Sunday morning, September 20th, dawned cold and cheerless on the waiting

armies. The line had been reformed in the following order:

The 14th Corps occupied the extreme left, then came our corps, the 21st,

with McCook on the right and the Reserve Corps not yet up. All felt that

this Sabbath day would decide the fate of the army, as well as determine

the result of the campaign, for good or ill, to the cause of the Union.

Early in the morning we were ordered to construct such works along our

line as the material at hand would admit of, for at that time in the war

we had not learned the value of the pick and shovel. It is wonderful

what men can do when in extremity, or when their own safety or that of

the cause for which they battle, requires the exercise of ingenuity or

industry. Soon old logs, fence rails and everything else that could stop

a bullet, were being brought to the line. And by eight o'clock a line of

works was constructed that, while not any defense against artillery,

furnished quite a sufficient protection against small arms. My company

was again ordered out as skirmishers into the woods in front of the

brigade. We had not been on the line more than an hour when the rebels

advanced their line of skirmishers, and the firing began.

My orders were to keep the line well out, and to retire only on the line

of battle when the enemy advanced in force. It was soon evident to all

that the rebels designed to force the fighting for we could see his

charging lines rapidly advancing. We then fell back to our line of log

and rail works, and in doing so had to run the gauntlet of the fire of

excitable men of our line that could not be controlled.

Once over the works, and in position in the line, we had not long to

wait for the onset. The eagerness of the enemy in following the

skirmishers soon brought them into rifle range. Our Colonel Payne had

been very severely wounded early the day before, and the command of the

regiment devolved upon Major James B. Hampson, who afterwards gave his

life to his country at Dallas, Ga. With the coolness and bearing of an

old veteran he ordered our regiment to hold its fire until the rebels

were within close range of our works, then, all at once, we arose and

poured a well-aimed volley into their ranks. The 41st O. V. I., directly

in our rear and forming a second line, then gave them a volley and their

charge was ended. Three times that morning the enemy charged our

position, only to be beaten back in disorder and confusion.

About this time occurred that terrible mistake in the battle that caused

the panic and rout of a portion of McCook's Corps, and which carried our

commanding general out of the fight and back to Chattanooga, leaving

General Thomas to fight the battle alone. It was here that General

Thomas received the title of the "Rock of Chickamauga;" and it was from

this field that General Rosecrans was retired—never to be heard from

again during the war.

