THE PERIOD OF CONFUSION
When the news reached England that the common people of Virginia were in
open revolt against their Governor, and had driven him from his capital,
the King was not a little surprised and alarmed. The recollection of the
civil war in England was still fresh enough in his memory to make him
tremble at the mutterings of rebellion, even though they came from
across the Atlantic. Moreover, since the customs from the Virginia
tobacco yielded many thousand pounds annually, he could but be concerned
for the royal revenue. If the tumults in the colony resulted in an
appreciable diminution in the tobacco crop, the Exchequer would be the
chief loser. Nor did the King relish the expense of fitting out an army
and a fleet for the reduction of the insurgents.
His anxiety was increased by lack of intelligence from the colonial
government. Several letters telling of Bacon's coercion of the June
Assembly had reached him, but after that months passed without word from
the Governor or the Council. From private sources, however, came reports
of "uproars so stupendous" that they could hardly find belief.[720] It
was rumored in England that Sir William had been defeated, driven out of
the colony, and "forced to lie at sea".[721]
Charles seems to have perceived at once that Berkeley must have been
responsible for the Rebellion. He probably cared very little whether the
old Governor oppressed the people or not, so long as he kept them quiet,
but it was an inexcusable blunder for him to drive them into
insurrection. Charles himself, it is said, had resolved long before,
never to resume his travels; he now wondered why Sir William had brought
upon himself this forced journey to Accomac. He decided to institute an
investigation to find out what the Governor had been doing so to
infuriate the people. A commission, consisting of Colonel Herbert
Jeffreys, Sir John Berry and Colonel Francis Moryson, was appointed to
go to Virginia to enquire into and report all grievances and
pressures.[722]
Early in June, 1676, Berkeley had written the King, complaining that his
age and infirmities were such that he could no longer perform properly
his office in Virginia, and requesting that he be allowed to retire from
active service.[723] The Council had protested against this resignation,
but Charles thought it best to take Sir William at his word and to
recall him from the government he had not been able to preserve in peace
and quiet. In honor of his long service, and his well known loyalty, he
was, however, to retain "the title and dignity of Governor".[724] He was
ordered to return to England "with all possible speed", to report upon
his administration and to give an account of the extraordinary tumults
in the colony.[725] During his absence the duties of his office were to
be entrusted to Colonel Herbert Jeffreys, who was to bear the title of
Lieutenant-Governor.[726] He was not, however, to be the deputy or
assistant of Sir William, and "to all intents and purposes" was made
Governor-in-chief. Berkeley was to be "no wayes accountable" for his
actions good or bad.[727]
The King instructed Colonel Jeffreys, before attempting to subdue the
rebels by force of arms, to exhaust all peaceable means of securing
their submission. In order to make this task more easy, he drew up and
had printed a proclamation of pardon, which he directed him to publish
throughout the colony. All, it declared, with the sole exception of
Bacon, that should surrender themselves, and take the oath of allegiance
and supremacy, were to receive free and full forgiveness. Charles felt
that most of the colonists were at heart still loyal, and would, if
their grievances were redressed, be glad to accept his royal offer of
grace.
But he did not rely entirely upon gentle measures, for, after all, the
stubborn Virginians might distrust his promises and reject the pardon.
So he resolved to send to the colony a strong body of troops to bring
them to their senses, if necessary, at the point of the bayonet. A
thousand men, thoroughly equipped for active service, were put under the
command of Colonel Jeffreys and embarked for the colony.[728]
In the meanwhile, Governor Berkeley, having regained his authority, was
busily engaged in reimbursing himself and his friends for their losses
in the Rebellion. There can be no doubt that many of the loyalists had
suffered severely by the depredations of the insurgents.[729] Those that
followed the Governor into exile upon the Eastern Shore, had been
compelled to leave their estates to the mercy of the enemy. And the
desperate rebels, especially after death had removed the strong arm of
Bacon, had subjected many plantations to thorough and ruthless pillage.
Crops had been destroyed, cattle driven off, farm houses burned,
servants liberated. Almost every member of the Council had suffered,
while Berkeley himself claimed to have lost no less than £10,000.[730]
Thus, it was with a spirit of bitterness and hatred that the loyalists,
in January and February, returned to their ruined homes. Quite
naturally, they set up a clamor for compensation from the estates of
those that had plundered them. Now that the King's authority had been
restored, and the cause they had contended for had triumphed, they
demanded that the vanquished should be made to disgorge their plunder
and pay for their wanton destruction. Surely the Governor's followers
could not be expected to accept readily all these great losses as a
reward for their loyalty.
But restoration upon a large scale would almost certainly entail
injustice, and would fan again the flames of bitterness and hatred. It
might be possible to restore many articles yet remaining in the hands of
the rebels, but most of the plundered goods had long since been
consumed. It was often impossible to determine what persons had been
guilty of specific acts of pillage, while many of the most active
rebels were very poor men, from whom no adequate compensation could be
obtained.
There ensued an undignified and pernicious scramble by the loyalists to
seize for their own use the property of the few well-to-do insurgents.
On all sides confiscation, unauthorized seizures, and violence marked
the collapse of the Rebellion. In these proceedings Sir William took the
lead. His servants went out, under pretence of searching for his stolen
property, to take for his use the sheep, the cattle, and other goods of
the neighboring rebels.[731] He showed, it was declared, "a greedy
determination thoroughly to heale himselfe before hee car'd to staunch
the bleeding gashes of the woefully lacerated country.... Making and
treating men as delinquents, before any due conviction or attainder, by
seizing their estates, cattle, servants and carrying off their tobacco,
marking hogsheads and calling this securing it to the King's
service."[732]
Even more unjustifiable was the conduct of Sir William in resorting to
arbitrary compositions with his prisoners to fill his exhausted
purse.[733] Men were arrested, thrown into jail, terrified with threats
of hanging, and released only upon resigning to the Governor most or all
of their estates.[734] One James Barrow was locked up at Green Spring
and refused permission to plead his case before the Governor. He was
told that his release could be secured only upon the payment of a
ruinous composition. "By reason," he said, "of the extremity of Cold,
hunger, lothsomnesse of Vermin, and other sad occasions, I was forct to
comply."[735] Edward Loyd was held for twenty-one days, while his
plantation was invaded, and his wife so frightened that she fell into
labor and died.
It was proposed by the loyalists to share among themselves the estates
of all that had been executed for treason, had died in arms against the
King, or had fled from the colony to escape the Governor's
vengeance.[736] It did not matter to them that the wretched widows and
orphans of these men would be left destitute. Nor did they stop to
consider that these estates, if forfeited at all, could not be seized
legally for private use, but should revert to the Crown. They thought
only of repairing their own ruined fortunes.[737]
In the midst of this confusion and lawlessness Berry and Moryson, with a
part of the fleet and seventy of the English soldiers, arrived in the
James River.[738] They had left Portsmouth November the nineteenth, but
it was January the twenty-ninth before they reached Virginia.[739]
Without waiting for Jeffreys and the main body of the fleet, they
notified the Governor of their arrival and requested an immediate
conference. Berkeley came aboard their flag-ship, the _Bristol_,
February the first, where he was notified of their mission and intrusted
with official letters.[740] He poured into the ears of the commissioners
the recital of the exciting events of the past months--the destruction
of Jamestown, Bacon's death, the surrender of Ingram and Walkelett, the
execution of the leading rebels, the return of "the poore Scattered
Loyal party to their ruined homes".[741] Although peace had been
restored not three weeks before, he pretended astonishment that the King
had thought it necessary to send soldiers to his aid.
