Yet the piercing eye of the founder of the republic must have discerned

two essential imperfections, which might, perhaps, have abated his

recent love of despotism. The virtuous mind of Theodosius was often

relaxed by indolence, and it was sometimes inflamed by passion. In the

pursuit of an important object, his active courage was capable of the

most vigorous exertions; but, as soon as the design was accomplished, or

the danger was surmounted, the hero sunk into inglorious repose; and,

forgetful that the time of a prince is the property of his people,

resigned himself to the enjoyment of the innocent but trifling pleasures

of a luxurious court. The natural disposition of Theodosius was hasty

and choleric; and, in a station where none could resist and few would

dissuade the fatal consequence of his resentment, the humane monarch was

justly alarmed by the consciousness of his infirmity and of his power.

It was the constant study of his life to suppress or regulate the

intemperate sallies of passion; and the success of his efforts enhanced

the merit of his clemency. But the painful virtue which claims the merit

of victory is exposed to the danger of defeat; and the reign of a wise

and merciful prince was polluted by an act of cruelty which would stain

the annals of Nero or Domitian. Within the space of three years, the

inconsistent historian of Theodosius must relate the generous pardon of

the citizens of Antioch and the inhuman massacre of the people of

Thessalonica.[17]

ATTILA, THE SCOURGE OF GOD.

BY EDWARD GIBBON.

[King of the Huns, the Etzel of German epic and legend, one of the

greatest conquerors known to history. Date of birth unknown, that

of death about 454 A.D. The dominion to which he succeeded included

the Northern tribes from the Rhine to the Volga. At different times

he ravaged the whole of Europe, and more than once threatened to

extirpate Western civilization. The defeat which he suffered at the

hands of the Roman general Ætius on the plains of Châlons-sur-Marne

checked his power, and was probably the most murderous battle ever

fought in Europe. Attila died from the bursting of an artery after

a night of debauch, the occasion of the last espousal that swelled

the army of his countless wives. By some of the chroniclers he is

supposed to have been the victim of the newly married wife’s

treachery. He was buried in triple coffins of iron, silver, and

gold.]

Attila, the son of Mundzuk, deduced his noble, perhaps his regal descent

from the ancient Huns, who had formerly contended with the monarchs of

China. His features, according to the observation of a Gothic historian,

bore the stamp of his national origin; and the portrait of Attila

exhibits the genuine deformity of a modern Calmuck; a large head, a

swarthy complexion, small, deep-seated eyes, a flat nose, a few hairs in

the place of a beard, broad shoulders, and a short, square body, of

nervous strength, though of a disproportioned form. The haughty step and

demeanor of the king of the Huns expressed the consciousness of his

superiority above the rest of mankind; and he had a custom of fiercely

rolling his eyes, as if he wished to enjoy the terror which he inspired.

Yet this savage hero was not inaccessible to pity; his suppliant enemies

might confide in the assurance of peace or pardon; and Attila was

considered by his subjects as a just and indulgent master. He delighted

in war; but, after he had ascended the throne in a mature age, his head

rather than his hand achieved the conquest of the North; and the fame

of an adventurous soldier was usefully exchanged for that of a prudent

and successful general. The effects of personal valor are so

inconsiderable, except in poetry or romance, that victory, even among

barbarians, must depend upon the degree of skill with which the passions

of the multitude are combined and guided for the service of a single

man. The Scythian conquerors, Attila and Zingis, surpassed their rude

countrymen in art rather than in courage; and it may be observed that

the monarchies, both of the Huns and of the Moguls, were erected by

their founders on the basis of popular superstition. The miraculous

conception which fraud and credulity ascribed to the virgin mother of

Zingis raised him above the level of human nature; and the naked prophet

who, in the name of the Deity, invested him with the empire of the

earth, pointed the valor of the Moguls with irresistible enthusiasm. The

religious arts of Attila were not less skillfully adapted to the

character of his age and country. It was natural enough that the

Scythians should adore with peculiar devotion the god of war; but as

they were incapable of forming either an abstract idea or a corporeal

representation, they worshiped their tutelar deity under the symbol of

an iron cimeter. One of the shepherds of the Huns perceived that a

heifer who was grazing had wounded herself in the foot, and curiously

followed the track of the blood till he discovered among the long grass

the point of an ancient sword, which he dug out of the ground and

presented to Attila.