About eleven o'clock a. m. the confederates commenced a most determined

onset on the 14th Corps at our left. It soon became evident that the

enemy was gaining ground, as the firing came nearer and nearer, and the

left kept falling back until the cannon shot from the enemy cut the

limbs from the trees above us, and we expected every moment to hear the

order "change front to rear." The corps to our left had fallen back to

nearly at right angles with our line, and we could plainly see the

wounded men being borne back or slowly straggling to the rear. There are

times in the life of almost anyone when the circumstances with which he

is surrounded are burned into his memory as though graven with a pen of

fire. So on this occasion, although the enemy had been badly beaten in

our front, we saw our line of battle momentarily crumbling away on our

left. Visions of Libby, Salisbury and Andersonville came before us, and

it did seem as though our fate was destruction or captivity. While

intensely watching the progress of the battle on our left, all at once

we saw the front of a column of men coming on the double-quick out of

the woods in our rear. They advance nearly up to our position, they

halt, and face to the left. We saw an officer on a white horse ride up

to a color bearer. He takes the standard out of his hand, and with the

grand old stars and stripes in one hand, his sword in the other, he

gallops to the front; the ranks of blue follow fast their intrepid

leader. Then was battle on in all the grandeur of its pomp and

circumstance. No one single musket could be heard, but as some vast

storm that comes sweeping on from the northwest with a roar that is

appallingly sublime, mingled the volleys of the contending hosts, while

the salvos of the artillery cause the earth to tremble as in the throes

of an earthquake. Our line swings back, like a gate on its hinges, to

its former position. But where is that glorious spirit that led that

gallant charge that has saved us from capture and our army from certain

defeat? An orderly is seen leading back the white horse "that carried

his master into the fray," but no rider is there. "Wounded, but not

mortally" is the word that is passed from lip to lip. And that brave

Polish officer, General Turchin, still lives to receive the thanks and

honors of his adopted countrymen. This was the same officer that

rebelled against the old world tyranny and, in 1848, with Sigel,

Willich, Schurz, Austerhause and many others, fought for liberty in the

fatherland until fighting was hopeless; and for the liberty they could

never win in their country came to ours; but, strange to say, not one of

them ever drew his sword in the cause of the slaveholder's rebellion.

Very many of them, as some one has truly said, "wrote their

naturalization papers in their blood."

About two o'clock p. m. our brigade was relieved from the line where we

had fought in the morning, and held in reserve, ready to be taken to any

point on the line where our services might be most needed. The enemy, by

the mistake that I have referred to before, had driven a portion of

McCook's Corps from the field and entirely out of the battle, and had

extended its left so far to the rear as to cut us off from a large

spring that had furnished us with water the day before. From the time of

this calamity in the morning we had no water, and the air was thick with

the sulphurous smoke that created an intense thirst. The men were

clamoring and insisting that someone should go for water. There was one

member of our company, George Benton, that by his kindness of heart, and

implicit and cheerful obedience to orders, had won the respect and

confidence of his officers and the hearts of his fellow soldiers. In

speech, modest and kindly, yet in the battle he had shown himself as

brave as the bravest. George came to me loaded down with canteens, and

asked permission to go to the rear and try to find water. I, with some

emphasis, refused. The men at that set up a clamor, and insisted that

they were suffering for want of water. I explained the hazardous nature

of the enterprise. I assured them from the firing that our right was

well turned, and that anyone going back, alone and unattended, was

liable to be killed, wounded, or _captured_, which all dreaded more than

death or wounds by reason of the inhuman treatment our soldiers received

while in rebel prisons. I said to George, "I am afraid you will never

come back." With a smile of determination lighting up that noble young

face, he replied, "I will come back, captain, or I will be a dead

Benton." I was not quite strong enough for the emergency. I made a

mistake. That mistake cost George Benton his life. He never returned.

Whether he fell by a stray bullet, in those deep woods and thickets, or

whether he was captured and murdered in prison, I know not. The records

of Salisbury and Andersonville were searched, after the war, but on none

could the name of George Benton be found. After we had fallen back on

Chattanooga letters came from his father and sisters, inquiring

concerning the fate of son and brother. No one can know with what

bitterness I reproached myself for allowing myself to be persuaded

against my better judgment; and learning by that sad lesson—no member of

company B was ever again reported "missing in action." I saw the father

and sisters when we came back from the war, and told them what I had

already written them before of the way George was lost; but "hope, like

an anchor to the soul, sure and steadfast," would not suffer them to

give up their dear boy as lost. They hoped that some day, like a lost

mariner, he would come from perhaps captivity and sickness, to gladden

their hearts and relieve the suspense that was crushing their lives. But

twenty-seven autumns have returned since that brave boy was lost to

sight in the smoke that covered that dread field of Chickamauga, but no

tidings ever came of that one, who was gladly willing to risk his life

to alleviate the sufferings of his comrades, and was permitted to do so

by the weakness of his commanding officer.

At about four o'clock p. m. our attention was drawn to the heavy firing

on our extreme right, and we conjectured that our Reserve Corps was

being brought into action. It proved to be true. General Granger came up

and with his corps that had known but little, if anything, of the

disasters of the day, charged the enemy with the force and effect of

victors.

But it seemed it was not the purpose of General Thomas to contend for

the field of battle, and to General Granger's Corps was assigned the

duty of covering the retreat of the balance of the army.

