CHAPTER I.

TRAVELS

IN

PERU AND INDIA.

[Illustration: HINCHONA-PLANTS AT OOTACAMUND,

In August 1881 (from a Photograph). A flowering branch of Chinchona in

the foreground. FRONTISPIECE. Page 487]

TRAVELS

IN

PERU AND INDIA

WHILE SUPERINTENDING THE COLLECTION OF CHINCHONA

PLANTS AND SEEDS IN SOUTH AMERICA, AND

THEIR INTRODUCTION INTO INDIA.

BY CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, F.S.A., F.R.G.S.,

CORR. MEM. OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHILE;

AUTHOR OF 'CUZCO AND LIMA.'

WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

LONDON:

JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.

1862.

_The right of Translation is reserved._

LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET,

AND CHARING CROSS.

PREFACE.

[Illustration]

THE introduction of quinine-yielding Chinchona-trees into India, and

the cultivation of the "Peruvian Bark" in our Eastern possessions,

where that inestimable febrifuge is almost a necessary of life, has

for some years engaged the attention of the Indian Government. In 1859

the author of the present work was intrusted, by the Secretary of

State for India in Council, with the duty of superintending all the

necessary arrangements for the collection of Chinchona-plants and seeds

of the species esteemed in commerce, in South America, and for their

introduction into India. This important measure has now been crowned

with complete success, and it is the object of the following pages

to relate the previous history of the Chinchona-plant; to describe

the forests in South America where the most valuable species grow; to

record the labours of those who were engaged in exploring them; and to

give an account of all the proceedings connected with the cultivation

of Chinchona-plants in India.

In the performance of this service it was a part of my duty to explore

the forests of the Peruvian province of Caravaya, which has never yet

been described by any English traveller; and the first part of the work

is occupied by an account of the various species of Chinchona-plants

and their previous history, a narrative of my travels in Peru, and a

record of the labours of the agents whom I employed to collect plants

and seeds of the various species of Chinchonæ in other parts of South

America.

The traveller who ascends to the lofty plateau of the Cordilleras

cannot fail to be deeply interested in the former history and

melancholy fate of the Peruvian Indians; and some account of their

condition under Spanish colonial rule, and of the insurrection of

Tupac Amaru, the last of the Incas, will, I trust, not be unwelcome.

I have devoted three chapters to these subjects, which will form a

short digression on our way to the Chinchona forests. I am indebted

to the late General Miller, and to Dr. Vigil, the learned Director of

the National Library at Lima, for much new and very curious material

throwing light on that period of Spanish colonial history which

includes the great rebellion of the Peruvian Indians in 1780.

The second part of the work contains a narrative of my travels in

India, a description of the sites selected for Chinchona-plantations,

and an account of the progress of the experimental cultivation of those

inestimable trees, from the arrival of the plants and seeds, early in

1861, to the latest dates.

In conducting the operations connected with the collection of

Chinchona-plants and seeds in South America, I obtained the services

of Mr. Spruce, Mr. Pritchett, Mr. Cross, and Mr. Weir; and it affords

me great pleasure to have this opportunity of publicly recording their

perseverance in facing many dangers and hardships, and in doing the

work that was allotted to them so ably, and with such complete success.

To Mr. Richard Spruce, an eminent botanist who has for eight years

been engaged in exploring the basin of the Amazons, from Para to the

peaks of the Quitenian Andes, and from the falls of the Orinoco to the

head-waters of the Huallaga, the largest share of credit, so far as

the South American portion of the enterprise is concerned, undoubtedly

belongs. I have endeavoured to do justice to his untiring energy and

zeal, and to the important service which he has rendered to India.

But the collection of plants and seeds in South America, and their

conveyance to the shores of India, would have been of little use if

they had not been delivered into competent hands on arriving at their

destination. To the scientific and practical knowledge, the unwearied

zeal, and skilful management of Mr. McIvor, the Superintendent of the

Government Gardens at Ootacamund, on the Neilgherry hills, is therefore

due the successful introduction of Chinchona-plants into India. His

care has now been fully rewarded, and the experiment has reached a

point which places it beyond the possibility of ultimate failure.

