She had, however, what was better than education--a disposit

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COURT LIFE IN CHINA

THE CAPITAL

ITS OFFICIALS AND PEOPLE

By

ISAAC TAYLOR HEADLAND

Professor in the Peking University

ISAAC TAYLOR HEADLAND'S THREE BOOKS THAT "LINK EAST AND WEST"

Court Life in China: The Capital Its Officials and People.

The Chinese Boy and Girl

Chinese Mother Goose Rhymes

PREFACE

Until within the past ten years a study of Chinese court life would

have been an impossibility. The Emperor, the Empress Dowager, and the

court ladies were shut up within the Forbidden City, away from a world

they were anxious to see, and which was equally anxious to see them.

Then the Emperor instituted reform, the Empress Dowager came out from

behind the screen, and the court entered into social relations with

Europeans.

For twenty years and more Mrs. Headland has been physician to the

family of the Empress Dowager's mother, the Empress' sister, and many

of the princesses and high official ladies in Peking. She has visited

them in a social as well as a professional way, has taken with her her

friends, to whom the princesses have shown many favours, and they have

themselves been constant callers at our home. It is to my wife,

therefore, that I am indebted for much of the information contained in

this book.

There are many who have thought that the Empress Dowager has been

misrepresented. The world has based its judgment of her character upon

her greatest mistake, her participation in the Boxer movement, which

seems unjust, and has closed its eyes to the tremendous reforms which

only her mind could conceive and her hand carry out. The great Chinese

officials to a man recognized in her a mistress of every situation; the

foreigners who have come into most intimate contact with her, voice her

praise; while her hostile critics are confined for the most part to

those who have never known her. It was for this reason that a more

thorough study of her life was undertaken.

It has also been thought that the Emperor has been misunderstood, being

overestimated by some, and underestimated by others, and this because

of his peculiar type of mind and character. That he was unusual, no one

will deny; that he was the originator of many of China's greatest

reform measures, is equally true; but that he lacked the power to

execute what he conceived, and the ability to select great statesmen to

assist him, seems to have been his chief shortcoming.

To my wife for her help in the preparation of this volume, and to my

father-in-law, Mr. William Sinclair, M. A., for his suggestions, I am

under many obligations.

I. T. H.

CONTENTS

I. THE EMPRESS DOWAGER--HER EARLY LIFE

II. THE EMPRESS DOWAGER--HER YEARS OF TRAINING

III. THE EMPRESS DOWAGER--AS A RULER

IV. THE EMPRESS DOWAGER--AS A REACTIONIST

V. THE EMPRESS DOWAGER--AS A REFORMER

VI. THE EMPRESS DOWAGER--AS AN ARTIST

VII. THE EMPRESS DOWAGER--AS A WOMAN

VIII. KUANG HSU--HIS SELF DEVELOPMENT

IX. KUANG HSU--AS EMPEROR AND REFORMER

X. KUANG HSU--AS A PRISONER

XI. PRINCE CHUN--THE REGENT

XII. THE HOME OF THE COURT--THE FORBIDDEN CITY

XIII. THE LADIES OF THE COURT

XIV. THE PRINCESSES--THEIR SCHOOLS

XV. THE CHINESE LADIES OF RANK

XVI. THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE CHINESE WOMAN

XVII. THE CHINESE LADIES--THEIR ILLS

XVIII. THE FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF A DOWAGER PRINCESS

XIX. CHINESE PRINCES AND OFFICIALS

XX. PEKING--THE CITY OF THE COURT

XXI. THE DEATH OF KUANG HSU AND THE EMPRESS DOWAGER

XXII. THE COURT AND THE NEW EDUCATION

I

The Empress Dowager--Her Early Life

All the period since 1861 should be rightly recorded as the reign of

Tze Hsi An, a more eventful period than all the two hundred and

forty-four reigns that had preceded her three usurpations. It began

after a conquering army had made terms of peace in her capital, and

with the Tai-ping rebellion in full swing of success....

Those few who have looked upon the countenance of the Dowager describe

her as a tall, erect, fine-looking woman of distinguished and imperious

bearing, with pronounced Tartar features, the eye of an eagle, and the

voice of determined authority and absolute command.--Eliza Ruhamah

Scidmore in "China, The Long-Lived Empire."

I

THE EMPRESS DOWAGER--HER EARLY LIFE

One day when one of the princesses was calling at our home in Peking, I

inquired of her where the Empress Dowager was born. She gazed at me for

a moment with a queer expression wreathing her features, as she finally

said with just the faintest shadow of a smile: "We never talk about the

early history of Her Majesty." I smiled in return and continued: "I

have been told that she was born in a small house, in a narrow street

inside of the east gate of the Tartar city--the gate blown up by the

Japanese when they entered Peking in 1900." The princess nodded. "I

have also heard that her father's name was Chao, and that he was a

small military official (she nodded again) who was afterwards beheaded

for some neglect of duty." To this the visitor also nodded assent.

