But besides this analogy, which may be merely accidental and

[Illustration:

Maya Sculpture (portion) from Piedras Negras

Frontispiece]

VISION AND DESIGN

BY

ROGER FRY

LONDON

CHATTO & WINDUS

1920

_All rights reserved_

PRINTED IN ENGLAND BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED

LONDON AND BECCLES

PREFACE

This book contains a selection from my writings on Art extending over a

period of twenty years. Some essays have never before been published in

England; and I have also added a good deal of new matter and made slight

corrections throughout. In the laborious work of hunting up lost and

forgotten publications, and in the work of selection, revision, and

arrangement I owe everything to Mr. R. R. Tatlock’s devoted and patient

labour.

DEDICATED

TO

MY SISTER MARGERY

WITHOUT WHOSE GENTLE BUT PERSISTENT PRESSURE

THIS BOOK WOULD NEVER HAVE BEEN MADE

CONTENTS

PAGE

ART AND LIFE 1

AN ESSAY IN ÆSTHETICS 11

THE OTTOMAN AND THE WHATNOT 26

THE ARTIST’S VISION 31

ART AND SOCIALISM 36

ART AND SCIENCE 52

THE ART OF THE BUSHMEN 56

NEGRO SCULPTURE 65

ANCIENT AMERICAN ART 69

THE MUNICH EXHIBITION OF MOHAMMEDAN ART 76

GIOTTO 87

THE ART OF FLORENCE 117

THE JACQUEMART-ANDRÉ COLLECTION 123

DÜRER AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES 127

EL GRECO 134

THREE PICTURES IN TEMPERA BY WILLIAM BLAKE 140

CLAUDE 145

AUBREY BEARDSLEY’S DRAWINGS 153

THE FRENCH POST-IMPRESSIONISTS 156

DRAWINGS AT THE BURLINGTON FINE ARTS CLUB 160

PAUL CÉZANNE 168

RENOIR 175

A POSSIBLE DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE 179

JEAN MARCHAND 184

RETROSPECT 188

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

TO FACE PAGE

MAYA SCULPTURE (PORTION) FROM PIEDRAS NEGRAS _Frontispiece_

THIRTEENTH-CENTURY SCULPTURE IN THE CLOISTER OF ST. JOHN LATERAN 9

GROUP FROM _THE BURGHERS OF CALAIS_. BY AUGUSTE RODIN 9

SCULPTURE IN PLASTER. BY HENRI-MATISSE 9

_LA DONNA GRAVIDA._ BY RAPHAEL 10

PORTRAIT OF MISS GERTRUDE STEIN. BY PABLO PICASSO 10

NEGRO SCULPTURE 66

FATIMITE BRONZES 80

PERSIAN PAINTING, END OF THIRTEENTH CENTURY 86

_PIETÀ._ BY GIOTTO 108

_CRUCIFIXION._ BY CASTAGNO 117

_ST. GEORGE AND THE DRAGON._ BY UCELLO 123

_VIRGIN AND CHILD._ BY BALDOVINETTI 125

_HOLY FAMILY._ BY SIGNORELLI 126

_THE CALUMNY OF APELLES._ BY REMBRANDT, MANTEGNA, DÜRER 131

CELESTIAL SPHERE. TAROCCHI PRINT 132

CELESTIAL SPHERE. BY DÜRER 132

ALLEGORY. BY EL GRECO 136

_BATHSHEBA._ BY WILLIAM BLAKE 142

LANDSCAPE. BY CLAUDE 148

LANDSCAPE IN WATER-COLOUR. BY CLAUDE 150

_TEA PARTY._ BY HENRI-MATISSE 156

STILL LIFE. BY PABLO PICASSO 156

_PROFILE._ BY GEORGES ROUAULT 159

_APOTHEOSIS OF NAPOLEON._ BY INGRES 163

PENCIL DRAWING. BY COROT 165

PEN DRAWING. BY HENRI-MATISSE 166

PORTRAIT OF THE ARTIST. BY CÉZANNE 168

_GARDANNE._ BY CÉZANNE 170

_SCÈNE DE PLEIN AIR._ BY CÉZANNE 172

THE ARTIST’S WIFE. BY CÉZANNE 172

_LE RUISSEAU._ BY CÉZANNE 174

_JUDGEMENT OF PARIS._ BY RENOIR 176

STILL LIFE. BY MARCHAND 184

_LA BAIGNADE._ BY SEURAT 190

STILL LIFE. BY DERAIN 192

_THE TRANSFIGURATION._ BY RAPHAEL 196

VISION AND DESIGN

ART AND LIFE[1]

When we look at ancient works of art we habitually treat them not merely

as objects of æsthetic enjoyment but also as successive deposits of the

human imagination. It is indeed this view of works of art as

crystallised history that accounts for much of the interest felt in

ancient art by those who have but little æsthetic feeling and who find

nothing to interest them in the work of their contemporaries where the

historical motive is lacking and they are left face to face with bare

æsthetic values.