Nor could he conceal his irritation at the mission of Berry and Moryson.
That Charles should think it necessary to make an investigation of
affairs in Virginia betokened a lack of confidence in the Governor.
Berkeley's friends claimed, no doubt truly, that he was the author of
every measure of importance adopted by the government of Virginia. An
inquiry into conditions in the colony could but be an inquiry into his
conduct. And the Governor, perhaps, knew himself to be guilty of much
that he did not wish to have exposed before his royal master.
Moreover, Berkeley was not in the humor to brook interference at this
juncture. He was inexorably resolved that the chief rebels should be
brought to the gallows and that his own followers should be rewarded for
their faithfulness. If the commissioners intended to block these
measures, or protest against his actions when in violation of law, they
might expect his bitter hostility.
Before the commissioners had been in Virginia two weeks their relations
with the Governor became strained. The disposing of the "delinquents
Estates", they announced, must be referred to the King. Loyal sufferers
should not secure restitution except by due process of law. Seizures of
tobacco and other goods must stop. Soon the meetings in the cabin of the
_Bristol_ became so stormy that the commissioners decided to hold all
future communication with Sir William in writing. This they thought
necessary because his "defect of hearing" not only made privacy
impossible, but looked "angrily, by loud and fierce speaking".[742]
A few days later Colonel Jeffreys arrived with the remainder of the
fleet. He and his fellow commissioners found the whole country so ruined
and desolate that they experienced considerable difficulty in securing a
place of residence.[743] As the Governor disobeyed flatly the King's
commands to entertain them at Green Spring,[744] they were compelled to
accept the hospitality of Colonel Thomas Swann and make their home at
his seat on the James River.[745] On the twelfth of February, Jeffreys,
Berry and Moryson went to Green Spring, where they held a long
conference with Berkeley and the Council.[746] Jeffreys produced his
commission, and read the clauses which instructed Berkeley to return
immediately to England, and to resign the government into his
hands.[747]
It is easy to imagine with what anger Berkeley and his Council received
this command. If Sir William must embark for England and give up his
government to this stranger, they would be foiled in their revenge in
the very moment of triumph. Jeffreys would probably put an end to the
wholesale plundering of the rebels: the illegal distribution of
confiscated estates, the seizure of goods, the unjust compositions. It
was true that Sir William had written the King in June asking his
recall, but many things had happened in Virginia since he penned that
letter. He was passionately opposed to leaving his government at this
juncture.
And the old man's quick wit found an excuse for remaining in Virginia.
The word "conveniency" in his orders gave him a loophole.[748] It was
evident to all that the King wished him to return without delay, but
Berkeley pretended to believe that this word had been inserted in order
to permit him to use his own convenience in selecting the date of
departure. The question was put to the Council and this body gave a
ready and joyous support to the Governor's interpretation. Jeffreys and
the commissioners begged them to consider that the word referred not to
Sir William's "conveniency", but to that of the King's service, yet they
would not heed them.[749] So Jeffreys went back to Swann's Point in
discomfiture and the old Governor remained in Virginia for three months
more to carry to completion his plans of restitution and revenge.[750]
That he should have dared thus to trifle with his royal master's
commands, which all his life he had considered sacred, reveals to us
vividly his furious temper at this juncture. The humiliation and
indignities he had experienced during the Rebellion had deprived him of
all prudence.
Had Colonel Jeffreys been a man of force he would not have submitted to
this juggling with the King's commands. With a thousand British troops
at his back, he could easily have arrested Sir William and forced him to
take ship for England. Although this would have been harsh treatment for
one that had so long served the King, it was fully justified by the
Governor's flagrant disobedience. And it would have relieved the colony
of the presence of a man whose inhuman cruelty had rendered him odious
to the people. But Jeffreys knew that the Governor's brother, Lord John
Berkeley, was high in the King's favor, and might take revenge should he
resort to violent measures. So he contented himself with writing home
his complaints, and sat quietly by, while Berkeley carried to completion
his principal designs.
The Governor was deeply displeased with the King's proclamation of
pardon. Should he publish it at once, as he was ordered to do, it would
greatly hinder him in his work of revenge and render more difficult his
illegal seizures and confiscations. Since the pardon excepted only
Bacon, under its terms such notorious rebels as Robert Jones, or Whaly,
or even Lawrence, might come in out of the wilderness and demand
immunity. This Berkeley was determined should not be. He thought at
first of suppressing the pardon entirely, and of setting out one of his
own based upon it, excepting the most notorious rebels.[751] The
commissioners urged him to publish the papers unchanged, as the King
would undoubtedly resent any attempt to frustrate his intentions.[752]
And they insisted that there should be no delay. "Observing the
generality of the people to look very amazedly one upon another", at the
arrival of the English soldiers, as though dreading a terrible revenge
by the King, they thought it highly desirable to "put them out of their
paine".[753] It was, they declared, by no means unlikely that a new
rebellion would break out, for the people were still deeply dissatisfied
and "murmured extremely".
After several days of hesitation, Berkeley decided to issue the King's
proclamation unchanged. Accordingly, on the tenth of February, to the
great relief of "the trembling people", the printed copies brought over
by the commissioners were made public.[754] But with them the Governor
published a proclamation of his own, which limited and modified that of
his Majesty.[755] Gyles Bland, Thomas Goodrich, Anthony Arnold, and all
other rebels then in prison were to be denied the benefit of the pardon.
The King's mercy was not to extend to Lawrence and Whaly; or to John
Sturdivant, Thomas Blayton, Robert Jones, John Jennings, Robert Holden,
John Phelps, Thomas Mathews,[756] Robert Spring, Stephen Earleton and
Peter Adams; or "to John West and John Turner, who being legally
condemned for rebellion made their escapes by breaking prison"; or to
Sara Grindon, "who by her lying and scandalous Reports was the first
great encourager and Setter on of the ignorant" people; or even to
Colonel Thomas Swann, Colonel Thomas Bcale or Thomas Bowler, former
members of the Council.[757] The commissioners thought it highly
presumptuous in Berkeley thus to frustrate the King's wishes, and they
were careful to let his Majesty know the Governor's disobedience, but
the Council of Virginia endorsed all his actions and the people dared
not disobey.
And so the trials and executions of the wretched rebels continued. As a
result, no doubt, of the protests of the commissioners, the proceedings
of the court martial were closed, and the accused were now examined
before the court of oyer and terminer.[758] Gyles Bland, who for some
months had been a prisoner aboard the _Adam and Eve_, was now made to
answer for his participation in the Rebellion.[759] He possessed many
powerful friends in England, but their influence could not save him. It
was rumored that the Duke of York had blocked all efforts in his behalf,
vowing "by God Bacon and Bland shoud dye".[760] Accordingly, on the
eighth of March, he was condemned, and seven days later was
executed.[761] Other trials followed. In quick succession Robert
Stoakes, John Isles, Richard Pomfoy, John Whitson and William Scarburgh
were sent to the scaffold.[762] Some of the Governor's friends expressed
fear that the rabble might attempt to rescue these men, and "Counsell'd
the not sending them to dye without a strong Guard", but the people
dared not rise in their behalf.[763]
Robert Jones was condemned, but was saved from the gallows by the
intercession of Colonel Moryson. Jones had fought with Charles I in the
English civil wars, and now exhibited the wounds received in the service
of the father as a plea for pardon for his rebellion against the son.