A few days later several well-educated young Chinese ladies, daughters

of one of the most distinguished scholars in Peking, were calling on my

wife, and again I pursued my inquiries. "Do you know anything about the

early life of the Empress Dowager?" I asked of the eldest. She

hesitated a moment, with that same blank expression I had seen on the

face of the princess, and then answered very deliberately,--"Yes,

everybody knows, but nobody talks about it." And this is, no doubt, the

reason why the early life of the greatest woman of the Mongol race,

and, as some who knew her best think, the most remarkable woman of the

nineteenth century, has ever been shrouded in mystery. Whether the

Empress desired thus to efface all knowledge of her childhood by

refusing to allow it to be talked about, I do not know, but I said to

myself: "What everybody knows, I can know," and I proceeded to find out.

I discovered that she was one of a family of several brothers and

sisters and born about 1834; that the financial condition of her

parents was such that when a child she had to help in caring for the

younger children, carrying them on her back, as girls do in China, and

amusing them with such simple toys as are hawked about the streets or

sold in the shops for a cash or two apiece; that she and her brothers

and little sisters amused themselves with such games as blind man's

buff, prisoner's base, kicking marbles and flying kites in company with

the other children of their neighbourhood. During these early years she

was as fond of the puppet plays, trained mice shows, bear shows, and

"Punch and Judy" as she was in later years of the theatrical

performances with which she entertained her visitors at the palace. She

was compelled to run errands for her mother, going to the shops, as

occasion required, for the daily supply of oils, onions, garlic, and

other vegetables that constituted the larger portion of their food. I

found out also that there is not the slightest foundation for the story

that in her childhood she was sold as a slave and taken to the south of

China.

The outdoor life she led, the games she played, and the work she was

forced to do in the absence of household servants, gave to the little

girl a well-developed body, a strong constitution and a fund of

experience and information which can be obtained in no other way. She

was one of the great middle class. She knew the troubles and trials of

the poor. She had felt the pangs of hunger. She could sympathize with

the millions of ambitious girls struggling to be freed from the

trammels of ignorance and the age-old customs of the past--a combat

which was the more real because it must be carried on in silence. And

who can say that it was not the struggles and privations of her own

childhood which led to the wish in her last years that "the girls of my

empire may be educated"?

When little Miss Chao had reached the age of fourteen or fifteen she

was taken by her parents to an office in the northern part of the

imperial city of Peking where her name, age, personal appearance, and

estimated degree of intelligence and potential ability were registered,

as is done in the case of all the daughters of the Manchu people. The

reason for this singular proceeding is that when the time comes for the

selection of a wife or a concubine for the Emperor, or the choosing of

serving girls for the palace, those in charge of these matters will

know where they can be obtained.

This custom is not considered an unalloyed blessing by the Manchu

people, and many of them would gladly avoid registering their daughters

if only they dared. But the rule is compulsory, and every one belonging

to the eight Banners or companies into which the Manchus are divided

must have their daughters registered. Their aversion to this custom is

well illustrated in the following incident:

In one of the girls' schools in Peking there was a beautiful child, the

daughter of a Manchu woman whose husband was dead. One day this widow

came to the principal of the school and said: "A summons has come from

the court for the girls of our clan to appear before the officials that

a certain number may be chosen and sent into the palace as serving

girls." "When is she to appear?" inquired the teacher. "On the

sixteenth," answered the mother. "I suppose you are anxious that she

should be one of the fortunate ones," said the teacher, "though I

should be sorry to lose her from the school." "On the contrary," said

the mother, "I should be distressed if she were chosen, and have come

to consult with you as to whether we might not hire a substitute." The

teacher expressed surprise and asked her why. "When our daughters are

taken into the palace," answered the mother, "they are dead to us until

they are twenty-five, when they are allowed to return home. If they are

incompetent or dull they are often severely punished. They may contract

disease and die, and their death is not even announced to us; while if

they prove themselves efficient and win the approval of the authorities

they are retained in the palace and we may never see them or hear from

them again."

At first the teacher was inclined to favour the hiring of a substitute,

but on further consideration concluded that it would be contrary to the

law, and advised that the girl be allowed to go. The mother, however,

was so anxious to prevent her being chosen that she sent her with

uncombed hair, soiled clothes and a dirty face, that she might appear

as unattractive as possible.

The prospects for a concubine are even less promising than for a

serving maid, as when she once enters the palace she has little if any

hope of ever leaving it. She is neither mistress nor servant, wife nor

slave, she is but one of a hundred buds in a garden of roses which have

little if any prospect of ever blooming or being plucked for the court

bouquet. When, therefore, the gates of the Forbidden City close behind

the young girls who are taken in as concubines of an emperor they shut

out an attractive, busy, beautiful world, filled with men and women,

boys and girls, homes and children, green fields and rich harvests, and

confine them within the narrow limits of one square mile of brick-paved

earth, surrounded by a wall twenty-five feet high and thirty feet

thick, in which there is but one solitary man who is neither father,

brother, husband nor friend to them, and whom they may never even see.