I am indebted to Sir William Hooker, who has, from the first, taken a

deep interest in this beneficial measure, for many acts of kindness,

and for his readiness to give me valuable advice and assistance; while

he has rendered most essential service in successfully raising a large

number of Chinchona-plants at Kew. To Dr. Weddell my thanks are due

for much information most promptly and kindly supplied; and to Mr.

Howard for the important suggestions and information with which he

has frequently favoured me, and which no scientific man in Europe is

better able to give. It is a fortunate circumstance that his invaluable

and superbly illustrated work on the Chinchona genus should have been

published just at the time when the Chinchonæ are about to be planted

out in India and Ceylon, for from no other source could the cultivators

derive so large an amount of valuable information. Mr. Howard has

likewise done good service by presenting the Indian Government with

a fine healthy plant of _Chinchona Uritusinga_, a species which had

not previously been introduced. I take this opportunity of expressing

my thanks for much assistance from Dr. Seemann, the able Editor of

the 'Bonplandia;' from Mr. Dalzell, the Conservator of Forests in

the Bombay Presidency; from Dr. Forbes Watson, the Reporter on the

vegetable products of India, at the India Office; from Mr. Veitch, of

the Royal Exotic Nursery at Chelsea; and from many kind friends both

in Peru and India. I am also indebted to Mr. Alexander Smith, son of

Mr. John Smith, the Curator of the Royal Botanical Gardens at Kew, for

an interesting note on the principal plants employed by the natives of

India on account of their real or supposed febrifugal virtues, which

will be found in an Appendix.

The botanical name for the plants which yield Peruvian bark was given

by Linnæus, in honour of the Countess of Chinchon, who was one of the

first Europeans cured by this priceless febrifuge. The word has been

generally, but most erroneously, spelt _Cinchona_; and, considering

that such mis-spelling is no mark of respect to the lady whose memory

it is intended to preserve, while it defeats the intention of Linnæus

to do her honour, I have followed the good example of Mr. Howard and

the Spanish botanists in adopting the correct way of spelling the

word--_Chinchona_.[1] The Counts of Chinchon, the hereditary Alcaides

of the Alcazar of Segovia, do not hold so obscure a place in history as

to excuse the continuance of this mis-spelling of their name.

After much anxiety, extending over a period of three years; after all

the hardships, dangers, and toils which a search in virgin tropical

forests entails; and after more than one disappointment, it is a

source of gratification and thankfulness that this great and important

measure, fraught with blessings to the people of India, and with no

less beneficial results to the whole civilized world, should have been

finally attended with complete success, in spite of difficulties of no

ordinary character. How complete this success has been, will be seen

by a perusal of the two last chapters of the present work, and of Mr.

McIvor's very interesting Report in the Appendix; it is sufficient here

to say that it has exceeded our most sanguine expectations.

CONTENTS.

[Illustration]

TRAVELS IN PERU.

[Illustration]

PREFACE PAGE V

CHAPTER I.

DISCOVERY OF PERUVIAN BARK.

The Countess of Chinchon--Introduction of the use of bark into

Europe--M. La Condamine's first description of a

_chinchona_-tree--J. de Jussieu--Description

of the chinchona region--The different valuable species--The

discovery of quinine 1

CHAPTER II.

THE VALUABLE SPECIES OF CHINCHONA-TREES--THEIR HISTORY, THEIR

DISCOVERERS, AND THEIR FORESTS.

I. The Loxa region and its _crown barks_ 21

II. The "_red-bark_" region, on the western slopes of

Chimborazo 26

III. The New Granada region 27

IV. The Huanuco region in Northern Peru, and its

"_grey barks_" 30

V. The _Calisaya_ region in Bolivia and Southern Peru 35

CHAPTER III.

Rapid destruction of chinchona-trees in South America--Importance

of their introduction into other countries--M. Hasskarl's

mission--Chinchona plantations in Java 44

CHAPTER IV.

INTRODUCTION OF CHINCHONA-PLANTS INTO INDIA.

Preliminary arrangements 60

CHAPTER V.

Islay and Arequipa 69

CHAPTER VI.

Journey across the Cordillera to Puno 88

CHAPTER VII.

LAKE TITICACA.

The Aymara Indians--Their antiquities--Tiahuanaco--Coati--Sillustani

--Copacabana 108

CHAPTER VIII.

THE PERUVIAN INDIANS.

Their condition under Spanish colonial rule 117

CHAPTER IX.

