There was no time to be lost. News of these revolutionary movements had

roused in Maximin the rage of a wild beast. All who approached his

person were in danger, even his son and nearest friends. Under his

command was a large, well-disciplined, and experienced army. He was a

soldier of acknowledged valor and military ability. The rebels, with

their hasty levies and untried commanders, had everything to fear.

They took judicious steps. When the troops of Maximin, crossing the

Julian Alps, reached the borders of Italy, they were terrified by the

silence and desolation that prevailed. The villages and open towns had

been abandoned, the bridges destroyed, the cattle driven away, the

provisions removed, the country made a desert. The people had gathered

into the walled cities, which were plentifully provisioned and

garrisoned. The purpose of the senate was to weaken Maximin by famine

and retard him by siege.

The first city assailed was Aquileia, It was fully provisioned and

vigorously defended, the inhabitants preferring death on their walls to

death by the tyrant's order. Yet Rome was in imminent danger. Maximin

might at any moment abandon the siege of a frontier city and march upon

the capital. There was no army capable of opposing him. The fate of Rome

hung upon a thread.

The hand of an assassin cut that thread. The severity of the weather,

the growth of disease, the lack of food, had spread disaffection through

Maximin's army. Ignorant of the true state of affairs, many of the

soldiers feared that the whole empire was in arms against them. The

tyrant, vexed at the obstinate defence of Aquileia, visited his anger on

his men, and roused a stern desire for revenge. The end came soon. A

party of Praetorian guards, in dread for their wives and children, who

were in the camp of Alba, near Rome, broke into sudden revolt, entered

Maximin's tent, and killed him, his son, and the principal ministers of

his tyranny.

The whole army sympathized with this impulsive act. The heads of the

dead, borne on the points of spears, were shown the garrison, and at

once the gates were thrown open, the hungry troops supplied with food,

and a general fraternization took place. Joy in the fall of the tyrant

was universal throughout the empire, the two new emperors entered Rome

in a triumphal procession, people and nobles alike went wild with

enthusiasm, and the belief was entertained that a golden age was to

succeed the age of iron that had come to an end. Yet within three months

afterwards both the new emperors were massacred in the streets of Rome,

and the hoped-for era of happiness and prosperity vanished before the

swelling tide of oppression, demoralization, and decline.

_THE DEEDS OF CONSTANTINE._

In the century that followed the reign of Maximin great changes came

upon the empire of Rome. The process of decline went steadily on. The

city of Rome sank in importance as the centre of the empire. The armies

were recruited from former barbarian tribes; many of the emperors

reigned in the field; the savage inmates of the northern forests,

hitherto sternly restrained, now began to gain a footing within the

borders; the Goths plundered Greece; the Persians took Armenia; the day

of the downfall of the great empire was coming, slowly but surely. One

important event during this period, the rebellion of Zenobia and the

ruin of Palmyra, we have told in "Tales of Greece." There are two other

events to be told: the rise of Christianity, and the founding of a new

capital of the empire.

From the date of the death of Christ, the Christian religion made

continual progress in the city and empire of Rome. Despite the contempt

with which its believers were viewed, despite the persecution to which

they were subjected, despite frequent massacres and martyrdoms, their

numbers rapidly increased, and the many superstitions of the empire

gradually gave way before the doctrines of human brotherhood, infinite

love and mercy, and the eternal existence and happiness of those who

believed in Christ and practised virtue. By the time of the accession of

the great emperor Constantine, 306 A.D., the Christians were so numerous

in the army and populace of the empire that they had to be dealt with

more mercifully than of old, and their teachings were no longer confined

to the lowly, but ascended to the level of the throne itself.

The traditional story handed down to us is that Constantine, in his

struggle with Maxentius for the empire of the West, saw in the sky,

above the mid-day sun, a great luminous cross, marked with the words,

"_In hoc signo vinces_" ("In this sign conquer"). The whole army beheld

this amazing object; and during the following night Christ appeared to

the emperor in a vision, and directed him to march against his enemies

under the standard of the cross. Another writer claims that a whole army

of divine warriors were seen descending from the sky, and flying to the

aid of Constantine.