It was Wellington (whom his comrades loved to call the "Iron Duke") that

said at the battle of Waterloo, "would that sundown or Blücher had

come." And never did sundown hang his somber curtain over a more

grateful body of men than those that remained of the Army of the

Cumberland. Just as the sun began to cast the long shadows to the

eastward our brigade was retired to the west for about half a mile,

still in order of battle; but any one could discern that a general

retreat was to be commenced as soon as the friendly darkness should

cover us from the view of the enemy. While in this position we heard

cheers from what seemed to be a great body of men, and the rumor was at

once out that General Burnside had reinforced us from Knoxville. We

answered the cheers as heartily as our tired bodies and depressed

spirits would permit, and the sky was ablaze with the rockets that shot

up from the direction from which we had heard the cheering. Mendenhall's

battery of Rodman guns was at that time just in our front. He ordered

his men to load with canister, and then I heard him remark "that is the

last round of ammunition this battery has."

Some one out toward the skirmish line heard the order "Ninth Louisiana,

forward, double-quick, march," and pretty effectually dispelled the

delusion that the cheering and rocket party were our friends under

General Burnside. It was now quite dark, and tired, depressed and

supperless, we commenced the march that meant that the battlefield, with

all its treasures of our dead heroes, was to be abandoned to the tender

mercies of an enemy that looked upon us as invaders and destroyers of

their rights and liberties. It was, indeed, a sad hour. Two days before

we had gone into this conflict with full ranks and high hopes of

victory. Now we were "silently stealing away" under cover of the

darkness, like dastardly assassins, when, in fact, we were there in the

holy cause of liberty for all men, and for the union of the states as

against rebellion and treason. We were leaving our beloved dead,

uncomposed, unburied, with nothing to mark the spot where they fell,

with no place of sepulture, with no requiem, save the soughing of the

south wind through the banners of the majestic pines, or the nightly

songs of the sweet voiced southern mocking bird.

"We carved not a line, we raised not a stone,

But we left them alone in their glory."

We drew away into the defiles of the hills, and the glad sound of the

splashing of the horses' hoofs in the little streams that trickled from

the hillsides, then the scraping of the tin cups could be heard (the

efforts of the boys to get a drink of the muddy hoof-trodden water); but

straining it through the teeth, no nectar quaffed by the fabled gods of

old ever tasted so refreshing as did that grand beverage of nature to

those battle-stained soldiers that night.

Of the route we marched that night I never had the least information;

but when the sun arose over the mountains of North Carolina, the twenty-

first day of September, it looked down upon the old army in order of

battle on the summit of Missionary Ridge. All day we kept this position,

but the confederates wanted no more fighting on this occasion, and, you

can believe me, _they had my entire sympathies_.

Some have said that both armies retreated from the field of battle, and

had our army stayed on the field the night of the twentieth, no

confederate army would have confronted it on the morning of the twenty-

first. But this story, though I am told it has gone into history, I

never believed to be true. In the first place, the confederate general,

Bragg, had, when the campaign commenced, an army nearly equal in numbers

to our own, with no rear to take care of and guard. Secondly, after he

crossed the mountains he was reinforced by General Longstreet's Corps

from the army of northern Virginia. And, thirdly, he had at his command

(but not called into the battle to any extent) a large force of Georgia

state militia.

Then again, the second day of the battle McCook's Corps was largely cut

to pieces and destroyed for fighting business. The 14th and 21st Corps

were badly cut up in the two days fighting, and at the close of the

second day almost destitute of ammunition. And finally, there was the

movement of men before sundown to inform that _we_ were abandoning the

field. So it never seemed credible that the confederates were retreating

the night of the twentieth as well as ourselves.

The night of the twenty-first we fell back and entrenched a position

just outside of the then small village of Chattanooga. The victorious

confederates occupied the whole extent of Missionary Ridge, and soon

appeared in force on the summit of Lookout.