I once knew an old gentleman who had retired from his city office to a

country house--a fussy, feeble little being who had cut no great figure

in life. He had built himself a house which was preternaturally hideous;

his taste was deplorable and his manners indifferent; but he had a

dream, the dream of himself as an exquisite and refined intellectual

dandy living in a society of elegant frivolity. To realise this dream he

had spent large sums in buying up every scrap of eighteenth-century

French furniture which he could lay hands on. These he stored in an

immense upper floor in his house which was always locked except when he

went up to indulge in his dream and to become for a time a courtier at

Versailles doing homage to the du Barry, whose toilet-tables and

what-nots were strewn pell-mell about the room without order or effect

of any kind. Such is an extreme instance of the historical way of

looking at works of art. For this old gentleman, as for how many an

American millionaire, art was merely a help to an imagined dream life.

To many people then it seems an easy thing to pass thus directly from

the work of art to the life of the time which produced it. We all in

fact weave an imagined Middle Ages around the parish church and an

imagined Renaissance haunts us in the college courts of Oxford and

Cambridge. We don’t, I fancy, stop to consider very closely how true the

imagined life is: we are satisfied with the prospect of another sort of

life which we might have lived, which we often think we might have

preferred to our actual life. We don’t stop to consider much how far the

pictured past corresponds to any reality, certainly not to consider what

proportion of the whole reality of the past life gets itself embalmed in

this way in works of art. Thus we picture our Middle Ages as almost

entirely occupied with religion and war, our Renaissance as occupied in

learning, and our eighteenth century as occupied in gallantry and wit.

Whereas, as a matter of fact, all of these things were going on all the

time while the art of each period has for some reason been mainly taken

up with the expression of one or another activity. There is indeed a

certain danger in accepting too naïvely the general atmosphere--the

ethos, which the works of art of a period exhale. Thus when we look at

the thirteenth-century sculpture of Chartres or Beauvais we feel at once

the expression of a peculiar gracious piety, a smiling and gay

devoutness which we are tempted to take for the prevailing mood of the

time--and which we perhaps associate with the revelation of just such a

type of character in S. Francis of Assisi. A study of Salimbeni’s

chronicle with its interminable record of squalid avarice and meanness,

or of the fierce brutalities of Dante’s Inferno are necessary

correctives of such a pleasant dream.

It would seem then that the correspondence between art and life which we

so habitually assume is not at all constant and requires much correction

before it can be trusted. Let us approach the same question from another

point and see what result we obtain. Let us consider the great

revolutions in art and the revolutions in life and see if they coincide.

And here let me try to say what I mean by life as contrasted with art. I

mean the general intellectual and instinctive reaction to their

surroundings of those men of any period whose lives rise to complete

self-consciousness. Their view of the universe as a whole and their

conception of their relations to their kind. Of course their conception

of the nature and function of art will itself be one of the most varying

aspects of life and may in any particular period profoundly modify the

correspondence of art to life.

Perhaps the greatest revolution in life that we know of at all

intimately was that which effected the change from Paganism to

Christianity. That this was no mere accident is evident from the fact

that Christianity was only one of many competing religions, all of which

represented a closely similar direction of thought and feeling. Any one

of these would have produced practically the same effect, that of

focussing men’s minds on the spiritual life as opposed to the material

life which had pre-occupied them for so long. One cannot doubt then that

here was a change which denoted a long prepared and inevitable

readjustment of men’s attitude to their universe. Now the art of the

Roman Empire showed no trace whatever of this influence; it went on with

precisely the same motives and principles which had satisfied Paganism.

The subjects changed and became mainly Christian, but the treatment was

so exactly similar that it requires more than a cursory glance to say if

the figure on a sarcophagus is Christ or Orpheus, Moses or Æsculapius.

The next great turning-point in history is that which marks the triumph

of the forces of reaction towards the close of the twelfth century--a

reaction which destroyed the promising hopes of freedom of thought and

manners which make the twelfth century appear as a foretaste of modern

enlightenment. Here undoubtedly the change in life corresponds very

closely with a great change in art--the change from the Romanesque to

the Gothic, and at first sight we might suppose a causal connection

between the two. But when we consider the nature of the changes in the

two sequences, this becomes very doubtful. For whereas in the life of

the Middle Ages the change was one of reaction--the sharp repression by

the reactionary forces of a gradual growth of freedom--the change in art

is merely the efflorescence of certain long prepared and anticipated

effects. The forms of Gothic architecture were merely the answer to

certain engineering problems which had long occupied the inventive

ingenuity of twelfth-century architects, while in the figurative arts

the change merely showed a new self-confidence in the rendering of the

human figure, a newly developed mastery in the handling of material. In

short, the change in art was in the opposite direction to that in life.

Whereas in life the direction of movement was sharply bent backwards, in

art the direction followed on in a continuous straight line.