When therefore the time came for the selection of concubines for the

Emperor Hsien Feng, and our little Miss Chao was taken into the palace,

her parents, like many others, had every reason to consider it a piece

of ill-fortune which had visited their home. The future was veiled from

them. The Forbidden City, surrounded by its great crenelated wall, may

have seemed more like a prison than like a palace. True, they had other

children, and she was "only a girl, but even girls are a small

blessing," as they tell us in their proverbs. She had grown old enough

to be useful in the home, and they no doubt had cherished plans of

betrothing her to the son of some merchant or official who would add

wealth or honour to their family. Neither father nor mother, brother

nor sister, could have conceived of the potential power, honour and

even glory, that were wrapped up in that girl, and that were finally to

come to them as a family, as well as to many of them as individuals.

Their wildest dreams at that time could not have pictured themselves

dukes and princesses, with their daughters as empresses, duchesses, or

ladies-in-waiting in the palace. But such it proved to be.

II

The Empress Dowager--Her Years of Training

The kindness of the Empress is as boundless as the sea.

Her person too is holy, she is like a deity.

With boldness, from seclusion, she ascends the Dragon Throne,

And saves her suffering country from a fate we dare not own.

--"Yuan Fan," Translated by I. T. C.

II

THE EMPRESS DOWAGER--HER YEARS OF TRAINING

The year our little Miss Chao entered the palace was a memorable one in

the history of China. The Tai-ping rebellion, which had begun in the

south some three years earlier (1850), had established its capital at

Nanking, on the Yangtse River, and had sent its "long-haired" rebels

north on an expedition of conquest, the ultimate aim of which was

Peking. By the end of the year 1853 they had arrived within one hundred

miles of the capital, conquering everything before them, and leaving

devastation and destruction in their wake.

Their success had been extraordinary. Starting in the southwest with an

army of ten thousand men they had eighty thousand when they arrived

before the walls of Nanking. They were an undisciplined horde, without

commissariat, without drilled military leaders, but with such reckless

daring and bravery that the imperial troops were paralyzed with fear

and never dared to meet them in the open field. Thousands of common

thieves and robbers flocked to their standards with every new conquest,

impelled by no higher motive than that of pillage and gain. Rumours

became rife in every village and hamlet, and as they neared the capital

the wildest tales were told in every nook and corner of the city, from

the palace of the young Emperor in the Forbidden City to the mat shed

of the meanest beggar beneath the city wall.

My wife says: "I remember just after going to China, sitting one

evening on a kang, or brick bed, with Yin-ma, an old nurse, our only

light being a wick floating in a dish of oil. Yin-ma was about the age

of the Empress Dowager, but, unlike Her Majesty, her locks were

snow-white. When I entered the dimly lighted room she was sitting in

the midst of a group of women and girls--patients in the hospital--who

listened with bated breath as she told them of the horrors of the

Tai-ping rebellion.

"'Why!' said the old nurse, 'all that the rebels had to do on their way

to Peking, was to cut out as many paper soldiers as they wanted, put

them in boxes, and breathe upon them when they met the imperial troops,

and they were transformed into such fierce warriors that no one was

able to withstand them. Then when the battle was over and they had come

off victors they only needed to breathe upon them again, when they were

changed into paper images and packed in their boxes, requiring neither

food nor clothing. Indeed the spirits of the rebels were everywhere,

and no matter who cut out paper troops they could change them into real

soldiers.'

"'But, Yin-ma, you do not believe those superstitions, do you?'

"'These are not superstitions, doctor, these are facts, which everybody

believed in those days, and it was not safe for a woman to be seen with

scissors and paper, lest her neighbours report that she was cutting out

troops for the rebels. The country was filled with all kinds of

rumours, and every one had to be very careful of all their conduct, and

of everything they said, lest they be arrested for sympathizing with

the enemy.'

"'But, Yin-ma, did you ever see any of these paper images transformed

into soldiers?'

"'No, I never did myself, but there was an old woman lived near our

place, who was said to be in sympathy with the rebels. One night my

father saw soldiers going into her house and when he had followed them

he could find nothing but paper images. You may not have anything of

this kind happen in America, but very many people saw them in those

terrible days of pillage and bloodshed here.'"

Such stories are common in all parts of China during every period of

rebellion, war, riot or disturbance of any kind. The people go about

with fear on their faces, and horror in their voices, telling each

other in undertones of what some one, somewhere, is said to have seen

or heard. Nor are these superstitions confined to the common people.

Many of the better classes believe them and are filled with fear.

As the Tai-ping rebellion broke out when Miss Chao was about fifteen or

sixteen years of age, she would hear these stories for two or three

years before she entered the palace. After she had been taken into the

Forbidden City she would continue to hear them, brought in by the

eunuchs and circulated not only among all the women of the palace, but

among their own associates as well, and here they would take on a more

mysterious and alarming aspect to these people shut away from the

world, as ghost stories become more terrifying when told in the dim

twilight. May this not account in some measure for the attitude assumed

by the Empress Dowager towards the Boxer superstitions of 1900, and

their pretentions to be able at will to call to their aid legions of

spirit-soldiers, while at the same time they were themselves

invulnerable to the bullets of their enemies?