So I have given you, in great weakness and imperfection, some of my

recollections of the memorable campaign of Chattanooga and the battle of

Chickamauga. I have read no book or history giving an account of the

campaign and battle. Being simply an officer in the line my chances for

observation were very limited, and very many of my conclusions are,

_without doubt, inaccurate_. The plans of a battle, always an

interesting feature of history, I have, as a matter of course, been

compelled to omit.

[Illustration:

_PRIVATE GEORGE BENTON._

"_I will come back or I will be a dead Benton._" _Page 69._

]

But if this unworthy effort has revived patriotic memories in the minds

of those of you who can remember the war, or revived the recollections

of my old comrades in arms, or given some faint idea to those that have

come after us of what was attempted and suffered by those that strove

"to keep our flag in the sky" in all those dark years, I have been amply

rewarded for the attempt.

Chickamauga was in one sense a battle lost; but by it we won the

campaign, and from the ground beyond the mountains and beyond the river

that we had crossed, the invincible Sherman led his victorious legions

into and through the very vitals of the confederacy.

It was one of those grand struggles between brave men that has marked

the progress of liberty and right in all ages; that has cemented us

firmly in the bonds of UNITY and FRATERNITY and made us in arms

invincible as against the world.[2]

Footnote 2:

First delivered before the River Styx Literary Society, March 12th,

1887.

THE SIEGE OF CHATTANOOGA, THE BATTLE OF LOOKOUT

MOUNTAIN, AND THE STORMING OF

MISSIONARY RIDGE.

The battle of the nineteenth and twentieth of September, 1863, had

resulted in disaster instead of victory. The Army of the Cumberland had

been forced to retire, to abandon Missionary Ridge, and to fortify a

line running through the outskirts of the village of Chattanooga from

Cameron Hill, near the river below to the river above.

The victorious rebels came on and took possession of the entire length

of Missionary Ridge, fortifying the same with strong parapets of earth,

while one hundred pieces of artillery soon found position on the Ridge

from right to left.

General Bragg also took possession of Lookout mountain, and planted some

very heavy guns near the summit, just above the palisades. I never knew

why those guns did not render our position around Chattanooga entirely

untenable, unless it was the poor quality of the guns or lack of

ammunition. All the execution that I ever heard of those guns doing was

to kill a mule that would have died of starvation later on. Those

hundred-pounders that were planted on the summit of Lookout were, for

some reason, only fired a few times, and not for weeks prior to the time

the siege was raised.

Never in the history of the Army of the Cumberland had the spirit of its

officers and men been more depressed. The battle of Chickamauga had not

only been fought and lost, but we also lost what was more than losing a

battle. We had lost confidence in our commander.

And I think when the order came relieving General Rosecrans and placing

General Grant in command of the Army of the Cumberland, there were few

regrets expressed, even among those that had theretofore given General

Rosecrans the title of "Hero of Stone River." But, in my humble

judgment, one thing, and one thing only, saved the Army of the

Cumberland. If General Rosecrans had shown himself incompetent to

command the army at the battle of Chickamauga, the rebel general, Bragg,

was possessed of a stupidity that more than overbalanced the

incompetency of Rosecrans.

Just for one moment view our situation. Almost surrounded. No railroad

communications over which to supply rations or ammunition. No

transportation whatever, save one wagon road over Raccoon mountain, and

that so exposed in places to the rebel sharpshooters that the teamsters

(though in a sense noncombatants) were constantly exposed to the fire of

an enemy they could neither see nor reply to. Then the road itself was

simply horrible. When not bounding over ledges of rocks that nothing but

an army wagon could withstand, they mired in the quicksand holes with

which the way abounded, so that at times an empty wagon was more than a

load for a six mule team. Then, this only road was constantly exposed to

the raids of troops of the rebel mounted infantry. It was of this road a

story is told of a teamster that was stuck with a load of ammunition in

one of those miry places, and while he was waking the mountain echoes

with his black whip and profanity, was overtaken by an "army chaplain,"

just fresh from some theological seminary of the north, and had not made

the acquaintance of the army mule driver. Hearing the terrible profanity

of this Jehu stuck fast in the mud, thought this a fitting opportunity

to "sow the good seed," and riding up to the disgusted M. D. said, "My

friend, do you know that Christ died for sinners?" The M. D., with a

glance at the new and dazzling uniform of the chaplain, sang out, "Look

a yer stranger, do you think it's any time for conundrums when I'm stuck

fast in the mud and the rebels not a quarter of a mile in the rear?"