It is true that in one small particular the reaction did have a direct

effect on art. The preaching of S. Bernard of Clairvaux did impose on

the architects who worked for the Cistercian order a peculiar

architectural hypocrisy. They were bound by his traditional influence to

make their churches have an appearance of extreme simplicity and

austerity, but they wanted nevertheless to make them as magnificent and

imposing as possible. The result was a peculiar style of ostentatious

simplicity. Paray le Monial is the only church left standing in which

this curious and, in point of fact, depressing evidence of the direct

influence of the religious reaction on art is to be seen, and, as a

curiosity in psychological expression, it is well worth a visit. For the

rest the movement of art went on entirely unaffected by the new

orientation of thought.

We come now to the Renaissance, and here for the first time in our

survey we may, I think, safely admit a true correspondence between the

change in life and the change in art. The change in life, if one may

generalise on such a vast subject, was towards the recognition of the

rights of the individual to complete self-realisation and the

recognition of the objective reality of the material universe which

implied the whole scientific attitude--and in both these things the

exemplar which men put before themselves was the civilisation of Greece

and Rome. In art the change went _pari passu_ with the change in life,

each assisting and directing the other--the first men of science were

artists like Brunelleschi, Ucello, Piero della Francesca and Leonardo da

Vinci. The study of classical literature was followed in strict

connection with the study of classical canons of art, and the greater

sense of individual importance found its expression in the new

naturalism which made portraiture in the modern sense possible.

For once then art and the other functions of the human spirit found

themselves in perfect harmony and direct alliance, and to that harmony

we may attribute much of the intensity and self-assurance of the work of

the great Renaissance artists. It is one of the rarest of good fortunes

for an artist to find himself actually understood and appreciated by the

mass of his educated contemporaries, and not only that, but moving

alongside of and in step with them towards a similar goal.

The Catholic reaction retarded and impeded the main movement of

Renaissance thought, but it did not really succeed either in

suppressing it or changing the main direction of its current. In art it

undoubtedly had some direct effect, it created a new kind of insincerity

of expression, a florid and sentimental religiosity--a new variety of

bad taste, the rhetorical and over-emphatic. And I suspect that art was

already prepared for this step by a certain exhaustion of the impulsive

energy of the Renaissance--so that here too we may admit a

correspondence.

The seventeenth century shows us no violent change in life, but rather

the gradual working out of the principles implicit in the Renaissance

and the Catholic reaction. But here we come to another curious want of

correspondence between art and life, for in art we have a violent

revolution, followed by a bitter internecine struggle among artists.

This revolution was inaugurated by Caravaggio, who first discovered the

surprising emotional possibilities of chiaroscuro and who combined with

this a new idea of realism--realism in the modern sense, viz., the

literal acceptance of what is coarse, common, squalid or undistinguished

in life--realism in the sense of the novelists of Zola’s time. To

Caravaggio’s influence we might trace not only a great deal of

Rembrandt’s art but the whole of that movement in favour of the

extravagantly impressive and picturesque, which culminated in the

romantic movement of the nineteenth century. Here, then, is another

surprising want of correspondence between art and life.

In the eighteenth century we get a curious phenomenon. Art goes to

court, identifies itself closely with a small aristocratic clique,

becomes the exponent of their manners and their tastes. It becomes a

luxury. It is no longer in the main stream of spiritual and intellectual

effort, and this seclusion of art may account for the fact that the next

great change in life--the French Revolution and all its accompanying

intellectual ferment--finds no serious correspondence in art. We get a

change, it is true; the French Republicans believed they were the

counterpart of the Romans, and so David had to invent for them that

peculiarly distressing type of the ancient Roman--always in heroic

attitudes, always immaculate, spotless and with a highly polished ‘Mme.

Tussaud’ surface. By-the-by, I was almost forgetting that we do owe Mme.

Tussaud to the French Revolution. But the real movement of art lay in

quite other directions to David--lay in the gradual unfolding of the

Romanticist conception of the world--a world of violent emotional

effects, of picturesque accidents, of wild nature, and this was a long

prepared reaction from the complacent sophistication of

eighteenth-century life. It is possible that one may associate this with

the general state of mind that produced the Revolution, since both were

a revolt against the established order of the eighteenth century; but

curiously enough it found its chief ally in the reaction which followed

the Revolution, in the neo-Christianism of Chateaubriand and the new

sentimental respect for the age of faith--which, incidentally, appeared

so much more picturesque than the age of reason.

It would be interesting at this point to consider how far during the

nineteenth century reactionary political and religious thought was

inspired primarily by æsthetic considerations--a curious instance of the

counter-influence of art on life might perhaps be discovered in the

devotees of the Oxford movement. But this would take us too far afield.

The foregoing violently foreshortened view of history and art will show,

I hope, that the usual assumption of a direct and decisive connection

between life and art is by no means correct. It may, I hope, give pause

to those numerous people who have already promised themselves a great

new art as a result of the present war, though perhaps it is as well to

let them enjoy it in anticipation, since it is, I fancy, the only way in

which they are likely to enjoy a great art of any kind. What this survey

suggests to me is that if we consider this special spiritual activity of

art we find it no doubt open at times to influences from life, but in

the main self-contained--we find the rhythmic sequences of change

determined much more by its own internal forces--and by the readjustment

within it, of its own elements--than by external forces. I admit, of

course, that it is always conditioned more or less by economic changes,

but these are rather conditions of its existence at all than directive

influences. I also admit that under certain conditions the rhythms of

life and of art may coincide with great effect on both; but in the main

the two rhythms are distinct, and as often as not play against each

other.