[Illustration: ARCH OF TITUS, ROME.]

It may be said that both these stories, though told by devout authors,

greatly lack probability. But, whatever the cause, Constantine became a

professed Christian, and as such availed himself of the enthusiastic

support of the Christians of his army. By an edict issued at Milan, 313

A.D., he gave civil rights and toleration to the Christians throughout

the empire, and not long afterwards proclaimed Christianity the religion

of the state, though the pagan worship was still tolerated.

This highly important act of Constantine was followed by another of

great importance, the establishment of a new capital of the Roman

empire, one which was destined to keep alive some shadow of that empire

for many centuries after Rome itself had become the capital of a kingdom

of barbarians. On the European bank of the Bosphorus, the channel which

connects the Sea of Marmora with the Black Sea, had for ages stood the

city of Byzantium, which played an important part in Grecian history.

On the basis of this old city Constantine resolved to build a new one,

worthy his greatness. The situation was much more central than that of

Rome, and was admirably chosen for the government of an empire that

extended as far to the east in Asia as to the west in Europe, while it

was at once defended by nature against hostile attack and open to the

benefits of commercial intercourse. This, then, was the site chosen for

the new capital, and here the city of Constantinople arose.

We have, in our first chapter, described how Romulus laid out the walls

of Rome. With equally impressive ceremonies Constantine traced those of

the new capital of the empire. Lance in hand, and followed by a solemn

procession, the emperor walked over a route of such extent that his

assistants cried out in astonishment that he had already exceeded the

dimensions of a great city.

"I shall still advance," said Constantine, "till He, the invisible guide

who marches before me, thinks proper to stop."

From the eastern promontory to that part of the Bosphorus known as the

"Golden Gate," the city extended along the strait about three Roman

miles. Its circumference measured between ten and eleven, the space

embraced equalling about two thousand acres. Upon the five hills

enclosed within this space, which, to those who approach Constantinople,

rise above each other in beautiful order, was built the new city, the

choicest marble and the most costly and showy materials being abundantly

employed to add grandeur and splendor to the natural beauty of the site.

A great multitude of builders and architects were employed in raising

the walls and building the edifices of the imperial city, while the

treasures of the empire were spent without stint in the effort to make

it an unequalled monument. In that day the art of architecture had

greatly declined, but for the adornment of the city there were to be had

the noblest productions the world had ever known, the works of the most

celebrated artists of the age of Pericles.

These were amply employed. To adorn the new city, the cities of Greece

and Asia were despoiled of their choicest treasures of art. In the Forum

was placed a lofty column of porphyry, one hundred and twenty feet in

height, on whose summit stood a colossal statue of Apollo, supposed to

be the work of Phidias. In the stately circus or hippodrome, the space

between the goals, round which the chariots turned in their swift

flight, was filled with ancient statues and obelisks. Here was also a

trophy of striking historical value, the bodies of three serpents

twisted into a pillar of brass, which once supported the golden tripod

that was consecrated by the Greeks in the temple of Delphi after the

defeat of Xerxes. It still exists, as the choicest antiquarian relic of

the city.

The palace was a magnificent edifice, hardly surpassed by that of Rome

itself. The baths were enriched with lofty columns, handsome marbles,

and more than threescore statues of brass. The city contained numbers of

other magnificent public buildings, and over four thousand noble

residences, which towered above the multitude of plebeian dwellings. As

for its wealth and population, these, in less than a century, vied with

those of Rome itself.

With such energy did Constantine push the work on his city that its

principal edifices were finished in a few years,--or in a few months, as

one authority states, though this statement seems to lack probability.

This done, the founder dedicated his new capital with the most

impressive ceremonies, and with games and largesses to the people of the

greatest pomp and cost. An edict, engraved on a marble column, gave to

the new city the title of Second or New Rome. But this official title

died, as the accepted name of the city, almost as soon as it was born.