Moryson was moved to pity at the plight of the old veteran and wrote to
Madam Berkeley requesting her to intercede for him with the
Governor.[764] "If I am at all acquainted with my heart," wrote the Lady
in reply, "I should with more easinesse of mind have worne the Canvas
Lynnen the Rebells said they would make me be glad off, than have had
this fatal occasion of interceding for mercy."[765] None the less
Berkeley consented to reprieve Jones, and many months later the King
pardoned him.[766]
Anthony Arnold, who had been one of the most active of the rebel
leaders, boldly defended the right of peoples to resist the oppressions
of their rulers. He declared that kings "had no rights but what they
gott by Conquest and the Sword, and he that could by force of the Sword
deprive them thereof, had as good and just a Title to it as the King
himselfe.... If the King should deny to doe him right he would make noe
more to sheathe his sword in his heart or Bowells then of his own
mortall Enemyes."[767] For these and other treasonable words this
"horrible resolved Rebell and Traytor" was condemned to be "hang'd in
Chaines in his own County, to bee a more remarkable Example than the
rest".[768]
The Governor, even now, showed no inclination to put an end to the
trials and executions. No sooner would the courts empty the jails of
prisoners than he would fill them up again. The unhappy rebels, finding
that the King's pardon gave them little protection, and that Berkeley
excepted from it whom he wished, could not know where next the axe would
fall.[769] None can say how far Sir William would have carried his
revenge had not the Assembly requested him "to hold his hand from all
other Sanguinary punishment".[770] This brought him to his senses and he
consented, though with extreme reluctance, to dismiss his witnesses and
juries, and put an end to the executions. And even then "he found out a
new way" to punish his victims, "ffyning some of their Treasons and
Rebellions and condemning others to banishment to England".[771]
The Governor's extreme severity and the insatiable greed of the loyal
party brought the colony to the verge of another rebellion. The people
were deeply angered. Had there appeared any person to lead them, "bould
and courageous ... that durst venture his neck", the commons were ready
"to Emmire themselves as deepe in Rebellion as ever they did in Bacon's
time".[772] For many months it was feared that Lawrence, "that Stubborn
desperate and resolved Rebell", would emerge from seclusion to put
himself at the head of a new swarm of mutineers.[773] Were he to appear
at this juncture, not even the presence of the English troops could
prevent Bacon's veterans from flocking to his standard. "Soe sullen and
obstinate" were the people that it was feared they would "abandon their
Plantacons, putt off their Servants & dispose of their Stock and away to
other parts". Had England at this juncture become involved in a foreign
war, the Virginians would undoubtedly have sought aid from the enemies
of the mother country.[774]
Nor could the people expect relief or justice from the General Assembly
which met at Green Spring, February the twentieth, 1677.[775] The
elections had been held soon after the final collapse of the Rebellion,
amid the general terror inspired by the numerous executions, and had
resulted in an overwhelming victory for the loyalists. In many counties,
staunch friends of the Governor had been put in nomination, and the
commons given an opportunity of showing the sincerity of their
repentance by electing them to the Assembly. William Sherwood declared
that most of the Burgesses were Berkeley's "owne Creatures & choase by
his appointments before the arrivall of the Commissioners".[776] In
several places fraud as well as intimidation seems to have been used to
secure the election of loyalists. The commons of Charles City complained
that there had been illegal voting in their county and seventy of them
signed a petition, demanding a new election, which they posted upon the
court house door.[777] That the Assembly was in no sense representative
of the people seems to have been recognized even in England, for some of
the King's ministers declared that it had been "called when ye Country
was yet remaining under great distractions, and uncapable of making
their Elections after ye usual manner".[778]
Certain it is, that the House of Burgesses as well as the Council, was
filled with ardent loyalists and friends of the Governor. They passed
several acts confirming all Berkeley's recent measures, and inflicting
further punishment upon the luckless rebels.[779] Some that had escaped
the gallows were forced to pay heavy fines, others were banished.[780]
Many were compelled to make humble submission, with ropes around their
necks, upon their knees before the Governor or the county magistrates.
Large sums of money were voted to reward the most active of Berkeley's
supporters. All that had held command among the rebels, even Ingram and
Walkelett, were made forever "incapable of any office civil or military
in Virginia". To speak ill of the Governor and Council or of the
justices of the peace, was declared a high crime, punishable by
whipping. If the people, to the number of six, assembled in arms, they
were to be considered mutineers and rebels. And the Burgesses showed
great reluctance to reduce their own salaries, which the people
considered so excessive. The Governor feared to insist upon it, "least
perhaps he might thereby disoblige and thwart his own ends and interest
in the Assembly", and only the positive commands of the King, delivered
to them by the commissioners, could induce them to make any reduction at
all.[781]
They passed resolutions praising the wisdom, the bravery, the justice
and integrity of the Governor, and exonerating him for all blame for the
outbreak of the Rebellion.[782] "The distempered humor predominant in
the Common people", which had occasioned the insurrection, they declared
the result of false rumors "inspired by ill affected persons, provoking
an itching desire in them to pry into the secrets of the grand
assembly".[783] They snubbed the King's commissioners, replying to their
request for assistance in discovering the common grievances that the
Assembly alone was the proper body to correct the people's wrongs.[784]
Yet when the commons did come to the Burgesses with their complaints
they were repulsed with harsh reproofs and even severe punishment.
Certain grievances from Isle of Wight county were denounced as
"libellous, Scandalous and rebellious" and "the chiefe persons in the
Subscriptions" were to be punished "to the merits of their Crymes".[785]
A petition from Gloucester county was declared to savor so strongly of
the "old leaven of rebellion" that it must be expunged from the records.
When the people of Nansemond appealed for a more just method of
taxation, they were answered briefly, "It is conceived the pole is the
equallest way."[786]
One is inclined to wonder why the people, thus finding the Assembly but
an instrument of oppression in the Governor's hands, did not turn
eagerly for support and relief to the King's commissioners. These men
had invited them to bring in all their pressures, without restraint or
fear of punishment. His Majesty, they announced, was anxious to know
what had caused them to rise against his authority. All just complaints
would be carefully considered and all grievances redressed.[787] But
dread of Sir William's anger held the people back. Their chief grievance
was the old Governor himself, but there were few that dared say so, even
with the promise of the King's protection. The commissioners wrote
Secretary Coventry that until "the awe of his stay" was removed, they
could "never thoroughly search and penetrate into the bottome of the
Businesse".[788] Berkeley, they said, continually impeded their
investigations and prevented the people from testifying. It might be
necessary for Colonel Jeffreys to send him home, before the mists he
cast before them could be dispelled.[789] When he was gone, a short time
would show boldly those things that as yet only cautiously peeped
forth.[790]
The violent opposition which the commissioners encountered from the
Governor and the loyalists soon forced them to become the leaders of the
defeated party. The poor people looked forward with hope to the day when
Sir William would leave and Colonel Jeffreys assume control of the
executive. Then, they were sure, the persecutions would end and justice
be done them.
The hatred and contempt of the Governor's friends for Colonel Jeffreys
and his colleagues is shown by an interesting and unique incident.