It was when Miss Chao was ten years old that the conflict known as the

Opium War was brought to an end. It has been said that when the Emperor

was asked to sanction the importation of opium, he answered, "I will

never legalize a traffic that will be an injury to my people," but

whether this be true or not, it is admitted by all that the central

government was strongly opposed to the sale and use of the drug within

its domains. It is unfortunate, to say the least, that the first time

the Chinese came into collision with European governments was over a

matter of this kind, and it is to the credit of the Chinese

commissioner when the twenty thousand chests of opium, over which the

dispute arose, were handed over to him, he mixed it with quicklime in

huge vats that it might be utterly destroyed rather than be an injury

to his people. They may have exhibited an ignorance of international

law, they may have manifested an unwise contempt for the foreigner, but

it remains a fact of history that they were ready to suffer great

financial loss rather than get revenue from the ruin of their subjects,

and that England went to war for the purpose of securing indemnity for

the opium destroyed.

The common name for opium among the Chinese is yang yen--foreign

tobacco, and my wife says: "When calling at the Chinese homes, I have

frequently been offered the opium-pipe, and when I refused it the

ladies expressed surprise, saying that they were under the impression

that all foreigners used it."

What now were the results of the Opium War as viewed from the

standpoint of the Chinese people, and what impression would it make

upon them as a whole? Great Britain demanded an indemnity of

$21,000,000, the cession to them of Hongkong, an island on the southern

coast, and the opening of five ports to British trade. China lost her

standing as suzerain among the peoples of the Orient and got her first

glimpse of the White Peril from the West.

Although the Empress Dowager was but a child of ten at this time she

would receive her first impression of the foreigner, which was that he

was a pirate who had come to carry away their wealth, to filch from

them their land, and to overrun their country. He became a veritable

bugaboo to men, women and children alike, and this impression was

crystallized in the expression yang huei, "foreign devil," which is the

only term among a large proportion of the Chinese by which the

foreigner is known. One day when walking on the street in Peking I met

a woman with a child of two years in her arms, and as I passed them,

the child patted its mother on the cheek and said in an

undertone,--"The foreign devil's coming," which led the frightened

mother to cover its eyes with her hand that it might not be injured by

the sight.

On one occasion a friend was travelling through the country when a

Chinese gentleman, dressed in silk and wearing an official hat, called

on him at the inn where he was stopping and with a profound bow

addressed him as "Old Mr. Foreign Devil."

My wife says that: "Not infrequently when I have been called for the

first time to the homes of the better classes I have seen the children

run into the house from the outer court exclaiming,--'The devil

doctor's coming.' Indeed, I have heard the women use this term in

speaking of me to my assistant until I objected, when they asked with

surprise,--'Doesn't she like to be called foreign devil?'" And so the

Empress Dowager's first impression of the foreigner would be that of a

devil.

Colonel Denby tells us that "A Frenchman and his wife were carried off

from Tonquin by bandits who took refuge in China. The Chinese

government was asked to rescue these prisoners and restore them to

liberty. China sent a brigade of troops, who pursued the bandits to

their den and recovered the prisoners. The French government thanked

the Chinese government for its assistance, and bestowed the decoration

of the Legion of Honour on the brigade commander, and then shortly

afterwards demanded the payment of an enormous indemnity for the

outrage on the ground that China had delayed to effect the rescue. The

Chinese were aghast, but they paid the money."

This incident does not stand alone, but is one of a number of similar

experiences which the Chinese government had in her relation with the

powers of Europe, and which have been reported by such writers as

Holcomb, Beresford, Gorst Colquhoun and others in trying to account for

the feelings the Chinese have towards us, all of which was embodied in

the years of training of our little concubine.

It should be remembered that many concubines are selected whom the

Emperor never takes the trouble to see. After being taken in, their

temper and disposition are carefully noted, their faithfulness in the

duties assigned them, their diligence in the performance of their

tasks, their kindness to their inferiors, their treatment of their

equals, and their politeness and obedience to their superiors, and upon

all these things, with many others, as we shall see, their promotion

will finally depend.

When Miss Chao entered the palace, like most girls of her class or

station in life, she was uneducated. She may have studied the small

"Classic for Girls" in which she learned:

"You should rise from bed as early in the morning as the sun, Nor

retire at evening's closing till your work is wholly done."

Or, further, she may have been told,

When the wheel of life's at fifteen,

Or when twenty years have passed,

As a girl with home and kindred these will surely be your last;

While expert in all employments that compose a woman's life,

You should study as a daughter all the duties of a wife."