That magnanimous or rather that artful prince accepted with pious

gratitude this celestial favor, and, as the rightful possessor of the

_sword of Mars_, asserted his divine and indefeasible claim to the

dominion of the earth. If the rites of Scythia were practiced on this

solemn occasion, a lofty altar, or rather a pile of faggots, three

hundred yards in length and in breadth, was raised in a spacious plain,

and the sword of Mars was placed erect on the summit of this rustic

altar, which was annually consecrated by the blood of sheep, horses,

and of the one hundredth captive. Whether human sacrifices formed any

part of the worship of Attila, or whether he propitiated the god of war

with the victims which he continually offered in the field of battle,

the favorite of Mars soon acquired a sacred character, which rendered

his conquests more easy and more permanent; and the barbarian princes

confessed, in the language of devotion or flattery, that they could not

presume to gaze with a steady eye on the divine majesty of the king of

the Huns. His brother, Bleda, who reigned over a considerable part of

the nation, was compelled to resign his scepter and his life. Yet even

this cruel act was attributed to a supernatural impulse; and the vigor

with which Attila wielded the sword of Mars convinced the world that it

had been reserved alone for his invincible arm. But the extent of his

empire affords the only remaining evidence of the number and importance

of his victories; and the Scythian monarch, however ignorant of the

value of science and philosophy, might perhaps lament that his

illiterate subjects were destitute of the art which could perpetuate the

memory of his exploits.

If a line of separation were drawn between the civilized and the savage

climates of the globe, between the inhabitants of cities who cultivated

the earth and the hunters and shepherds who dwelt in tents, Attila might

aspire to the title of supreme and sole monarch of the barbarians. He

alone among the conquerors of ancient and modern times united the two

mighty kingdoms of Germany and Scythia; and those vague appellations,

when they are applied to his reign, may be understood with an ample

latitude. Thuringia, which stretched beyond its actual limits as far as

the Danube, was in the number of his provinces; he interposed, with the

weight of a powerful neighbor, in the domestic affairs of the Franks;

and one of his lieutenants chastised and almost exterminated the

Burgundians of the Rhine. He subdued the islands of the ocean, the

kingdoms of Scandinavia, encompassed and divided by the waters of the

Baltic; and the Huns might derive a tribute of furs from that northern

region which has been protected from all other conquerors by the

severity of the climate and the courage of the natives. Toward the East,

it is difficult to circumscribe the dominion of Attila over the Scythian

deserts; yet we may be assured that he reigned on the banks of the

Volga; that the king of the Huns was dreaded, not only as a warrior but

as a magician; that he insulted and vanquished the Khan of the

formidable Geougen; and that he sent ambassadors to negotiate an equal

alliance with the Empire of China.

In the proud review of the nations who acknowledged the sovereignty of

Attila, and who never entertained during his lifetime the thought of a

revolt, the Gepidæ and the Ostrogoths were distinguished by their

numbers, their bravery, and the personal merit of their chiefs. The

renowned Ardaric, king of the Gepidæ, was the faithful and sagacious

counselor of the monarch, who esteemed his intrepid genius, while he

loved the mild and discreet virtues of the noble Walamir, king of the

Ostrogoths. The crowd of vulgar kings, the leaders of so many martial

tribes who served under the standard of Attila, were ranged in the

submissive order of guards and domestics round the person of their

master. They watched his nod, they trembled at his frown, and at the

first signal of his will they executed, without murmur or hesitation,

his stern and absolute commands. In time of peace, the dependent

princes, with their national troops, attended the royal camp in regular

succession; but when Attila collected his military force he was able to

bring into the field an army of five, or, according to another account,

of seven hundred thousand barbarians.