Whether the chaplain thought his "ground was stony," or that the rebels

were too near, he abandoned his theological lesson and left the M. D. to

his fate.

In this situation of transportation, with no country on which to forage

or draw any supplies whatever, with the Tennessee river behind us, with

the Cumberland mountains beyond the river, with more than two hundred

miles from the nearest reinforcements, what but the stupidity of Bragg

saved us from destruction while in that position.

But, instead of striking us while depressed by defeat, he suffered us to

select our position, and before ten days had elapsed our line was

bristling with forts of no mean dimensions and strength, putting our

capture beyond the possibility of being accomplished by assault.

The siege of Chattanooga proper began about the twenty-fifth of

September. It was not long after this before a flag of truce was sent to

General Bragg's headquarters on Missionary Ridge, asking the privilege

of going out to the Chickamauga battlefield to bury our dead. It had

been so slightly done that in some instances not enough dirt had been

thrown over the sleeping braves to cover their uniforms. This last sad

office was tenderly and carefully performed; and in all instances where

there was anything to identify the dead soldier, his name, company, and

regiment were marked on rude headboards that could be improvised on the

spot. But alas! the fact that we, as an army, could not collect our dead

after the battle, caused thousands to sleep in nameless graves.

After the war this army of known and unknown dead was carefully removed

to the National Cemetery at Orchard Knob, near the base of the ridge,

and buried; all the _known_ neatly marked; but how frequently the word

_unknown_ occurs in that beautiful home of the dead soldier.

One good result, besides the decent interment of our dead, was the fact

that all of our wounded that were not able to be removed to southern

prisons were paroled and sent into Chattanooga. One of our men, Arthur

Budlong, had lain upon the battlefield until our boys found him and

brought him in under the flag of truce. Thus were the severities of war

somewhat modified by the humanity of man that not even the unseemly war-

cloud could altogether overshadow.

The monotony and dreariness of a siege can be appreciated only by those

that have taken part therein. Language fails me to give you anything

like an adequate idea of its listless torments. While on the march the

scenery is constantly changing. The exercise of marching keeps one

healthy, and keeps one's mind employed and the banishment from home and

loved ones does not occupy so much of one's thoughts. The skirmishing

and fighting, while dreadful in consequences and results, has on the

soldier, to a certain extent, an exhilarating effect; and the hours

spent thereafter, in the tales of personal adventure and experience,

while causing one sometimes to think that the tribe of "Ananias" was not

extinct, yet these tales of personal valor and daring helped to cheer

and while away many an idle hour; and, as a rule, no one was deceived

"by the tales they told us there." But in the siege every day was like

all the others; and from the time we fell back on Chattanooga until

operations began about the twentieth of November, the sky was cloudless.

And while the long Indian summer period of southern Tennessee, so

delightful to the citizen in time of peace, to us soldiers (to a certain

extent in captivity) it seemed to breed melancholy and homesickness. We

did all we could to avert this trouble. We played seven-up until we

almost wore the spots off the cards. We smoked and "jawed." We

criticised the plans of campaigns and battles. We decided the merits of

brigadier and major generals until, could you have heard us, you would

have thought we were writers formulating articles for the Century

Magazine instead of besieged soldiers trying to drive away enui. Oh, if

baseball had been invented then what regimental, brigade and division

clubs we could have organized, with hospitals handy to care for the

wounded. If we had only known the silly but fascinating game of lawn

tennis our sick list would have been shortened.

The Campaigns of the 124th Regiment, Ohio Volunteer Infantry, with Roster and Roll of Honor · 第 3 / 18 段