Or she may have read the "Filial Piety Classic for Girls" in which she

learned the importance of the attitude she assumed towards those who

were in authority over her, but certain it is she was not educated.

She had, however, what was better than education--a disposition to

learn. And so when she had the good fortune,--or shall we say

misfortune,--for as we have seen it is variously regarded by Chinese

parents to be taken into the palace, she found there educated eunuchs

who were set aside as teachers of the imperial harem. She was bright,

attractive, and I think I may add without fear of contradiction, very

ambitious, and this in no bad sense. She devoted herself to her studies

with such energy and diligence as not only to attract the attention of

the teacher, but to make herself a fair scholar, a good penman, and an

exceptional painter, and it was not long until, from among all the

concubines, she had gained the attention and won the admiration--and

shall we say affection--not only of the Empress, but of the Emperor

himself, and she was selected as the first concubine or kuei fei, and

from that time until the death of the Empress the two women were the

staunchest of friends.

The new favourite had been a healthy and vigorous girl, with plenty of

outdoor life in childhood, and it was not long before she became the

happy mother of Hsien Feng's only son. She was thenceforward known as

the Empress-mother. In a short time she was raised to the position of

wife, and given the title of Western Empress, as the other was known as

the Eastern, from which time the two women were equal in rank, and, in

the eyes of the world, equal in power.

The first Empress was a pampered daughter of wealth, neither vigorous

of body nor strong of mind, caring nothing for political power if only

she might have ease and comfort, and there is nothing that exhibits the

Empress Dowager's real greatness more convincingly than the fact that

she was able to live for thirty years the more fortunate mother of her

country's ruler, and, in power, the mistress of her superior, without

arousing the latter's envy, jealousy, anger, or enmity. Let any woman

who reads this imagine, if she can, herself placed in the position of

either of these ladies without being inclined to despise the less

fortunate, ease-loving Empress if she be the dowager, or hating the

more powerful dowager if she be the Empress. Such a state of affairs as

these two women lived in for more than a quarter of a century is almost

if not entirely unique in history.

Perhaps the incident which made most impression upon her was one which

happened in 1860 and is recorded in history as the Arrow War. A few

years before a number of Chinese, who owned a boat called the Arrow,

had it registered in Hongkong and hence were allowed to sail under the

British flag. There is no question I think but that these Chinese were

committing acts of piracy, and as this was one of the causes of

disturbance on that southern coast for centuries past, the viceroy

decided to rid the country of this pest. Nine days after the time for

which the boat had been registered, but while it continued unlawfully

to float the British colours, the viceroy seized the boat, imprisoned

all her crew, and dragged down the British flag. This was an insult

which Great Britain could not or would not brook and so the viceroy was

ordered to release the prisoners, all of whom were Chinese subjects, on

penalty of being blown up in his own yamen if he refused.

Frightened at the threat, and remembering the result of the former war,

the viceroy sent the prisoners to the consulate in chains without

proper apologies for his insult to the flag. This angered the consul

and he returned them to the viceroy, who promptly cut off their heads

without so much as the semblance of a trial, and Britain, anxious, as

she was, to have every door of the Chinese empire opened to foreign

trade, found in this another pretext for war. We do not pretend to

argue that this was not the best thing for China and for the world, but

it can only be considered so from the bitter medicine, and corporal

punishment point of view, neither of which are agreeable to either the

patient or the pupil.

Britain went to war. The viceroy was taken a prisoner to India, whence

he never returned. As though ashamed to enter upon a second unprovoked

and unjust war alone, she invited France, Russia, and America to join

her. France was quite ready to do so in the hope of strengthening her

position in Indo-China, and with nothing more than the murder of a

missionary in Kuangsi as a pretext she put a body of troops in the

field large enough to enable her to checkmate England, or humiliate

China as the exigencies of the occasion, and her own interests, might

demand. America and Russia having no cause for war, no wrongs to

redress, and no desire for territory, refused to join her in sending

troops, but gave her such sympathy and support as would enable her to

bring about a more satisfactory arrangement of China's foreign

relations--that is more satisfactory to themselves regardless of the

wishes, though not perhaps the interests, of China.

We know how the British and French marched upon Peking in 1860; how the

summer palace was left a heap of ruins as a punishment for the murder

of a company of men under a flag of truce; and how the Emperor Hsien

Feng, with his wife, and the mother of his only son, our Empress

Dowager, were compelled to flee for the first time before a foreign

invader. Their refuge was Jehol, a fortified town, in a wild and rugged

mountain pass, on the borders of China and Tartary, a hundred miles

northeast of Peking. At this place the Emperor died, whether of

disease, chagrin, or of a broken heart--or of all combined, it is

impossible to say, and the Empress-mother was left AN EXILE AND A

WIDOW, with the capital and the throne for the first time at the mercy

of the Western barbarian.