Constantinople, the "city of Constantine," became the popular name, and

so it continues till this day in Christian acceptation. In reality,

however, the city has suffered another change of name, for its present

possessors, the Turks, know it by the name of Stambol.

An interesting ceremony succeeded. With every return of the birthday of

the city, a statue of Constantine, made of gilt wood and bearing in its

right hand a small image of the genius of the city, was placed on a

triumphal car, and drawn in solemn procession through the Hippodrome,

attended by the guards, who carried white tapers and were dressed in

their richest robes. When it came opposite the throne of the reigning

emperor, he rose from his seat, and, with grateful reverence, paid

homage to the statue of the founder. Thus it was that Byzantium was

replaced by Constantinople, and thus was the founder of the new capital

held in honor.

_THE GOTHS CROSS THE DANUBE._

The doom of Rome was at hand. Its empire had extended almost inimitably

to the east and west, had crossed the sea and deeply penetrated the

desert to the south, but had failed in its advances to the north. The

Rhine and the Danube here formed its boundaries. The great forest region

which lay beyond these, with its hosts of blue-eyed and fair-skinned

barbarians, defied the armies of Rome. Here and there the forest was

penetrated, hundreds of thousands of its tenants were slain, yet Rome

failed to subdue its swarming tribes, and simply taught them the

principle of combination and the art of war. Early in the history of

Rome it was taken and burnt by the Gauls. Raids of barbarians across the

border were frequent in its later history. As Rome grew weaker, the

tribes of the north grew bolder and stronger. The armies of the empire

were kept busy in holding the lines of the Rhine and the Danube. At

length Roman weakness and incompetency permitted this barrier to be

broken, and the beginning of the end was at hand. This is the important

event which we have now to describe.

In the year 375 A.D. there existed a great Gothic kingdom in the north,

extending from the Baltic to the Black Sea, under the rule of an able

monarch named Hermanric, who had conquered and combined numerous tribes

into a single nation. On this nation, just as assassination removed the

Gothic conqueror, descended a vast and frightful horde from northern

Asia, the mighty invasion of the Huns, which was to shake to its heart

the empire of Rome.

The Ostrogoths (Eastern Goths) were conquered by this savage horde. The

Visigoths (Western Goths), stricken with mortal fear, hurried to the

Danube and implored the Romans to save them from annihilation. For many

miles along the banks of the river extended the panic-stricken

multitude, with outstretched arms and pathetic lamentations, praying for

permission to cross. If settled on the waste lands of Thrace they would

pledge themselves to be faithful subjects of Rome, to obey its laws and

guard its limits.

Sympathy and pity counselled the emperor to grant the request. Political

considerations bade him refuse. To admit such a host of warlike

barbarians to the empire was full of danger. Finally they were permitted

to cross, under two stringent conditions: they must deliver up their

arms, and they must yield their children, who were to be taken to Asia,

educated, and held as hostages. Such was the first fatal step in the

overthrow of Rome.

The task of crossing was a difficult one. The Danube there was more than

a mile wide, and had been swollen with rains. A large fleet of boats and

vessels was provided, but it took many days and nights to transport the

mighty host, and numbers of them were swept away and drowned by the

rapid current. Probably the whole multitude numbered nearly a million,

of whom two hundred thousand were warriors.

Of the conditions made only one was carried out. The children of the

Goths were removed, and taken to the distant lands chosen for their

residence. But the arms were not given up. The Roman officers were

bribed to let the warriors retain their weapons, and in a short time a

great army of armed barbarians was encamped on the southern bank of the

Danube.

These new subjects of Rome were treated in a way well calculated to

convert them into enemies. The officials of Thrace disobeyed the orders

of the emperor, sold the Goths the meanest food at extravagant prices,

and by their rapacious avarice bitterly irritated them. While this was

going on, the Ostrogoths also appeared on the Danube, and solicited

permission to cross. Valens, the emperor, refused. He was beginning to

fear that he had already too many subjects of that race. But the

discontent of the Visigoths had drawn the soldiers from the stream and

left it unguarded. The Ostrogoths seized vessels and built rafts. They

crossed without opposition. Soon a new and hostile army was encamped

upon the territory of the Roman empire.