Having heard that Sir William was at last preparing to sail for England,
they went to Green Spring, on the twenty-second of April, to bid him
farewell.[791] This they thought due his dignity and rank, even though
their relations with him had been far from cordial.[792] As they left
the house, after paying their respects to the Governor and his lady,
they found Sir William's coach waiting at the door to convey them to
their landing.[793] But before they rode away a strange man came
forward, boldly putting aside the "Postillion that used to Ryde" and got
up himself in his place. The Governor, several Councillors, and others
saw what occurred, but did not offer to interfere. Lady Berkeley went
"into her Chamber, and peep'd through a broken quarrell of the Glass, to
observe how the Show look'd".[794] After reaching their boat, the
commissioners found to their horror that the strange postilion was none
other than the "Common Hangman that ... put the Halters about the
Prisoner's Necks in Court when they were to make their submission". This
seemed to them so gross an insult, not only to the "Great Seal", but to
their "persons as Gentlemen", that they were resolved to make his
Majesty himself acquainted with it.[795] "The whole country rings of ...
the public Odium and disgrace cast upon us," they said, "as the Exchange
itselfe shortly may."[796]
It is probable that Lady Berkeley alone was responsible for this
incident, which, as the commissioners themselves said, looked "more like
a woman's than a man's malice".[797] The Governor denied with
passionate vehemence that he was in any way guilty. "I have sent the
Negro[798] to be Rebuked, Tortur'd or whipt, till he confesse how this
dire misfortune happen'd," he wrote the commissioners, "but I am soe
distracted that I scarce know what I doe."[799]
Even before Berkeley left the colony Colonel Jeffreys issued a
proclamation, formally taking possession of the government.[800] For
some time it had been apparent that the Lieutenant-Governor's long delay
in entering upon his duties was greatly weakening him in the estimation
of the people. Since he had been forced to sit idly by for several
months while Sir William carried to completion matters of the utmost
importance, and had not dared to take his office so long as it pleased
the old man to linger in the colony, many thought, quite naturally, that
he could not have been entrusted with full authority to act as Governor.
And this opinion had been industriously furthered by the loyal party.
The departure of Sir William, they declared, did not mean a permanent
change of administration. Jeffreys was to act only as his deputy during
his absence and would retire upon his return.[801] Feeling that these
views, if universally accepted, would undermine his influence and
authority, Jeffreys entered a vigorous denial in his proclamation. He
had been appointed, he declared, to exercise the power of Governor, as
fully as Berkeley or any of his predecessors had done. No man should
dare to belittle his office or authority. Berkeley was going home at his
own request because his great age and infirmities rendered him unfit to
sustain further the burdens of his position. The new executive had
refrained from assuming his duties earlier, "because an Assembly being
... ready to convene, the issueing forth a new Summons ... must needs
have greatly retarded the publique Weale".[802] Nor did he scruple to
claim the full title of "Governour and Captain Generall of Virginia".
This proclamation aroused Berkeley's deepest ire. "Your ejecting me," he
wrote Jeffreys, "from having any share in the Government whilst yet I
am in the Countrey ... I beleeve can neither be justified by your
Comision nor mine." "You say that his Majesty out of the knowledge of my
inability to govern did surrogate so able a man as Coll: Jeffreys to
supply my defects. I wish from my heart Coll: Jeffreys were as well
known to the King and Counsel as Sir William Berkeley is, for then the
difference would be quickly decided." The letter was addressed to the
"Right honorable Coll: Herbert Jeffreys, his Majesty's Lieutenant
Governor of Virginia", and was signed "William Berkeley, Governor of
Virginia till his most Sacred Majesty shall please to determine
otherwise".[803]
In the meanwhile the letters of the commissioners, reporting Berkeley's
disobedience to the King's commands, had arrived in England. Charles was
angered, not only at his delay in surrendering the government, but also
at his presumption in disregarding the royal proclamation of pardon.
"You may well think," he wrote Berkeley, "we are not a little surprised
to understand that you make difficulty to yield obedience to our
commands, being so clear and plain that we thought no man could have
raised any dispute about them. Therefore ... we do ... command you
forthwith ... without further delay or excuse (to) repair unto our
Presence as We formerly required you."[804]
Secretary Coventry wrote even more severely. We understand, he said,
that to the King's clear and positive orders for you to resign the
government to Colonel Jeffreys, "upon certain pretences which are no
wayes understood here, you have delayed at least if not refused
obedience.... His Majesty ... seemeth not a little surprised as well as
troubled to find a person that had for so many years served his Royal
Father and himself through ye worst of times with so unshaken a loyalty,
and so absolute obedience and resignation, should now at one time fall
into two such great errors as to affront his Proclamation by putting out
one of his owne at ye same time with his, and in that to exempt several
persons from pardon, which were by the King's owne Proclamation made
capable of Pardon; then after positive orders given for your immediate
return ... you yet stay there ... and continually dispute with his
Majesty's commissioners. I will assure you, Sir, his Majesty is very
sensible of these miscarriages, and hath very little hopes that ye
people of Virginia shall be brought to a right sense of their duty to
obey their Governours when the Governours themselves will not obey the
King. I pray you, Sir, ... take not councell from your owne nor any
other body's passion or resentment, to take upon you to judge either
conveniency or not conveniency of the King's orders, but obey them, and
come over; and whatever you have to say ... you will be heard at
large."[805]
Even before these letters were written Sir William had left the colony.
He had embarked for England, May the fifth, in Captain Larrimore's
sturdy ship which had stood him in such good stead in the hour of
need.[806] But the old man, worn out by his violent passions and unusual
exertions, was physically unfit for the long voyage across the Atlantic.
He became very ill on shipboard, and reached England a dying man. "He
came here alive," wrote Secretary Coventry, "but so unlike to live that
it had been very inhumane to have troubled him with any
interrogacons."[807] The news of the King's displeasure at his conduct
added much to his suffering. He pleaded for an opportunity "to clear his
Innocency" even though the "tedious passage & griefe of mind" had
reduced him "to extreame weaknesse".[808] That Charles did not refuse
him this privilege is attested by a letter written to Berkeley by
Secretary Coventry. "I am commanded by his Majesty," he said, "to let
you know that his Majesty would speake with you as soone as you can,
because there are some ships now going to Virginia, and his Majesty
would see what further Instructions may be necessary to be sent by
them."[809] But Berkeley could not attend the King, either to give
information or to plead his own cause. His condition rapidly became
critical, and a few days later he died.[810]
Hardly had Sir William breathed his last than Thomas Lord Culpeper
"kissed the King's hand as Governour".[811] This nobleman had received a
commission, July 8, 1675, which was to take effect immediately upon the
death, surrender or forfeiture of the office by Berkeley.[812] It had
never been Charles' intention that Colonel Jeffreys should remain
permanently at the head of the government of Virginia, and he now
notified him to prepare to surrender his office to the new
Governor.[813] The King, who felt that the unsettled condition of
Virginia required Culpeper's immediate presence, ordered him to depart
"with all speed", and told the colonists they might expect him by
Christmas "without fayle".[814] But this pampered lord, accustomed to
the luxury of the court, had no desire to be exiled in the wilderness of
the New World. By various excuses he succeeded in postponing his
departure for over two years, and it was not until the spring of 1680
that he landed in Virginia.[815] Thus, for a while, Colonel Jeffreys was
left as the chief executive of the colony.