This was the beginning of two important phases of the Empress Dowager's

life--her affliction and her power, and her greatness is exhibited as

well by the way in which she bore the one as by the way in which she

wielded the other. In most cases a woman would have been so overcome by

sorrow at the loss of her husband, as to have forgotten the affairs of

state, or to have placed them for the time in the hands of others. Not

so with this great woman. Prince Kung the brother of Hsien Feng, had

been left in Peking to arrange a treaty with the Europeans, which he

succeeded in doing to the satisfaction of both the Chinese and the

foreigners.

On the death of the Emperor, a regency was organized by two of the

princes, which did not include Prince Kung, and disregarded both of the

dowagers, and it seemed as though Prince Kung was doomed. His

father-in-law, however, the old statesman who had signed the treaties,

urged him to be the first to get the ear of the two women on their

return to the capital. This he did, and as it seemed evident that the

regency and the council had been organized for the express purpose of

tyrannizing over the Empresses and the child, they were at once

arrested, the leader beheaded, and the others condemned to exile or to

suicide. The child had been placed upon the throne as "good-luck," but

now a new regency was formed, consisting of the two dowagers, with

Prince Kung as joint regent, and the title of the reign was changed to

Tung Chih or "joint government." Thus ended the Empress Dowager's years

of training.

III

The Empress Dowager--As a Ruler

That a Manchu woman who had had such narrow opportunities of obtaining

a knowledge of things as they really are, in distinction from the

tissue of shams which constitute the warp and the woof of an Oriental

Palace, should have been able to hold her own in every situation, and

never be crushed by the opposing forces about her, is a phenomenon in

itself only to be explained by due recognition of the influence of

individual qualities in a ruler even in the semi-absolutism of

China.--Arthur H. Smith in "China in Convulsion."

III

THE EMPRESS DOWAGER--AS A RULER

In considering the policy pursued by the Empress-mother after her

accession to the regency, one cannot but feel that she was fully aware

of the fact that she had been the wife of an emperor, and was the

mother of the heir, of a decaying house. Of the 218 years that her

dynasty had been in power, 120 had been occupied by the reigns of two

emperors, and only seven monarchs had sat upon the throne, a smaller

number than ever ruled during the same period in all Chinese history.

These two Emperors, Kang Hsi and Chien Lung, the second and fourth, had

each reigned for sixty years, the most brilliant period of the "Great

Pure Dynasty," unless we except the last six years of the Empress

Dowager's regency. The other ninety-eight years saw five rulers rise

and pass away, each one becoming weaker than his predecessor both in

character and in physique, until with the death of her son, Tung Chih,

the dynasty was left without a direct heir.

The decay of the imperial house, the encroachments of the foreigner,

and the opposition of the native Chinese to the rule of the Manchus,

awoke the Empress Dowager to a realization of the fact that a stronger

hand than that of her husband must be at the helm if the dynasty of her

people were to be preserved. "It may be said with emphasis," says

Colonel Denby, who was for thirteen years minister to China, "that the

Empress Dowager has been the first of her race to apprehend the problem

of the relation of China to the outer world, and to make use of this

relation to strengthen her dynasty and to promote material progress."

She was fortunate in having Prince Kung associated with her in the

regency, a man tall, handsome and dignified, and the greatest statesman

that has come from the royal house since the time of Chien Lung.

Here appears one of the chief characteristics of the Empress Dowager as

a ruler--her ability to choose the greatest statesmen, the wisest

advisers, the safest leaders, and the best guides, from the great mass

of Chinese officials, whether progressive or conservative. Prince Kung

was for forty years the leading figure of the Chinese capital outside

of the Forbidden City. He appeared first, at the age of twenty-six, as

a member of the commission that tried the minister who failed to make

good his promise to induce Lord Elgin and his men-of-war to withdraw

from Tientsin in 1858. The following year he was made a member of the

Colonial Board that controlled the affairs of the "outer Barbarians,"

and a year later was left in Peking, when the court fled, to arrange a

treaty of peace with the victorious British and French after they had

taken the capital. "In these trying circumstances," says Professor

Giles, "the tact and resource of Prince Kung won the admiration of his

opponents," and when the Foreign Office was formed in 1861, it began

with the Prince as its first president, a position which he continued

to hold for many years.

It was he, as we have seen, who succeeded in outwitting and

overthrowing the self-constituted regency on the death of his brother

Hsien Feng, and, with the Empress Dowager, seated her infant son upon

the throne, with the two Empresses and himself as joint regents. This

condition continued for some years, with the senior Empress exercising

no authority, and Prince Kung continually growing in power. The

arrangement seemed satisfactory to all but one--the Empress-mother. To

her it appeared as though he were fast becoming the government, and she

and the Empress were as rapidly receding into the background, while in

reality the design had been to make him "joint regent" with them. In

all the receptions of the officials by the court, Prince Kung alone

could see them face to face, while the ladies were compelled to remain

behind a screen, listening to the deliberations but without taking any

part therein, other than by such suggestions as they might make.