The discontent of the Visigoths was not long in breaking into open war.

They had marched to Marcianopolis, seventy miles from the Danube. Here

Lupicinus, one of the governors of Thrace, invited the Gothic chiefs to

a splendid entertainment. Their guards remained under arms at the

entrance to the palace. But the gates of the city were closely guarded,

and the Goths outside were refused the use of a plentiful market, to

which they claimed admission as subjects of Rome.

The citizens treated them with insult and derision. The Goths grew

angry. Words led to blows. A sword was drawn, and the first blood shed

in a long and ruinous war. Lupicinus was told that many of his soldiers

had been slain. Heated with wine, he gave orders that they should be

revenged by the death of the Gothic guards at the palace gates.

The shouts and groans in the street warned Fritigern, the Gothic king,

of his danger. At a word from him his comrades at the banquet drew their

swords, forced their way from the palace and through the streets, and,

mounting their horses, rode with all speed to their camp, and told their

followers what had occurred. Instantly cries of vengeance and warlike

shouts arose, war was resolved upon by the chiefs, the banners of the

host were displayed, and the sound of the trumpets carried afar the

hostile warning.

Lupicinus hastily collected such troops as he could command and advanced

against the barbarians; but the Roman ranks were broken and the legions

slaughtered, while their guilty leader was forced to fly for his life.

"That successful day put an end to the distress of the barbarians and

the security of the Romans," says a Gothic historian.

The imprudence of Valens had introduced a nation of warriors into the

heart of the empire; the venality of the officials had converted them

into enemies; Valens, instead of seeking to remove their causes of

hostility, marched with an army against them. We cannot here describe

the various conflicts that took place. It will suffice to say that other

barbarians crossed the Danube, and that even some of the Huns joined the

army of Fritigern. The borders of the empire were effectually broken,

and the forest myriads swarmed unchecked into the empire.

On August 9, 378, the Emperor Valens, inspired by ambition and moved by

the demands of the ignorant multitude, left the strong walls of

Adrianople and marched to attack the Goths, who were encamped twelve

miles away. The result was fatal. The Romans, exhausted with their

march, suffering from heat and thirst, confused and ill-organized, met

with a complete defeat. The emperor was slain on the field or burnt to

death in a hut to which he had been carried wounded, hundreds of

distinguished officers perished, more than two-thirds of the army were

destroyed, and the darkness of the night only saved the rest. Valens had

been badly punished for his imprudence and the Romans for their

venality.

This signal victory of the Goths was followed by a siege of Adrianople.

But the barbarians knew nothing of the art of attacking stone walls, and

quickly gave up the impossible task. From Adrianople they marched to

Constantinople, but were forced to content themselves with ravaging the

suburbs and gazing, with impotent desire, on the city's distant

splendor. Then, laden with the rich spoils of the suburbs, they marched

southward through Thrace, and spread over the face of a fertile and

cultivated country extending as far as the confines of Italy, their

course being everywhere marked with massacre, conflagration, and rapine,

until some of the fairest regions of the empire were turned almost into

a desert. It may be that the numbers of Romans who perished from this

invasion equalled those of the Goths whom imprudent compassion had

delivered from the Huns.

As regards the children of the Goths, who had been distributed in the

provinces of Asia Minor, there remains a cruel story to tell. Though

given the education and taught the arts of the Romans, they did not

forget their origin, and the suspicion arose that they were plotting to

repeat in Asia the deeds of their fathers in Europe. Julius, who

commanded the troops after the death of Valens, took bloody measures to

prevent any such calamity. The youthful Goths were bidden to assemble,

on a stated day, in the capital cities of their provinces, the hint

being given that they were to receive gifts of land and money. On the

appointed day they were collected unarmed in the Forum of each city, the

surrounding streets being occupied by Roman troops, and the roofs of the

houses covered with archers and slingers. At a fixed hour, in all the

cities, the signal for slaughter was given, and in an hour more not one

of these helpless wards of Rome remained alive. The cruel treachery of

this blood-thirsty act remains almost unparalleled in history.