In the meanwhile the commissioners, freed from the baleful presence of
the old Governor, were continuing their investigation into the causes of
the Rebellion. Berkeley had advised them, when they first announced
their mission, to carry out their work through the county courts.[816]
But they had refused to accept this plan. The justices were almost all
henchmen of Sir William, many were hated by the people and some were the
objects of their chief accusations. Had the investigation been intrusted
to their hands, they would most certainly have suppressed the principal
complaints.[817] The commissioners, therefore, appointed especial
officers in the counties to hear the people's grievances, draw them up
in writing and bring them in for presentation to the King.[818] Even
then the loyal party attempted, by intimidation, to prevent the commons
from explaining without reserve what had caused them to take up arms
against the government. Sir William, they were careful to report, would
most certainly return, and any that dared charge him or his friends with
corruption might expect the severest punishment.[819] But the
announcement by the commissioners that his Majesty himself had promised
his protection to all informants relieved the fears of the people and
many came forward with the story of their wrongs.[820] These seem to
have been faithfully drawn up by the officers and in time presented to
the King.
The loyal party complained loudly that the commissioners used in this
matter none but the enemies of the Governor.[821] Lord John Berkeley
declared that they had sought information from such only as were known
"to be notorious actors in the rebellion".[822] But the commissioners
were undoubtedly right in insisting that all grievances should come from
those that had been aggrieved. They themselves, they declared, were not
responsible for the truth of the charges; their function was only to
receive and report them. The King had sent them to Virginia to make the
royal ear accessible to the humblest citizen. This could be done only by
brushing aside the usual channels of information and going directly to
the commons themselves. That some of the accusations were exaggerated or
even entirely false seems not improbable; many were undoubtedly true.
Posterity must accept them, not as the relation of established truth,
but as the charges of a defeated and exasperated party.
In their work of investigation the commissioners found that they had
need of the records of the House of Burgesses. In April, 1677, after the
adjournment of the session at Green Spring, they came to Major Robert
Beverley, the clerk of the Assembly, and demanded "all the Originall
Journals, Orders, Acts", etc., then in his custody.[823] Beverley
required them to show their authority, and this they did, by giving him
a sight of that part of their commission which concerned his delivery
of the records.[824] He then offered to allow them to examine any of the
papers necessary to the investigation, but he refused absolutely to
relinquish their custody.[825] The commissioners, who distrusted
Beverley and perhaps feared that he might conceal the records, "took
them from him by violence".[826]
When the Assembly met in October, 1677, the House of Burgesses sent a
vigorous protest to Colonel Jeffreys against these proceedings of the
commissioners. Their action, they declared, "we take to be a great
violation of our privileges". The power to command the records which the
commissioners claim to have received from the King, "this House humbly
suppose His Majesty would not grant or Comand, for that they find not
the same to have been practiced by any of the Kings of England in the
likewise.... The House do humbly pray your Honour ... will please to
give the House such satisfaction, that they may be assured no such
violation of their privileges shall be offered for the future."[827]
When Charles II heard of this bold protest he was surprised and angered.
It seemed to him a "great presumption of ye said Assembly ... to call in
Question" his authority.[828] Referring their representation to the
Lords of Trade and Plantations, he directed them "to examine ye same, &
to Report" what they thought "fitt to be done in Vindication of ...
(the) Royall Authority, & for bringing the said Assembly to a due sence
& acknowledgement of their Duty & Submission".[829] The Lords gave it as
their opinion that the declaration was so "Seditious, even tending to
Rebellion", that the new Governor should be directed to rebuke the
Assembly and punish the "authors and abettors of this presumption".[830]
The King commanded Lord Culpeper to carry these recommendations into
effect. On the third of July, 1680, Culpeper brought the matter before
the Virginia Council, preparatory to delivering the rebuke. But the
Councillors made a vigorous defense of the action of the Assembly, and
unanimously advised the Governor to suspend the execution of the King's
command.[831] After some hesitation, Culpeper yielded, and the matter
was referred back to the Privy Council. Charles was finally induced to
rescind the order, but he insisted that all reference to the declaration
"be taken off the file and razed out of the books of Virginia".[832]
The work of the commission being completed, Berry and Moryson, in July,
1677, sailed with the royal squadron for England.[833] Their report,
which was so damaging to the Virginia loyalists, was not allowed to go
unchallenged. Sir William Berkeley, upon his death bed, had told his
brother, Lord John Berkeley, of the hostility of the commissioners, and
charged him to defend his conduct and character. And Lord Berkeley, who
was a member of the Privy Council and a man of great influence, did his
best to refute their evidence and to discredit them before the
King.[834] Their entire report, he declared, was "a scandalous lible and
invective of Sir William ... and the royal party in Virginia".[835] His
brother's conduct had been always prudent and just, and it was
noticeable that not one private grievance had ever been brought against
him before this rebellion.[836] The meetings of Lord Berkeley with the
commissioners in the Council chamber were sometimes stormy. On one
occasion he told Berry, "with an angry voice and a Berklean look, ...
that he and Morryson had murdered his brother". "Sir John as sharply
returned again" that they had done nothing but what they "durst
justify".[837]
As the other members of the Privy Council protected the commissioners,
and upheld their report, the attacks of the angry nobleman availed
nothing. Secretary Coventry averred that Berry and Moryson had been most
faithful in carrying out the King's directions, and he showed his
confidence in their honesty and their judgment by consulting them upon
all important matters relating to the colony.[838] And for a while,
their influence in shaping the policy of the Privy Council in regard to
Virginia was almost unlimited.
Nor did they scruple to use this great power to avenge themselves upon
those men that had so antagonized them and hindered their investigation.
Robert Beverley they represented to the Privy Council as a man of low
education and mean parts, bred a vulgar seaman and utterly unfit for
high office.[839] Colonel Edward Hill was the most hated man in Charles
City county.[840] Ballard, Bray and some of the other Councillors were
rash and fiery, active in opposing the King's orders and unjust to the
poor people.[841] The Privy Council was so greatly influenced by these
representations that they determined to reconstruct the Virginia
Council, upon lines suggested by Berry and Moryson. Colonel Philip
Ludwell, Colonel Ballard and Colonel Bray were expressly excluded from
the Council, while Colonel Hill and Major Beverley as "men of evil fame
and behavior" were deprived of all governmental employment whatsoever,
and "declared unfit to serve His Majesty".[842] On the other hand,
Colonel Thomas Swann, who had been excluded from the Council by Governor
Berkeley, was now, for his kindness to the commissioners, restored to
his seat.[843]
The departure of Sir William Berkeley by no means ended the opposition
to Colonel Jeffreys. A part of the Council, realizing that continued
hostility could result only in harm to themselves, made their peace with
the new administration, and were received into favor, but the more
violent of the loyal party remained defiant and abusive. Philip Ludwell,
Beverley, Hill, Ballard and others openly denounced Jeffreys as a
weakling, entirely unsuited for the important office he now occupied,
and did their best to render him unpopular with the people.[844] The
Lieutenant-Governor retaliated with considerable spirit, depriving some
of their lucrative offices, and suspending others from the Council.