In all their invasions of the civilized empires of the South, the

Scythian shepherds have been uniformly actuated by a savage and

destructive spirit. The laws of war, that restrain the exercise of

national rapine and murder, are founded on two principles of substantial

interest; the knowledge of the permanent benefits which may be obtained

by a moderate use of conquest, and a just apprehension lest the

desolation which we inflict on the enemy’s country may be retaliated on

our own. But these considerations of hope and fear are almost unknown in

the pastoral state of nations. The Huns of Attila may, without

injustice, be compared to the Moguls and Tartars before their primitive

manners were changed by religion and luxury; and the evidence of

Oriental history may reflect some light on the short and imperfect

annals of Rome. After the Moguls had subdued the northern provinces of

China, it was seriously proposed, not in the hour of victory and

passion, but in calm, deliberate council, to exterminate all the

inhabitants of that populous country, that the vacant land might be

converted to the pasture of cattle. The firmness of a Chinese mandarin,

who insinuated some principles of rational policy into the mind of

Zingis, diverted him from the execution of this horrid design. But in

the cities of Asia, which yielded to the Moguls, the inhuman abuse of

the rights of war was exercised with a regular form of discipline which

may with equal reason, though not with equal authority, be imputed to

the victorious Huns. The inhabitants, who had submitted to their

discretion, were ordered to evacuate their houses, and to assemble in

some plain adjacent to the city, where a division was made of the

vanquished into three parts. The first class consisted of the soldiers

of the garrison and of the young men capable of bearing arms, and their

fate was instantly decided; they were either enlisted among the Moguls,

or they were massacred on the spot by the troops, who, with pointed

spears and bended bows, had formed a circle round the captive multitude.

The second class, composed of the young and beautiful women, of the

artificers of every rank and profession, and of the more wealthy or

honorable citizens, from whom a private ransom might be expected, was

distributed in equal or proportionable lots. The remainder, whose life

or death was alike useless to the conquerors, were permitted to return

to the city--which, in the mean while, had been stripped of its valuable

furniture--and a tax was imposed on those wretched inhabitants for the

indulgence of breathing their native air. Such was the behavior of the

Moguls when they were not conscious of any extraordinary rigor. But the

most casual provocation, the slightest motive, of caprice or

convenience, often provoked them to involve a whole people in an

indiscriminate massacre; and the ruin of some flourishing cities was

executed with such unrelenting perseverance that, according to their own

expression, horses might run without stumbling over the ground where

they had once stood. The three great capitals of Khorasan, Maru,

Neisabour, and Herat were destroyed by the armies of Zingis; and the

exact account which was taken of the slain amounted to 4,347,000

persons. Timur, or Tamerlane, was educated in a less barbarous age, and

in the profession of the Mohammedan religion; yet if Attila equaled the

hostile ravages of Tamerlane, either the Tartar or the Hun might deserve

the title of “the Scourge of God.”

BELISARIUS.

BY LORD MAHON.

[Born about 505 A.D., of Slavonic descent, died 565. He rose from a

soldier in the imperial guard to the supreme command of the

Byzantine armies. For thirty years the glory and bulwark of the

Greek empire, his genius for war has been rarely surpassed, and the

field of his triumphs extended from Persia to Italy and Northern

Africa. In spite of his priceless services to his sovereign, the

envious and treacherous Justinian was careful to deprive him of

power and place, when the empire could spare his genius at the head

of its armies. His name has become a synonym for loyalty that no

ingratitude could shake. He died in poverty and obscurity, though

it was in his power any time during a score of years to snatch the

purple from his unworthy master.]

In person Belisarius was tall and commanding, and presented a remarkable

contrast to the dwarfish and ungainly aspect of his rival Narses. His

features were regular and noble, and his appearance in the streets of

Constantinople after the Vandal and Gothic victories never failed to

attract the admiration of the people. His character may not unaptly be

compared to that of Marlborough, whom he equaled in talents and closely

resembled in his uxoriousness and love of money. As a military leader he

was enterprising, firm, and fearless; his conception was clear, and his

judgment rapid and decisive. His conquests were achieved with smaller

means than any other of like extent recorded in history. He frequently

experienced reverses in the field, but in no case did he fail without

some strong and sufficient reason for his failure, such as the mutiny of

his soldiers, the overwhelming number of his antagonists, or his total

want of necessary supplies; and it may be observed of him, as of

Arminius, that sometimes beaten in battle he was never overcome in war.

His superior tactics covered his defeats, retrieved his losses, and

prevented his enemies from reaping the fruits of victory; and it is

particularly mentioned that even in the most dangerous emergencies he

never lost his presence of mind.