We have, I hope, gained some experience with which to handle the real

subject of my inquiry, the relation of the modern movement in art to

life. To understand it we must go back to the impressionist movement,

which dates from about 1870. The artists who called themselves

impressionists combined two distinct ideas. On the one hand they upheld,

more categorically than ever before, the complete detachment of the

artistic vision from the values imposed on vision by everyday life--they

claimed, as Whistler did in his “10 o’clock,” to be pure artists. On the

other hand a group of them used this freedom for the quasi-scientific

description of new effects of atmospheric colour and atmospheric

perspective, thereby endowing painting with a quite new series of colour

harmonies, or at least of harmonies which had not been cultivated by

European painters for many hundreds of years. They did more than

this--the effects thus explored were completely unfamiliar to the

ordinary man, whose vision is limited to the mere recognition of objects

with a view to the uses of everyday life. He was forced, in looking at

their pictures, to accept as artistic representation something very

remote from all his previous expectations, and thereby he also acquired

in time a new tolerance in his judgments on works of art, a tolerance

which was destined to bear a still further strain in succeeding

developments.

As against these great advantages which art owes to impressionism we

must set the fact that the pseudo-scientific and analytic method of

these painters forced artists to accept pictures which lacked design and

formal co-ordination to a degree which had never before been permitted.

They, or rather some of them, reduced the artistic vision to a

continuous patchwork or mosaic of coloured patches without architectural

framework or structural coherence. In this, impressionism marked the

climax of a movement which had been going on more or less steadily from

the thirteenth century--the tendency to approximate the forms of art

more and more exactly to the representation of the totality of

appearance. When once representation had been pushed to this point where

further development was impossible, it was inevitable that artists

should turn round and question the validity of the fundamental

assumption that art aimed at representation; and the moment the question

was fairly posed it became clear that the pseudo-scientific assumption

that fidelity to appearance was the measure of art had no logical

foundation. From that moment on it became evident that art had arrived

at a critical moment, and that the greatest revolution in art that had

taken place since Græco-Roman impressionism became converted into

Byzantine formalism was inevitable. It was this revolution that Cézanne

inaugurated and that Gauguin and van Goch continued. There is no need

here to give in detail the characteristics of this new movement: they

are sufficiently familiar. But we may summarise them as the

re-establishment of purely æsthetic criteria in place of the criterion

of conformity to appearance--the rediscovery of the principles of

structural design and harmony.

The new movement has, also, led to a new canon of criticism, and this

has changed our attitude to the arts of other times and countries. So

long as representation was regarded as the end of art, the skill of the

artist and his proficiency in this particular feat of representation

were regarded with an admiration which was in fact mainly non-æsthetic.

With the new indifference to representation we have become much less

interested in skill and not at all interested in knowledge. We are thus

no longer cut off from a great deal of barbaric and primitive art the

very meaning of which escaped the understanding of those who demanded a

certain standard of skill in representation before they could give

serious consideration to a work of art. In general the effect of the

movement has been to render the artist intensely conscious of the

æsthetic unity of the work of art, but singularly naïve and simple as

regards other considerations.

It remains to be considered whether the life of the past fifty years has

shown any such violent reorientation as we have found in the history of

modern art. If we look back to the days of Herbert Spencer and Huxley,

what changes are there in the general tendencies of life? The main ideas

of rationalism seem to me to have steadily made way--there have been

minor counter revolutions, it is true, but the main current of active

thought has surely moved steadily along the lines already laid down. I

mean that the scientific attitude is more and more widely accepted. The

protests of organised religion and of various mysticisms seem to grow

gradually weaker and to carry less weight. Hardly any writers or

thinkers of first-rate calibre now appear in the reactionary camp. I

see, in short, no big change in direction, no evident revulsion of

feeling.

None the less I suppose that a Spencer would be impossible now and that

the materialism of to-day is recognisably different from the materialism

of Spencer. It would be very much less naïvely

[Illustration: 13th Cent. Sculpture in the Cloister of S. John Lateran]

[Illustration: Auguste Rodin. Group from “The Burghers of Calais”]

[Illustration: Henri Matisse. Sculpture in Plaster

Property of the Artist

Plate I.]

self-confident. It would admit far greater difficulties in presenting

its picture of the universe than would have occurred to Spencer. The

fact is that scepticism has turned on itself and has gone behind a great

many of the axioms that seemed self-evident to the earlier rationalists.

