_."--Let. 58.

"I have been silent hitherto, though not from that

shameful indifference about the interests of

society which too many of us possess and call

_moderation_."--Let. 44.

Paine and Junius both had the same opinion of moderate men.

* * * * *

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