Ludwell, whose conduct had been especially obnoxious, was ousted from
the collectorship of York River.[845] Ballard was expelled from a
similar office.[846] And many months before the changes in the Council
ordered by the English government became known in Virginia, no less than
six of the most active loyalists had been suspended by the
Lieutenant-Governor.[847]
But events soon took a more favorable turn for the Berkeley party. The
departure of Berry and Moryson deprived Jeffreys of his staunchest
friends and advisors. And, before the end of the summer, he was
prostrated by the Virginia sickness, which was still deadly to those
unaccustomed to the climate of the colony. For several months he was too
ill to attend properly to his duties or to resist the machinations of
his enemies, and the government fell into the hands of the Council.[848]
And since this body, despite its pretended support of the
Lieutenant-Governor, was at heart in full sympathy with Beverley and
Ludwell and the other loyalists, the policy of the administration was
once more changed. The work of extortion was actively resumed and the
courts again busied themselves with suits against the former
rebels.[849]
But consternation seized the Green Spring faction, as the loyalists were
now called, upon the arrival of the King's order, annulling Berkeley's
proclamation of February 10, 1677, and reaffirming the general
pardon.[850] If this command were put into effect, most of the
confiscations secured since the Rebellion, would become illegal, and
restitution would have to be made. So desperately opposed to this were
the loyalists that they resolved to suppress the King's letter. They
believed that it had been obtained by the influence of the
commissioners, and this, they hoped, would soon be rendered nugatory by
the presence at court of Sir William Berkeley. If they could keep the
order secret for a few weeks, new instructions, dictated by the
Governor, might arrive to render its execution unnecessary. Colonel
Jeffreys protested against their disobedience, but he was too weak to
oppose the will of the Council.[851] So, for six weeks, his Majesty's
grace "was unknown to ye poore Inhabitants", while the innumerable suits
and prosecutions were pushed vigorously. Not until October the
twenty-sixth, when all hope of its revocation had been dispelled by
fresh information from England, did the Council consent to the
publication of the letter.[852]
In September, 1677, writs were issued for an election of Burgesses.[853]
Had Jeffreys not been ill, he would perhaps have refused to allow a new
session of the Assembly. The contest at the polls could but result in a
victory for the Green Spring faction, as the electoral machinery was in
their hands. The Lieutenant-Governor, although he had removed some of
the higher colonial officials, had made few changes in the personnel of
the county courts.[854] The sheriffs, by resorting to the old methods,
made sure of the election of most of the nominees of the loyal party.
Complaints came from James City county, New Kent county and other places
that intimidation and fraud had been used to deprive the people of a
fair election.[855] If we may believe the testimony of William Sherwood,
the Berkeley faction carried things with a high hand. "The Inhabitants
of James City County," he wrote, "did unanimously elect me a Burgess ...
but several of my professed enemies ... procured another writt for a new
election, with a positive command not to choose me. The people then
being under amazement consented to whome soever the Sheriffe would
returne, & so my enemies to make their party the stronger in ye house
... causd three Burgesses to serve for James City County."[856]
"By this means," wrote Colonel Daniel Parke, "and by persuading the
burgesses that Sir William Berkeley was coming in Governour again, (the
loyal party) got all confirmed that was done at the Assembly before held
at Greene Spring."[857] In order to compensate themselves for their
great losses and to fulfil the promises made by Berkeley to his
followers during the Rebellion, they levied a tax upon the people of
one hundred and ten pounds of tobacco per poll. "This with the county
tax and parish tax," said Parke, "is in some counties 250lbs, in some
300, and in some 400lbs, which falls very heavie upon the poorer
people." The county grievances were again rejected by the Burgesses as
false and scandalous, and the persons presenting them were severely
punished.[858] But the Assembly expressed an earnest desire to bring
about a reconciliation between the hostile factions in the colony, and
prescribed a heavy penalty for the use of such opprobrious epithets as
"traytor, Rebell Rougue, Rebell", etc.[859]
The news of Berkeley's death was a severe blow to the Green Spring
party. All the hope they had entertained that he would accomplish the
overthrow of the work of the commissioners, at once fell to the ground.
But they were somewhat consoled by the appointment of Lord Culpeper.
This nobleman was related to Lady Berkeley, and they had good reason to
believe he would reverse the policy of the present administration and
ally himself with the loyalists.[860]
In the meanwhile the Lieutenant-Governor was regaining his health and
spirits, and was taking a more active part in public affairs. He had
been deeply angered with Colonel Philip Ludwell for his many insults,
and he now determined to prosecute him "for scandalizing the Governor,
and abusing the Authority of his Majesty".[861] Ludwell's unpardonable
crime, it would seem, consisted in calling Jeffreys "a pitiful little
Fellow with a perriwig".[862] He had also been heard to say that the
Lieutenant-Governor was "a worse Rebel than Bacon", that he had broken
the laws of Virginia, that he had perjured himself, that he "was not
worth a Groat in England". Nor was it considered a sufficient excuse
that Ludwell had made those remarks immediately after consuming "part of
a Flaggon of Syder".[863] The jury found him guilty of "scandalizing the
Governor", but acquitted him of any intention of abusing his Majesty's
authority. The General Court, upon the motion of Colonel Jeffreys,
referred the case to the King and Privy Council, that they might "advise
a punishment proportionable to the offence".[864] Against this decision
the defendant, as he had an undoubted right to do, appealed to the
General Assembly. Ludwell felt, no doubt, that should the appeal be
allowed, his great influence in the House of Burgesses would secure him
a light sentence. But the court declared the case so unprecedented that
the whole matter, including the question of appeal, must be decided by
the King.
With the return of hot weather, Colonel Jeffreys, not yet being
acclimated, or "seasoned", as the Virginians expressed it, again became
seriously ill.[865] The Council elected a president to act in his place
and once more assumed control of the administration.[866] The Green
Spring faction, whom only the Lieutenant-Governor could restrain, again
lifted its head and endeavored "to continue their old exactions &
abuses".[867] Feeling, perhaps, a sense of security in their remoteness
from the King, which made it impossible for him to watch their actions
closely, or to mete out to them prompt punishment, they still
disregarded his pardon and his reiterated commands.[868] "The colony
would be as peaceful as could be wished," wrote William Sherwood in
August, 1678, "except for the malice of some discontented persons of the
late Governor's party, who endeavour by all ye cunning contrivances that
by their artifice can be brought about, to bring a Contempt of Colonel
Jeffreys, our present good Governor.... Those persons who are the
troublers of the peace ... are ... Lady Berkeley, Colonel Philip
Ludwell, Colonel Thomas Ballard, Colonel Edward Hill, Major Robert
Beverley, all of which are cherished by Mr. Secretary Ludwell (who acts
severely.) It is to be feared, unless these fiery Spiritts are allayed
or removed home, there will not be that settled, happy peace and unity
which otherwise might be, for they are entered into a faction, which is
upheld by the expectation of my Lord Culpeper's doing mighty things for
them & their interest."[869]
Colonel Jeffreys died in November, 1678.[870] It was the fortune of this
Governor to come to the colony in one of the greatest crises of its
history. Had he been a man of ability and firmness he could have
rendered the people services of great value. He might have put an end to
the reign of terror inaugurated by Berkeley, prevented the unending law
suits, confiscations and compositions, reorganized the county courts and
assured to the people a fair election of Burgesses. He seems to have
wished to rule justly and well, but he was too weak to quell the strife
between the rival factions and bring quiet to the distracted colony.