I do not see that it has at any point threatened the superstructure of

the rationalist position, but it has led us to recognise the necessity

of a continual revision and reconstruction of these data. Rationalism

has become less arrogant and less narrow in its vision. And this is

partly due also to the adventure of the scientific spirit into new

regions. I refer to all that immense body of study and speculation which

starts from Robertson Smith’s “Religion of the Israelites.” The

discovery of natural law in what seemed to earlier rationalists the

chaotic fancies and caprices of the human imagination. The assumption

that man is a mainly rational animal has given place to the discovery

that he is, like other animals, mainly instinctive. This modifies

immensely the attitude of the rationalist--it gives him a new charity

and a new tolerance. What seemed like the wilful follies of mad or

wicked men to the earlier rationalists are now seen to be inevitable

responses to fundamental instinctive needs. By observing mankind the man

of science has lost his contempt for him. Now this I think has had an

important bearing on the new movement in art. In the first place I find

something analogous in the new orientation of scientific and artistic

endeavour. Science has turned its instruments in on human nature and

begun to investigate its fundamental needs, and art has also turned its

vision inwards, has begun to work upon the fundamental necessities of

man’s æsthetic functions.

But besides this analogy, which may be merely accidental and not causal,

I think there can be little doubt that the new scientific development

(for it is in no sense a revolution) has modified men’s attitude to art.

To Herbert Spencer religion was primitive fear of the unknown and art

was sexual attraction--he must have contemplated with perfect

equanimity, almost with satisfaction, a world in which both these

functions would disappear. I suppose that the scientific man of to-day

would be much more ready to admit not only the necessity but the great

importance of æsthetic feeling for the spiritual existence of man. The

general conception of life in the mid-nineteenth century ruled out art

as noxious, or at best, a useless frivolity, and above all as a mere

survival of more primitive stages of evolution.

On the other hand, the artist of the new movement is moving into a

sphere more and more remote from that of the ordinary man. In proportion

as art becomes purer the number of people to whom it appeals gets less.

It cuts out all the romantic overtones of life which are the usual bait

by which men are induced to accept a work of art. It appeals only to the

æsthetic sensibility, and that in most men is comparatively weak.

In the modern movement in art, then, as in so many cases in past

history, the revolution in art seems to be out of all proportion to any

corresponding change in life as a whole. It seems to find its sources,

if at all, in what at present seem like minor movements. Whether the

difference between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries will in

retrospect seem as great in life as they already do in art I cannot

guess--at least it is curious to note how much more conscious we are of

the change in art then we are in the general change in thought and

feeling.

NOTE.--The original lecture was not illustrated, but the opportunity of

publishing this summary of it has suggested the possibility of

introducing a few examples to illustrate one point, viz., the extent to

which the works of the new movement correspond in aim with the works of

early art while being sharply contrasted with those of the penultimate

period. This will be, perhaps, most evident in Plate I, where I have

placed a figure from the cloisters of S. John Lateran, carved by a

thirteenth-century sculptor--then one of Rodin’s _Burghers of Calais_,

and then Matisse’s unfinished alto-rilievo figure. Here there is no need

to underline the startling difference shown by Rodin’s descriptive

method from the more purely plastic feeling of the two other artists.

Matisse and the thirteenth-century artist are much closer together than

Matisse and Rodin.

In Plate II I have placed Picasso beside Raphael. Here the obvious fact

is the common preoccupation of both artists with certain problems of

plastic design and the similarity of their solutions. Had I had space to

put a Sargent beside these the same violent contrast would have been

produced.

[Illustration:

Raphael. “La Donna Gravida” Pitti Palace, Florence]

[Illustration:

Pablo Picasso. Portrait of Miss Gertrude Stein Miss Gertrude Stein

Plate II.]

AN ESSAY IN ÆSTHETICS[2]

A certain painter, not without some reputation at the present day, once

wrote a little book on the art he practises, in which he gave a

definition of that art so succinct that I take it as a point of

departure for this essay.

“The art of painting,” says that eminent authority, “is the art of

imitating solid objects upon a flat surface by means of pigments.” It is

delightfully simple, but prompts the question--Is that all? And, if so,

what a deal of unnecessary fuss has been made about it. Now, it is

useless to deny that our modern writer has some very respectable

authorities behind him. Plato, indeed, gave a very similar account of

the affair, and himself put the question--is it then worth while? And,

being scrupulously and relentlessly logical, he decided that it was not

worth while, and proceeded to turn the artists out of his ideal

republic. For all that, the world has continued obstinately to consider

that painting was worth while, and though, indeed, it has never quite

made up its mind as to what, exactly, the graphic arts did for it, it

has persisted in honouring and admiring its painters.

Can we arrive at any conclusions as to the nature of the graphic arts,

which will at all explain our feelings about them, which will at least

put them into some kind of relation with the other arts, and not leave

us in the extreme perplexity, engendered by any theory of mere

imitation? For, I suppose, it must be admitted that if imitation is the

sole purpose of the graphic arts, it is surprising that the works of

such arts are ever looked upon as more than curiosities, or ingenious

toys, are ever taken seriously by grown-up people. Moreover, it will be

surprising that they have no recognisable affinity with other arts, such

as music or architecture, in which the imitation of actual objects is a

negligible quantity.