Among the circumstances which contributed most strongly to his success

were the kindness which his adversaries met with at his hands, and the

strict discipline which he maintained among his soldiers. The moderation

of Belisarius appears the more entitled to praise from the fierceness

and disorder usual in his age. It was his first care after every victory

to extend mercy and protection to the vanquished, and to shield their

persons and, if possible, their property from injury. During a march the

trampling of the corn-fields by the cavalry was carefully avoided, and

the troops, as Procopius tells us, seldom ventured even to gather an

apple from the trees, while a ready payment to the villagers for any

provisions that they bought made them bless the name of Belisarius and

secured to the Roman camp a plentiful supply. To the soldiers who

transgressed these rules the general was stern and unforgiving; no rank

could defy, no obscurity could elude his justice; and, because he

punished severely, he had to punish but seldom. But while the licentious

and turbulent were repressed by the strong arm of Belisarius, his

liberality cheered and animated the deserving. The gift of a gold

bracelet or collar rewarded any achievement in battle; the loss of a

horse or weapon was immediately supplied out of his private funds, and

the wounded found in him a father and a friend. His private virtues

promoted and confirmed the discipline of his men; none ever saw him

overcome with wine, and the charms of the fairest captives from the

Goths or Vandals could not overcome his conjugal fidelity.

But the most striking and peculiar feature in the character of

Belisarius, as compared with that of other illustrious generals, was his

enduring and unconquerable loyalty. He was doubtless bound to Justinian

by many ties of gratitude, and the suspicion entertained of him in

Africa may be considered as fully counterbalanced by the triumph and

other honors which awaited his return. But from the siege of Ravenna

till his final departure from Italy he was, almost without intermission,

exposed to the most galling and unworthy treatment; he was insulted,

degraded, and despised; he was even attacked in his fame, when restored

to an important station, without any means for discharging its duties

and for sustaining his former reputation. It would be difficult to

repeat another instance of such signal and repeated ingratitude unless

in republics, where from the very nature of the government no crime is

so dangerous or so well punished as serving the state too well. When we

consider the frequency and therefore the ease of revolutions in this

age, the want of hereditary right in the imperial family, the strong

attachment of the soldiers to their victorious general, while the person

of Justinian was hateful even to his own domestic guards, it will, I

think, be admitted that a rebellion by Belisarius must have proved

successful and secure. On no occasion was he roused into the slightest

mark of disobedience or resentment; he bore every injury with unchanged

submission; he resisted the feelings of indignation, of revenge, of

self-interest, and even the thirst for glory, which, according to

Tacitus, is of all frailties the longest retained by the wise. Besides

him, no more than six generals have been named by one of our most

judicious critics as having deserved, without having worn a crown;[18]

and the smallness of this number should display the difficulty of

withstanding this brilliant temptation and enhance the reputation of

those who have withstood it.

The chief fault of Belisarius seems to have been his unbounded deference

and submission to his wife, which rendered him strangely blind and

afterward weakly forgiving to her infidelity. But its mischievous

effects were not confined to private life, and nearly all the errors

which can be charged upon his public career are imputed to this cause.

It was Antonina who assumed the principal part in the deposition of the

Pope, who urged the death of Constantine, who promoted the prosecution

of Photius; and in his whole conduct with regard to that worthless woman

Belisarius appears alternately the object of censure or ridicule. His

confidence in her must have tended to lower his official character, to

fetter and mislead his judgment, and to prevent his justice and

impartiality whenever her passions were concerned. The second reproach

to which the character of Belisarius appears liable is that of rapacity

in the latter part of his career. How highly would his fame have been

exalted by an honorable poverty, and how much would the animosity of his

enemies at court have abated, had they seen no spoils to gather from his

fall!