So bitter was the loyal party against Colonel Jeffreys, that after his
death they sought to revenge themselves upon his widow. The
Lieutenant-Governor had received no part of his salary from March, 1678,
to the day of his death, and had, as a result, incurred considerable
debt. As Mrs. Jeffreys was unable to meet all her husband's obligations,
she was detained in Virginia, and, according to one account, thrown into
prison.[871] "'Tis plain," she wrote Secretary Coventry,
"they seek my Life in malice to my husband, though none of them can tax
him with any injustice.... I cannot hope to outlive this persecution,
but I most humbly beseech you to intercede for me to his Majesty, that
my child may not be ruined."[872] Mrs. Jeffreys later received the
arrears due her husband, and was thus enabled to free herself from the
power of her enemies.[873]
Upon the death of Colonel Jeffreys, Sir Henry Chicheley, by virtue of a
commission granted in 1674, assumed control of the government.[874] The
new Governor had long served with distinction in the Council, and seems
to have been a "most loyal, worthy person and deservedly beloved by the
whole country".[875] But he was now too "old, sickly and crazy" to
govern the colony with the vigor and firmness that were so greatly
needed.[876] During the eighteen months of his administration the people
were "not reconciled to one another", and "ill blood" only too often was
manifested by both factions.[877]
Sir Henry had himself been a severe sufferer by the Rebellion. He had
fallen into Bacon's hands and had even, it would seem, been threatened
with death, in retaliation for Berkeley's execution of Captain Carver.
Yet he attempted to rule impartially and well. Writs were issued in the
spring of 1679 for an election of Burgesses, and the people were
protected from intimidation at the polls. The Assembly, as a result,
showed itself more sane, more sensitive to the wishes of the commons,
than had been either of the sessions of 1677.[878] Several laws were
enacted redressing some of the most flagrant evils of the old
governmental system of Berkeley. The voters of each parish were
empowered to elect two men "to sitt in the severall county courts and
have their equall votes with the severall justices for the makeing of by
lawes".[879] An act was passed putting a limit upon the excessive fees
charged by the collectors of the customs.[880] And the clamor of the
loyalists for the payment of their claims upon the treasury were
unheeded, and all public debts were referred for settlement to the next
session.[881]
Chicheley's administration came temporarily to an end with the arrival
of Lord Culpeper. The period from the close of the Rebellion to May,
1680, when the new Governor-General took the oath of office, seems, at
first sight, characterized only by confusion and disaster. The violent
animosities, the uncertainty of property rights, the lack of a firm and
settled government kept the people in constant uneasiness and
discontent. The numerous banishments and executions had deprived the
colony of some of its most intelligent and useful citizens, while the
plundering of both parties during the Rebellion, and the numberless
forfeitures that followed the establishment of peace, had reduced many
men to poverty. Nor had the most pressing of the grievances that had
caused the people to rise against the government been redressed. The
Navigation Acts were still in force, the commons were yet excluded from
their rightful share in the government, the taxes were more oppressive
than ever.
Yet amid the melancholy confusion of the times, important changes for
the better were taking place. Never again was an English Governor to
exercise the despotic power that had been Sir William Berkeley's. This
was not due to the greater leniency of the British government, or to
lack of ambition in the later Governors. But the Rebellion and the
events following it, had weakened the loyalty of the people and shown
them the possibility of resisting the King's commands. The commons,
angered at the severity of the punishment inflicted upon the rebel
leaders, and disappointed in the royal promise that their grievances
should be redressed, regarded the government with sullen hostility. The
wealthy planters resented what they considered Charles' ingratitude for
their loyal support in the hour of need, and complained bitterly of his
interference with their attempts to restore their ruined fortunes.
Throughout Berkeley's administration their interests had seemed to be
identical with those of the Governor, and they had ever worked in
harmony with him. With the advent of Colonel Jeffreys, however, they had
been thrown into violent opposition to the executive. Their success in
thwarting the policies of the Lieutenant-Governor, and in evading and
disobeying the King's commands gave them a keen appreciation of their
own influence and power. They were to become more and more impatient of
the control of the Governors, more and more prone to defy the commands
of the English government.
The awakened spirit of resistance bore rich fruit for the cause of
liberty. The chief difficulty heretofore experienced by the commons in
defending their rights was the lack of intelligent and forceful leaders.
These they now secured through the frequent quarrels of the wealthy
planters with the Governors. More than once Councillors, suspended from
their seats for disobedience, came forward as leaders in the struggle to
preserve the rights of the people. In this capacity they rendered
services of the highest importance. Strangely enough some of the leading
spirits of the old Berkeley party became, by their continued opposition
to the executive, champions of representative government in the colony.
Had it not been for the active leadership of Robert Beverley and Philip
Ludwell the cause of liberty might well have perished under the
assaults of Charles II and James II.
The House of Burgesses was gradually becoming more representative of the
people. The intimidation of voters practiced by the loyal party
immediately after the Rebellion could not be continued indefinitely. As
the terror inspired by Berkeley's revenge upon the rebels began to wane,
the commons insisted more upon following their own inclinations at the
polls. Moreover, the incessant quarrels of the Governors with the
members of the aristocracy made it impossible for any clique to control
again the electoral machinery. As the sheriffs and justices were no
longer so closely allied with the executive as they had been in the
Restoration period, false returns of Burgesses and other electoral
frauds were apt to be of less frequent occurrence.
Thus, during the years immediately following the Rebellion, forces were
shaping themselves which were to make it possible for the colony to
resist those encroachments of the Crown upon its liberties that marked
the last decade of the rule of the Stuart kings, and to pass safely
through what may well be called the Critical Period of Virginia
history.
FOOTNOTES:
[720] P. R. O., CO389.6-177.
[721] Ibid.
[722] The commission had consisted at first of Sir John Berry, Colonel
Francis Moryson and Thomas Fairfax. P. R. O., CO1-37-53.
[723] P. R. O., CO389.6-113, 174.
[724] P. R. O., CO389.6-113.
[725] P. R. O., CO389.6-121, 174, 175.
[726] P. R. O., CO389.6-113.
[727] P. R. O., CO389.6-137, 139, 140, 144; CO1-38-7.
[728] P. R. O., CO389.6-116.
[729] P. R. O., CO5-1371-149, 154.
[730] P. R. O., CO1-40-110; CO5-1371-27, 33, 62, 63, 64.
[731] P. R. O., CO1-39-11, 17; CO5-1371-68, 69, 62, 63, 64, 78, 79, 81,
82, 132.
[732] P. R. O., CO5-1371-152.
[733] P. R. O., CO5-1371-132.
[734] CO1-40-1 to 37; CO1-40-43; CO5-1371-81, 82.
[735] P. R. O., CO1-40-23.
[736] P. R. O., CO5-1371-27, 33.
[737] P. R. O., CO1-39-38.
[738] P. R. O., CO5-1371-17, 20.
[739] Ibid.
[740] P. R. O., CO5-1371-27, 33.
[741] Ibid.
[742] P. R. O., CO5-1371-55, 60.
[743] P. R. O., CO5-1371-90, 94.
[744] P. R. O., CO391.2-173, 178.
[745] P. R. O., CO5-1371-90, 94.
[746] P. R. O., CO5-1371-83, 85, 90, 94.
[747] P. R. O., CO289.6-121.