To form such conclusions is the aim I have put before myself in this

essay. Even if the results are not decisive, the inquiry may lead us to

a view of the graphic arts that will not be altogether unfruitful.

I must begin with some elementary psychology, with a consideration of

the nature of instincts. A great many objects in the world, when

presented to our senses, put in motion a complex nervous machinery,

which ends in some instinctive appropriate action. We see a wild bull in

a field; quite without our conscious interference a nervous process goes

on, which, unless we interfere forcibly, ends in the appropriate

reaction of flight. The nervous mechanism which results in flight causes

a certain state of consciousness, which we call the emotion of fear. The

whole of animal life, and a great part of human life, is made up of

these instinctive reactions to sensible objects, and their accompanying

emotions. But man has the peculiar faculty of calling up again in his

mind the echo of past experiences of this kind, of going over it again,

“in imagination” as we say. He has, therefore, the possibility of a

double life; one the actual life, the other the imaginative life.

Between these two lives there is this great distinction, that in the

actual life the processes of natural selection have brought it about

that the instinctive reaction, such, for instance, as flight from

danger, shall be the important part of the whole process, and it is

towards this that the man bends his whole conscious endeavour. But in

the imaginative life no such action is necessary, and, therefore, the

whole consciousness may be focussed upon the perceptive and the

emotional aspects of the experience. In this way we get, in the

imaginative life, a different set of values, and a different kind of

perception.

We can get a curious side glimpse of the nature of this imaginative life

from the cinematograph. This resembles actual life in almost every

respect, except that what the psychologists call the conative part of

our reaction to sensations, that is to say, the appropriate resultant

action is cut off. If, in a cinematograph, we see a runaway horse and

cart, we do not have to think either of getting out of the way or

heroically interposing ourselves. The result is that in the first place

we _see_ the event much more clearly; see a number of quite interesting

but irrelevant things, which in real life could not struggle into our

consciousness, bent, as it would be, entirely upon the problem of our

appropriate reaction. I remember seeing in a cinematograph the arrival

of a train at a foreign station and the people descending from the

carriages; there was no platform, and to my intense surprise I saw

several people turn right round after reaching the ground, as though to

orientate themselves; an almost ridiculous performance, which I had

never noticed in all the many hundred occasions on which such a scene

had passed before my eyes in real life. The fact being that at a station

one is never really a spectator of events, but an actor engaged in the

drama of luggage or prospective seats, and one actually sees only so

much as may help to the appropriate action.

In the second place, with regard to the visions of the cinematograph,

one notices that whatever emotions are aroused by them, though they are

likely to be weaker than those of ordinary life, are presented more

clearly to the consciousness. If the scene presented be one of an

accident, our pity and horror, though weak, since we know that no one is

really hurt, are felt quite purely, since they cannot, as they would in

life, pass at once into actions of assistance.

A somewhat similar effect to that of the cinematograph can be obtained

by watching a mirror in which a street scene is reflected. If we look at

the street itself we are almost sure to adjust ourselves in some way to

its actual existence. We recognise an acquaintance, and wonder why he

looks so dejected this morning, or become interested in a new fashion in

hats--the moment we do that the spell is broken, we are reacting to life

itself in however slight a degree, but, in the mirror, it is easier to

abstract ourselves completely, and look upon the changing scene as a

whole. It then, at once, takes on the visionary quality, and we become

true spectators, not selecting what we will see, but seeing everything

equally, and thereby we come to notice a number of appearances and

relations of appearances, which would have escaped our vision before,

owing to that perpetual economising by selection of what impressions we

will assimilate, which in life we perform by unconscious processes. The

frame of the mirror then, does, to some extent, turn the reflected scene

from one that belongs to our actual life into one that belongs rather to

the imaginative life. The frame of the mirror makes its surface into a

very rudimentary work of art, since it helps us to attain to the

artistic vision. For that is what, as you will already have guessed, I

have been coming to all this time, namely that the work of art is

intimately connected with the secondary imaginative life, which all men

live to a greater or lesser extent.

That the graphic arts are the expression of the imaginative life rather

than a copy of actual life might be guessed from observing children.

Children, if left to themselves, never, I believe, copy what they see,

never, as we say, “draw from nature,” but express, with a delightful

freedom and sincerity, the mental images which make up their own

imaginative lives.

Art, then, is an expression and a stimulus of this imaginative life,

which is separated from actual life by the absence of responsive action.

Now this responsive action implies in actual life moral responsibility.

In art we have no such moral responsibility--it presents a life freed

from the binding necessities of our actual existence.

What then is the justification for this life of the imagination which

all human beings live more or less fully? To the pure moralist, who

accepts nothing but ethical values, in order to be justified, it must be

shown not only _not_ to hinder but actually to forward right action,

otherwise it is not only useless but, since it absorbs our energies,

positively harmful. To such a one two views are possible, one the

Puritanical view at its narrowest, which regards the life of the

imagination as no better or worse than a life of sensual pleasure, and

therefore entirely reprehensible. The other view is to argue that the

imaginative life does subserve morality. And this is inevitably the view

taken by moralists like Ruskin, to whom the imaginative life is yet an

absolute necessity. It is a view which leads to some very hard special

pleading, even to a self-deception which is in itself morally

undesirable.