The life of Belisarius produced most important effects on the political

and social revolutions of the world. I have already endeavored to show

that his reduction of Africa probably contributed to the rapid progress

of the Mussulmans, but this and his other victories probably saved his

country from impending ruin. During the fifth century more than half the

provinces of the ancient empire had been usurped by the barbarians, and

the rising tide of their conquests must soon have overwhelmed the

remainder. The decline of the Byzantine Romans was threatened by the

youthful vigor of the Vandal and Ostrogothic kingdoms. Although the

founders of these mighty monarchies had been wisely solicitous for

peace, they left their successors fully able to undertake any projects

of invasion; and an alliance of these states against the Romans must

have been fatal to the last. Had not Belisarius arisen at this

particular juncture the Vandals, Goths, and Persians would in all

likelihood have divided the imperial provinces among them. The Arian

doctrines, of which the two former were zealous partisans, would then

probably have prevailed in the Christian world, the whole balance of

power in Europe would have undergone incalculable changes, and the

treasures of Greek and Roman genius would never have enlightened modern

times.

MOHAMMED,[19] THE FOUNDER OF ISLAM.

BY EDWARD GIBBON.

[Born 570 or 571 A.D., died 632. Like all the upper classes of

Mecca, his birthplace, the future prophet devoted himself to

commercial pursuits, and in his twenty-fifth year he married the

rich widow whose business he supervised. It was not till his

fortieth year that he

[Illustration: MOHAMMED.]

announced to the world his heavenly mission, his first converts

being his wife and his uncle Abu Taleb. He was compelled to fly

from Mecca to Medina, and the year of the flight known as the

“Hegira,” 622 A.D., is the foundation of the Mohammedan era. Within

a decade Mohammed converted nearly the whole of Arabia to his new

religion, and the dominion of his successors was spread with a

rapidity which is among the marvels of history.]

The plebeian birth of Mahomet is an unskillful calumny of the

Christians, who exalt instead of degrading the merit of their adversary.

His descent from Ishmael was a national privilege or fable; but if the

first steps of the pedigree are dark and doubtful, he could produce many

generations of pure and genuine nobility; he sprung from the tribe of

Koreish and the family of Hashem, the most illustrious of the Arabs, the

princes of Mecca, and the hereditary guardians of the Caaba. The

grandfather of Mahomet was Abdol Motalleb, the son of Hashem, a wealthy

and generous citizen who relieved the distress of famine with the

supplies of commerce. Mecca, which had been fed by the liberality of the

father, was saved by the courage of the son. The kingdom of Yemen was

subject to the Christian princes of Abyssinia; their vassal Abrahah was

provoked by an insult to avenge the honor of the cross; and the holy

city was invested by a train of elephants and an army of Africans. A

treaty was proposed, and in the first audience the grandfather of

Mahomet demanded the restitution of his cattle. “And why,” said Abrahah,

“do you not rather implore my clemency in favor of your temple, which I

have threatened to destroy?” “Because,” replied the intrepid chief, “the

cattle is my own; the Caaba belongs to the gods, and _they_ will defend

their house from injury and sacrilege.” The want of provisions, or the

valor of the Koreish, compelled the Abyssinians to a disgraceful

retreat; their discomfiture has been adorned with a miraculous flight of

birds, who showered down stones on the heads of the infidels; and the

deliverance was long commemorated by the era of the elephant.

The glory of Abdol Motalleb was crowned with domestic happiness, his

life was prolonged to the age of one hundred and ten years, and he

became the father of six daughters and thirteen sons. His best beloved

Abdallah was the most beautiful and modest of the Arabian youth.

Mahomet, or more properly Mohammed, the only son of Abdallah and Amina,

of the noble race of the Zahrites, was born at Mecca, four years after

the death of Justinian. In his early infancy he was deprived of his

father, his mother, and his grandfather; his uncles were strong and

numerous; and in the division of the inheritance the orphan’s share was

reduced to five camels and an Ethiopian maid-servant. At home and

abroad, in peace and war, Abu Taleb, the most respectable of his uncles,

was the guide and guardian of his youth; in his twenty-fifth year he

entered into the service of Cadijah, a rich and noble widow of Mecca,

who soon rewarded his fidelity with the gift of her hand and fortune.

The marriage contract, in the simple style of antiquity, recites the

mutual love of Mahomet and Cadijah; describes him as the most

accomplished of the tribe of Koreish; and stipulates a dowry of twelve

ounces of gold and twenty camels, which was supplied by the liberality

of his uncle. By this alliance the son of Abdallah was restored to the

station of his ancestors, and the judicious matron was content with his

domestic virtues, till, in the fortieth year of his age, he assumed the

title of a prophet and proclaimed the religion of the Koran.

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