[748] P. R. O., CO5-1371-50, 83.
[749] P. R. O., CO5-1371-93, 94.
[750] P. R. O., CO1-40-88.
[751] P. R. O., CO1-39-24.
[752] P. R. O., CO5-1371-32.
[753] P. R. O., CO5-1371-55, 60.
[754] P. R. O., CO5-1371-32, 38.
[755] P. R. O., CO5-1371-276, 286.
[756] This Thomas Mathews was probably the author of the T. M. account
of Bacon's Rebellion.
[757] P. R. O., CO2-39-31; CO5-1371-276, 286.
[758] P. R. O., CO5-1371-125, 127.
[759] P. R. O., CO1-39-38; CO1-41-79.
[760] T. M., p. 24.
[761] P. R. O., CO1-39-35; Hen., Vol. II, p. 550.
[762] P. R. O., CO1-39-35; Hen., Vol. II, p. 553.
[763] P. R. O., CO5-1371-152.
[764] P. R. O., CO5-1371-178, 179.
[765] P. R. O., CO5-1371-180, 181.
[766] P. R. O., CO1-45-3.
[767] P. R. O., CO5-1371-152.
[768] P. R. O., CO5-1371-152; Hen., Vol. II, p. 550.
[769] P. R. O., CO5-1371-32, 152.
[770] P. R. O., CO5-1371-152.
[771] P. R. O., CO5-1371-152.
[772] P. R. O., CO1-40-88.
[773] P. R. O., CO5-1371-132.
[774] P. R. O., CO5-1371-32.
[775] P. R. O., CO1-39-35.
[776] P. R. O., CO1-40-43.
[777] P. R. O., CO1-40-73, 106.
[778] P. R. O., CO1-40-114.
[779] P. R. O., CO1-39-35.
[780] P. R. O., CO1-39-35.
[781] P. R. O., CO5-1371-168 to 175; CO1-39-35.
[782] P. R. O., CO1-39-38.
[783] P. R. O., CO1-39-38.
[784] P. R. O., CO1-39-39.
[785] P. R. O., CO1-39-38.
[786] P. R. O., CO1-39-38.
[787] P. R. O., CO5-1371-39 to 44.
[788] P. R. O., CO5-1371-132.
[789] P. R. O., CO5-1371-182, 187
[790] P. R. O., CO5-1371-193 to 198.
[791] P. R. O., CO5-1371-208 to 211
[792] P. R. O., CO5-1371-212, 213.
[793] P. R. O., CO5-1371-220, 231.
[794] P. R. O., CO5-1371-220, 231.
[795] P. R. O., CO5-1371-212, 213.
[796] P. R. O., CO5-1371-220, 231.
[797] P. R. O., CO5-1371-220, 231.
[798] Probably the real postilion.
[799] P. R. O., CO5-1371-214 to 217.
[800] This proclamation was issued April 27, 1677. P. R. O., CO1-40-53.
[801] P. R. O., CO1-41-121; CO1-42-23.
[802] P. R. O., CO1-40-53.
[803] P. R. O., CO1-40-54.
[804] This letter was written May 13, 1677.
[805] P. R. O., CO389.6-195 to 198.
[806] P. R. O., CO1-40-88.
[807] P. R. O., CO389.6.
[808] P. R. O., CO1-40-110.
[809] P. R. O., CO389.6-207.
[810] P. R. O., CO389.6-210.
[811] P. R. O., CO389.6-212.
[812] P. R. O., CO5-1355-299; CO389.6-271 to 273.
[813] P. R. O., CO389.6-210, 215.
[814] P. R. O., CO389.6-210.
[815] P. R. O., CO5-1355-377.
[816] P. R. O., CO5-1371-45.
[817] Nothing can show this more clearly than the reception in the
Assembly, which was largely composed of justices of the peace, of the
county grievances.
[818] P. R. O., CO391.2-180.
[819] P. R. O., CO5-1371-132.
[820] P. R. O., CO5-1371-132.
[821] P. R. O., CO391.2-180; Burk, Vol. II, pp. 259, 260.
[822] P. R. O., CO391.2-173 to 178; Burk, Vol. II, p. 260.
[823] P. R. O., CO1-41-87.
[824] P. R. O., CO1-42-138.
[825] P. R. O., CO5-1376-273.
[826] P. R. O., CO5-1376-273.
[827] P. R. O., CO1-41-87.
[828] P. R. O., CO1-42-141.
[829] P. R. O., CO1-42-141.
[830] P. R. O., CO391.2-300, 301.
[831] P. R. O., CO5-1355-354.
[832] Sains., Vol. XVIII, p. 129.
[833] P. R. O., CO1-41-17.
[834] Burk, Vol. II, p. 263.
[835] Burk, Vol. II, p. 259; P. R. O., CO391.2-180.
[836] Burk, Vol. II, p. 264.
[837] Burk, Vol. II, p. 266.
[838] P. R. O., CO391.2-180.
[839] P. R. O., CO1-41-121. Major Beverley was of good family. His
military leadership in Bacon's Rebellion, and his services as clerk of
the Assembly, testify to his ability. Va. Mag., Vol. II, p. 405.
[840] P. R. O., CO1-41-121.
[841] P. R. O., CO391.2-173 to 178.
[842] P. R. O., C039I.2-305.
[843] P. R. O., CO391.2-173 to 178.
[844] P. R. O., CO1-41-138; CO1-42-117.
[845] Va. Mag., Vol. XVIII, p. 18; P. R. O., CO1-42-55.
[846] Sains., Vol. XVII, p. 19.
[847] P. R. O., CO1-41-121.
[848] P. R. O., CO1-42-17.1, 23.
[849] P. R. O., CO1-42-23.
[850] P. R. O., CO1-42-17.1, 23.
[851] P. R. O., CO1-42-17.1, 23.
[852] P. R. O., CO1-42-17.1.
[853] P. R. O., CO1-42-23.
[854] P. R. O., CO1-42-23.
[855] P. R. O., CO1-42-17.1.
[856] P. R. O., CO1-42-23.
[857] P. R. O., CO1-42-17.1.
[858] P. R. O., CO5-1376.
[859] P. R. O., CO5-1376.
[860] P. R. O., CO1-42-55; Va. Mag., Vol. II, p. 408.
[861] Va. Mag., Vol. XVIII, p. 20.
[862] Va. Mag., Vol. XVIII, p. 12.
[863] Va. Mag., Vol. XVIII, p. 11.
[864] Va. Mag., Vol. XVIII, p. 23.
[865] P. R. O., CO1-42-103.
[866] Va. Mag., Vol. IX, p. 307.
[867] P. R. O., CO1-42-103.
[868] P. R. O., CO1-42-107.
[869] P. R. O., CO1-42-117.
[870] Va. Mag., Vol. IX, p. 307.
[871] P. R. O., CO5-1355-304, 305, 309.
[872] P. R. O., CO5-1355-305.
[873] P. R. O., CO5-1355-370.
[874] Va. Mag., Vol. IX, p. 307.
[875] P. R. O., CO1-41-121.
[876] Sains., Vol. XVII, p. 230.
[877] Sains., Vol. XVII, p. 230.
[878] Hen., Vol. II, p. 433.
[879] Hen., Vol. II, p. 441.
[880] Hen., Vol. II, p. 443.
[881] Hen., Vol. II, p. 456.