But here comes in the question of religion, for religion is also an

affair of the imaginative life, and, though it claims to have a direct

effect upon conduct, I do not suppose that the religious person if he

were wise would justify religion entirely by its effect on morality,

since that, historically speaking, has not been by any means uniformly

advantageous. He would probably say that the religious experience was

one which corresponded to certain spiritual capacities of human nature,

the exercise of which is in itself good and desirable apart from their

effect upon actual life. And so, too, I think the artist might if he

chose take a mystical attitude, and declare that the fullness and

completeness of the imaginative life he leads may correspond to an

existence more real and more important than any that we know of in

mortal life.

And in saying that, his appeal would find a sympathetic echo in most

minds, for most people would, I think, say that the pleasures derived

from art were of an altogether different character and more fundamental

than merely sensual pleasures, that they did exercise some faculties

which are felt to belong to whatever part of us there may be which is

not entirely ephemeral and material.

It might even be that from this point of view we should rather justify

actual life by its relation to the imaginative, justify nature by its

likeness to art. I mean this, that since the imaginative life comes in

the course of time to represent more or less what mankind feels to be

the completest expression of its own nature, the freest use of its

innate capacities, the actual life may be explained and justified in its

approximation here and there, however partially and inadequately, to

that freer and fuller life.

Before leaving this question of the justification of art, let me put it

in another way. The imaginative life of a people has very different

levels at different times, and these levels do not always correspond

with the general level of the morality of actual life. Thus in the

thirteenth century we read of barbarity and cruelty which would shock

even us; we may I think admit that our moral level, our general humanity

is decidedly higher to-day, but the level of our imaginative life is

incomparably lower; we are satisfied there with a grossness, a sheer

barbarity and squalor which would have shocked the thirteenth century

profoundly. Let us admit the moral gain gladly, but do we not also feel

a loss; do we not feel that the average business man would be in every

way a more admirable, more respectable being if his imaginative life

were not so squalid and incoherent? And, if we admit any loss then,

there is some function in human nature other than a purely ethical one,

which is worthy of exercise.

Now the imaginative life has its own history both in the race and in the

individual. In the individual life one of the first effects of freeing

experience from the necessities of appropriate responsive action is to

indulge recklessly the emotion of self-aggrandisement. The day-dreams of

a child are filled with extravagant romances in which he is always the

invincible hero. Music--which of all the arts supplies the strongest

stimulus to the imaginative life, and at the same time has the least

power of controlling its direction--music, at certain stages of people’s

lives, has the effect merely of arousing in an almost absurd degree this

egoistic elation, and Tolstoy appears to believe that this is its only

possible effect. But with the teaching of experience and the growth of

character the imaginative life comes to respond to other instincts and

to satisfy other desires, until, indeed, it reflects the highest

aspirations and the deepest aversions of which human nature is capable.

In dreams and when under the influence of drugs the imaginative life

passes out of our own control, and in such cases its experiences may be

highly undesirable, but whenever it remains under our own control it

must always be on the whole a desirable life. That is not to say that it

is always pleasant, for it is pretty clear that mankind is so

constituted as to desire much besides pleasure, and we shall meet among

the great artists, the great exponents, that is, of the imaginative

life, many to whom the merely pleasant is very rarely a part of what is

desirable. But this desirability of the imaginative life does

distinguish it very sharply from actual life, and is the direct result

of that first fundamental difference, its freedom from necessary

external conditions. Art, then, is, if I am right, the chief organ of

the imaginative life, it is by art that it is stimulated and controlled

within us, and, as we have seen, the imaginative life is distinguished

by the greater clearness of its perception, and the greater purity and

freedom of its emotion.

First with regard to the greater clearness of perception. The needs of

our actual life are so imperative, that the sense of vision becomes

highly specialised in their service. With an admirable economy we learn

to see only so much as is needful for our purposes; but this is in fact

very little, just enough to recognise and identify each object or

person; that done, they go into an entry in our mental catalogue and are

no more really seen. In actual life the normal person really only reads

the labels as it were on the objects around him and troubles no further.

Almost all the things which are useful in any way put on more or less

this cap of invisibility. It is only when an object exists in our lives

for no other purpose than to be seen that we really look at it, as for

instance at a China ornament or a precious stone, and towards such even

the most normal person adopts to some extent the artistic attitude of

pure vision abstracted from necessity.