Being the visible head of the government, and the only avenue to

positions of preferment, he would naturally be flattered by the Chinese

officials. This led him to assume an air of importance which

consciously or unconsciously he carried into the presence of their

Majesties, and one morning he awoke to find himself stripped of all his

rank and power, and confined and guarded a prisoner in his palace, by a

joint decree from the two Empresses accusing him of "lack of respect

for their Majesties." The deposed Prince at once begged their

forgiveness, whereupon all his honours were restored with their

accompanying dignities, but none of his former power as joint regent,

and thus the first obstacle to her reestablishment of the dynasty was

eliminated by the Empress-mother. To show Prince Kung, however, that

they bore him no ill will, the Empresses adopted his daughter as their

own, raising her to the rank of an imperial princess, and though the

Prince has long since passed away his daughter still lives, and next to

the Empress Dowager has been the leading figure in court circles during

the past ten years' association with the foreigners.

During her son's minority, after the dismissal of Prince Kung as joint

regent, the Empress-mother year by year took a more active part in the

affairs of state, while the Empress as gradually sank into the

background. She was far-sighted. Having but one son, and knowing the

uncertainty of life, she originated a plan to secure the succession to

her family. To this end she arranged for the marriage of her younger

sister to her husband's younger brother commonly known as the Seventh

Prince, in the hope that from this union there might come a son who

would be a worthy occupant of the dragon throne in case her own son

died without issue. She felt that the country needed a great central

figure capable of inspiring confidence and banishing uncertainty, a

strong, well-balanced, broad-minded, self-abnegating chief executive,

and she proposed to furnish one. Whether she would succeed or not must

be left to the future to reveal, but the one great task set by destiny

for her to accomplish was to prepare the mind of a worthy successor to

meet openly and intelligently the problems which had been too vast, too

new and too complicated for her predecessors, if not for herself, to

solve.

When her son was seventeen years old he was married to Alute, a young

Manchu lady of one of the best families in Peking and was nominally

given the reins of power, though as a matter of fact the supreme

control of affairs was still in the hands of his more powerful mother.

The ministers of the European countries, England, France, Germany,

Russia and the United States, now resident at Peking, thought this a

good time for bringing up the matter of an audience with the new ruler,

and after a long discussion with Prince Kung and the Empress-mother,

the matter was arranged without the ceremony of prostration which all

previous rulers had demanded.

The married life of this young couple was a short one. Three years

after their wedding ceremonies the young monarch contracted smallpox

and died without issue, and was followed shortly afterwards by his

young wife who heeded literally the instruction of one of their female

teachers in her duty to her husband to

Share his joy as well as sorrow, riches, poverty or guilt,

And in death be buried with him, as in life you shared his guilt.

That her nearest relatives did not believe, as has often been

suggested, that there was any "foul play" in regard to her death, is

evident from the fact that her father continued to hold office until

the time of the Boxer uprising, at which time he followed the fleeing

court as far as Paotingfu, where having heard that the capital was in

the hands of the hated foreigners, he sent word back to his family that

he would neither eat the foreigners' bread nor drink their water, but

would prefer to die by his own hand. When his family received this

message they commanded their servants to dig a great pit in their own

court in which they all lay and ordered the coolies to bury them. This

they at first refused to do, but they were finally prevailed upon, and

thus perished all the male members of her father's household except one

child that was rescued and carried away by a faithful nurse.

When Tung Chih died there was a formidable party in the palace opposed

to the two dowagers, anxious to oust them and their party and place

upon the throne a dissolute son of Prince Kung. But it would require a

master mind from the outside to learn of the death of her son and

select and proclaim a successor quicker than the Empress Dowager

herself could do so from the inside. She first sent a secret messenger

to Li Hung-chang whom she had appointed viceroy of the metropolitan

province at Tientsin eighty miles away, informing him of the illness of

her son and urging him to come to Peking with his troops post-haste and

be ready to prevent any disturbance in case of his death and the

announcement of a successor.

When Li Hung-chang received her orders, he began at once to put them

into execution. Taking with him four thousand of his most reliable

Anhui men, all well-armed horse, foot and artillery, he made a secret

forced march to Peking. The distance of eighty miles was covered in

thirty-six hours and he planned to arrive at midnight. Exactly on the

hour Li and his picked guard were admitted, and in dead silence they

marched into the Forbidden City. Every man had in his mouth a wooden

bit to prevent talking, while the metal trappings of the horses were

muffled to deaden all sound. When they arrived at the forbidden

precincts, the Manchu Bannermen on guard at the various city gates were

replaced by Li's Anhui braves, and as the Empress Dowager had sent

eunuchs to point out the palace troops which were doubtful or that had

openly declared for the conspirators, these were at once disarmed,

bound and sent to prison. The artillery were ordered to guard the gates

of the Forbidden City, the cavalry to patrol the grounds, and the

foot-soldiers to pick up any stray conspirators that could be found. A

strong detachment was stationed so as to surround the Empress Dowager

and the child whom she had selected as a successor to her son, and when

the morning sun rose bright and clear over the Forbidden City the

surprise of the conspirators who had slept the night away was complete.