_THE DOWNFALL OF ROME._

Theodosius, the great and noble emperor who succeeded Valens, pacified

and made quiet subjects of the Goths. He died in 395, and before the

year ended the Gothic nation was again in arms. At the first sound of

the trumpet the warriors, who had been forced to a life of labor,

deserted their fields and flocked to the standards of war. The barriers

of the empire were down. Across the frozen surface of the Danube flocked

savage tribesmen from the northern forests, and joined the Gothic hosts.

Under the leadership of an able commander, the famous Alaric, the

barbarians swept from their fields and poured downward upon Greece, in

search of an easier road to fortune than the toilsome one of industry.

Many centuries had passed since the Persians invaded Greece, and the men

of Marathon and Thermopylae were no more. Men had been posted to defend

the world-famous pass, but, instead of fighting to the death, like

Leonidas and his Spartans of old, they retired without a blow, and left

Greece to the mercy of the Goth.

Instantly a deluge of barbarians spread right and left, and the whole

country was ravaged. Thebes alone resisted. Athens admitted Alaric

within its gates, and saved itself by giving the barbarian chief a bath

and a banquet. The other famous cities had lost their walls, and

Corinth, Argos, and Sparta yielded without defence to the Goths. The

wealth of the cities and the produce of the country were ravaged without

stint, villages and towns were committed to the flames, thousands of the

inhabitants were borne off to slavery, and for years afterwards the

track of the Goths could be traced in ruin throughout the land.

By a fortunate chance Rome possessed at that epoch a great general, the

famous Stilicho, whose military genius has rarely been surpassed. He had

before him a mighty task, the forcing back of the high tide of barbarian

overflow, but he did it well while he lived. His death brought ruin on

Rome. Stilicho hastened to Greece and quickly drove the Goths from the

Peloponnesus. But jealousy between Constantinople and Rome tied his

hands, he was recalled to Italy, and the weak emperor of the East

rewarded the Gothic general for his destructive raid by making him

master-general of Illyricum.

Alaric, fired by ambition, used his new power in forcing the cities of

his dominion to supply the Goths with the weapons of war. Then, Greece

and the country to the north having been devastated, he turned his arms

against Italy, and about 400 A.D. appeared at the foot of the Julian

Alps, the first invader who had threatened Italy since the days of

Hannibal, six hundred years before.

There were at that time two rulers of the Roman empire,--Arcadius,

emperor of the East, and Honorius, emperor of the West. The latter, a

coward himself, had a brave man to command his armies,--Stilicho, who

had driven the Goths from Greece. But Italy, though it had a general,

was destitute of an army. To meet the invading foe, Stilicho was forced

to empty the forts on the Rhine, and even to send to England for the

legion that guarded the Caledonian wall. With the army thus raised he

met the Gothic host at Pollentia, and defeated them with frightful

slaughter, recovering from their camp many of the spoils of Greece.

Another battle was fought at Verona, and the Goths were again defeated.

They were now forced to retire from Italy, Stilicho and the emperor

entered Rome, and that capital saw its last great triumph, and gloried

in a revival of its magnificent ancient games.

[Illustration: THE LAST COMBAT OF THE GLADIATORS.]

In these games the cruel combat of gladiators was shown for the last

time to the blood-thirsty populace of Rome. The edict of Constantine had

failed to stop these frightful sports. The appeal of a Christian poet

was equally without effect. A more decisive action was necessary, and it

came. In the midst of these bloody contests an Asiatic monk, named

Telemachus, rushed into the arena and attempted to separate the

gladiators. He paid for his rashness with his life, being stoned to

death by the furious spectators, with whose pleasure he had dared to

interfere. But his death had its effect. The fury of the people was

followed by shame. Telemachus was looked upon as a martyr, and the

gladiatorial shows came to an end, the emperor abolishing forever the

spectacle of human slaughter and human cruelty in the amphitheatre of

Rome.

Historic Tales: The Romance of Reality. Vol. 11 (of 15), Roman · 第 18 / 19 段