Now this specialisation of vision goes so far that ordinary people have

almost no idea of what things really look like, so that oddly enough the

one standard that popular criticism applies to painting, namely, whether

it is like nature or not, is one which most people are, by the whole

tenour of their lives, prevented from applying properly. The only things

they have ever really _looked_ at being other pictures; the moment an

artist who has looked at nature brings to them a clear report of

something definitely seen by him, they are wildly indignant at its

untruth to nature. This has happened so constantly in our own time that

there is no need to prove it. One instance will suffice. Monet is an

artist whose chief claim to recognition lies in the fact of his

astonishing power of faithfully reproducing certain aspects of nature,

but his really naïve innocence and sincerity was taken by the public to

be the most audacious humbug, and it required the teaching of men like

Bastien-Lepage, who cleverly compromised between the truth and an

accepted convention of what things looked like, to bring the world

gradually round to admitting truths which a single walk in the country

with purely unbiassed vision would have established beyond doubt.

But though this clarified sense perception which we discover in the

imaginative life is of great interest, and although it plays a larger

part in the graphic arts than in any other, it might perhaps be doubted

whether, interesting, curious, fascinating as it is, this aspect of the

imaginative life would ever by itself make art of profound importance to

mankind. But it is different, I think, with the emotional aspect. We

have admitted that the emotions of the imaginative are generally weaker

than those of actual life. The picture of a saint being slowly flayed

alive, revolting as it is, will not produce the actual physical

sensations of sickening disgust that a modern man would feel if he could

assist at the actual event; but they have a compensating clearness of

presentment to the consciousness. The more poignant emotions of actual

life have, I think, a kind of numbing effect analogous to the paralysing

influence of fear in some animals; but even if this experience be not

generally admitted, all will admit that the need for responsive action

hurries us along and prevents us from ever realising fully what the

emotion is that we feel, from co-ordinating it perfectly with other

states. In short, the motives we actually experience are too close to us

to enable us to feel them clearly. They are in a sense unintelligible.

In the imaginative life, on the contrary, we can both feel the emotion

and watch it. When we are really moved at the theatre we are always both

on the stage and in the auditorium.

Yet another point about the emotions of the imaginative life--since they

require no responsive action we can give them a new valuation. In real

life we must to some extent cultivate those emotions which lead to

useful action, and we are bound to appraise emotions according to the

resultant action. So that, for instance, the feelings of rivalry and

emulation do get an encouragement which perhaps they scarcely deserve,

whereas certain feelings which appear to have a high intrinsic value get

almost no stimulus in actual life. For instance, those feelings to which

the name of the cosmic emotion has been somewhat unhappily given find

almost no place in life, but, since they seem to belong to certain very

deep springs of our nature, do become of great importance in the arts.

Morality, then, appreciates emotion by the standard of resultant action.

Art appreciates emotion in and for itself.

This view of the essential importance in art of the expression of the

emotions is the basis of Tolstoy’s marvellously original and yet

perverse and even exasperating book, “What is Art,” and I willingly

confess, while disagreeing with almost all his results, how much I owe

to him.

He gives an example of what he means by calling art the means of

communicating emotions. He says, let us suppose a boy to have been

pursued in the forest by a bear. If he returns to the village and merely

states that he was pursued by a bear and escaped, that is ordinary

language, the means of communicating facts or ideas; but if he describes

his state first of heedlessness, then of sudden alarm and terror as the

bear appears, and finally of relief when he gets away, and describes

this so that his hearers share his emotions, then his description is a

work of art.

Now in so far as the boy does this in order to urge the villagers to go

out and kill the bear, though he may be using artistic methods, his

speech is not a pure work of art; but if of a winter evening the boy

relates his experience for the sake of the enjoyment of his adventure in

retrospect, or better still, if he makes up the whole story for the sake

of the imagined emotions, then his speech becomes a pure work of art.

But Tolstoy takes the other view, and values the emotions aroused by art

entirely for their reaction upon actual life, a view which he

courageously maintains even when it leads him to condemn the whole of

Michelangelo, Raphael and Titian, and most of Beethoven, not to mention

nearly everything he himself has written, as bad or false art.

Such a view would, I think, give pause to any less heroic spirit. He

would wonder whether mankind could have always been so radically wrong

about a function that, whatever its value be, is almost universal. And

in point of fact he will have to find some other word to denote what we

now call art. Nor does Tolstoy’s theory even carry him safely through

his own book, since, in his examples of morally desirable and therefore

good art, he has to admit that these are to be found, for the most part,

among works of inferior quality. Here, then, is at once the tacit

admission that another standard than morality is applicable. We must

therefore give up the attempt to judge the work of art by its reaction

on life, and consider it as an expression of emotions regarded as ends

in themselves. And this brings us back to the idea we had already

arrived at, of art as the expression of the imaginative life.

If, then, an object of any kind is created by man not for use, for its

fitness to actual life, but as an object of art, an object subserving

the imaginative life, what will its qualities be? It must in the first

place be adapted to that disinterested intensity of contemplation, which

we have found to be the result of cutting off the responsive action. It

must be suited to that heightened power of perception which we found to

result therefrom.

And the first quality that we demand in our sensations will be order,

without which our sensations will be troubled and perplexed, and the

other quality will be variety, without which they will not be fully

stimulated.

Vision and Design · 第 1 / 19 段