Of the disaffected that remained, some were put in prison and others

sent into perpetual exile to the Amoor beyond their native borders, and

when the Empress Dowager announced the death of her son, she proclaimed

the son of her sister, Kuang Hsu, as his successor, with herself and

the Empress as regents during his minority. When everything was

settled, Li folded his tent like the Arab, and stole away as silently

as he had come.

The wisdom and greatness of the Empress Dowager were thus manifested in

binding to the throne the greatest men not only in the capital but in

the provinces. Li Hung-chang had won his title to greatness during the

Tai-ping rebellion, for his part in the final extinction of which he

was ennobled as an Earl. From this time onward she placed him in the

highest positions of honour and power within sufficient proximity to

the capital to have his services within easy reach. For twenty-four

years he was kept as viceroy of the metropolitan province of Chihli,

with the largest and best drilled army at his command that China had

ever had, and yet during all this time he realized that he was watched

with the eyes of an eagle lest he manifest any signs of rebellion,

while his nephew was kept in the capital as a hostage for his good

conduct. Once and again when he had reached the zenith of his power, or

had been feted by foreign potentates enough to turn the head of a

bronze Buddha, his yellow jacket and peacock feather were kindly but

firmly removed to remind him that there was a power in Peking on whom

he was dependent.

Li Hung-chang's greatness made him many enemies. Those whom he

defeated, those whom he would not or could not help, those whom he

punished or put out of office, and those whose enmity was the result of

jealousy. When the war with Japan closed and the Chinese government

sent Chang Yin-huan to negotiate a treaty of peace, the Japanese

refused to accept him, nor were they willing to take up the matter

until "Li Hung-chang was appointed envoy, chiefly because of his great

influence over the government, and the respect in which he was held by

the people." We all know how he went, how he was shot in the face by a

Japanese fanatic, the ball lodging under the left eye, where it

remained a memento which he carried to the grave. We all know how he

recovered from the wound, and how because of his sufferings he was able

to negotiate a better treaty than he could otherwise have done. Then he

returned home, and only "the friendship of the Empress and his own

personal sufferings saved his life," says Colonel Denby, for "the new

treaty was urgently denounced in China" by carping critics who would

not have been recognized as envoys by their Japanese enemies.

In 1896 he was appointed to attend the coronation of the Czar at

Moscow, and thence continued his trip around the world. Never before

nor since has a Chinese statesman or even a prince been feted as he was

in every country through which he passed. When he was about to start,

at his request I had a round fan painted for him, with a map of the

Eastern hemisphere on one side and the Western on the other, on which

all the steamship lines and railroads over which he was to travel were

clearly marked, with all the ports and cities at which he expected to

stop. He was photographed with Gladstone, and hailed as the "Bismarck

of the East," but when he returned to Peking, for no reason but

jealousy, "he was treated as an extinct volcano." The Empress Dowager

invited him to the Summer Palace where he was shown about the place by

the eunuchs, treated to tea and pipes, and led into pavilions where

only Her Majesty was allowed to enter, and then denounced to the Board

of Punishments who were against him to a man. And now this Grand

Secretary whom kings and courts had honoured, whom emperors and

presidents had feted, and our own government had spent thirty thousand

dollars in entertaining, was once more stripped of his yellow jacket

and peacock feather, and fined the half of a year's salary as a member

of the Foreign Office, which was the amusing sum of forty-five taels or

about thirty-five dollars gold, and it was said in Peking at the time

that only the intercession of the Empress Dowager saved him from

imprisonment or further disgrace.

During the whole regency of the Empress Dowager only two men have

occupied the position of President of the Grand Council--Prince Kung

and Prince Ching. While the former was degraded many times and had his

honours all taken from him, the latter "has kept himself on top of a

rolling log for thirty years" without losing any of the honours which

were originally conferred upon him. The same is true of Chang

Chih-tung, Liu Kun-yi and Wang Wen-shao, three great viceroys and Grand

Secretaries whom the Empress Dowager has never allowed to be without an

important office, but whom she has never degraded. Need we ask the

reason why? The answer is not far to seek. They were the most eminent

progressive officials she had in her empire, but none of them were

great enough to be a menace to her dynasty, and hence need not be

reminded that there was a power above them which by a stroke of her pen

could transfer them from stars in the official firmament to dandelions

in the grass. Not so with Yuan Shih-kai--but we will speak of him in

another chapter.

All the great officials thus far mentioned have belonged to the

progressive rather than the conservative party, all of them the

favourites of the Empress Dowager, placed in positions of influence and

kept in office by her, all of them working for progress and reform, and

yet she has been constantly spoken of by European writers as a

reactionary. Nothing could be farther from the truth, as we shall see.

Nevertheless she kept some of the great conservative officials in

office either as viceroys or Grand Secretaries that she might be able

to hear both sides of all important questions.

Court Life in China: The Capital, Its Officials and People · 第 1 / 16 段