Narrative of the insurrection of José Gabriel Tupac Amaru, the last

of the Incas 134

CHAPTER X.

Diego Tupac Amaru--Fate of the Inca's family--Insurrection of

Pumacagua 158

CHAPTER XI.

Journey from Puno to Crucero, the capital of Caravaya 180

CHAPTER XII.

THE PROVINCE OF CARAVAYA.

A short historical and geographical description 199

CHAPTER XIII.

Caravaya--The valley of Sandia 216

CHAPTER XIV.

Coca cultivation 232

CHAPTER XV.

CARAVAYA.

Chinchona forests of Tambopata 240

CHAPTER XVI.

General remarks on the chinchona-plants of Caravaya 267

CHAPTER XVII.

JOURNEY FROM THE FORESTS OF TAMBOPATA TO THE PORT OF ISLAY.

Establishment of the plants in Wardian cases 275

CHAPTER XVIII.

PRESENT CONDITION AND FUTURE PROSPECTS OF PERU.

Population--Civil wars--Government--Constitution--General Castilla

and his ministers--Dr. Vigil--Mariano Paz Soldan--Valleys on the

coast--Cotton, wool, and specie--The Amazons--Guano--Finances

--Literature--Future prospects 288

CHAPTER XIX.

Mr. Spruce's expedition to procure plants and seeds of the

"red bark," or _C. succirubra_--Mr. Pritchett in the Huanuco region,

and the "grey barks"--Mr. Cross's proceedings at Loxa,

and collection of seeds of _C. Condaminea_ 313

CHAPTER XX.

CONVEYANCE OF CHINCHONA-PLANTS AND SEEDS FROM SOUTH AMERICA TO

INDIA.

Transmission of dried specimens--Voyages of plants in Wardian cases

--Arrival of plants and seeds in India--Depôt at Kew--Treatment of

plants in Wardian cases--Effects of introduction of chinchona-plants

into India on trade in South America--Neilgherry hills 331

[Illustration]

TRAVELS IN INDIA.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XXI.

MALABAR.

Calicut--Houses and gardens--Population of Malabar--Namburi Brahmins

--Nairs--Tiars--Slaves--Moplahs--Assessment of rice-fields,

of gardens, of dry crops--Other taxes--Voyage up the Beypoor river

--The Conolly teak plantations--Wundoor--Backwood cultivation

--Sholacul--Sispara ghaut--Blackwood--Scenery--Sispara--View of the

Nellemboor valley--Avalanche--Arrival at Ootacamund 341

CHAPTER XXII.

NEILGHERRY HILLS.

Extent--Formation--Soil--Climate--Flora--Hill tribes--Todars

--Antiquities--Badagas--Koters--Kurumbers--Irulas--English

stations--Kotergherry--Ootacamund--Coonoor--Jakatalla--Government

gardens at Ootacamund and Kalhutty--Mr. McIvor--Coffee cultivation

--Rules for sale of waste lands--Forest conservancy 358

CHAPTER XXIII.

SELECTION OF SITES FOR CHINCHONA-PLANTATIONS ON THE NEILGHERRY

HILLS.

The Dodabetta site--The Neddiwuttum site 379

CHAPTER XXIV.

JOURNEY TO THE PULNEY HILLS.

Coonoor ghaut--Coimbatore--Pulladom--Cotton cultivation--Dharapurum

--A marriage procession--Dindigul--Ryotwarry tenure--Pulney hills

--Kodakarnal--Extent of the Pulneys--Formation--Soil--Climate

--Inhabitants--Flora--Suitability for chinchona cultivation--Forest

conservancy--Anamallay hills 390

CHAPTER XXV.

MADURA AND TRICHINOPOLY.

Arrive at Madura--Peopling of India--The Dravidian race--Brahmin

colonists in Southern India--Foundation of Madura--Pandyan dynasty

--Tamil literature--Aghastya--Naik dynasty--The Madura pagoda--The

Sangattar--The Choultry--Tirumalla Naik's palace--Caste prejudices

--Trichinopoly--Coleroon anicut--Rice cultivation--The palmyra

palm--Caroor--Return to the Neilgherries--Shervaroy hills

--Courtallum 408

CHAPTER XXVI.

MYSORE AND COORG.

Seegoor ghaut--Sandal-wood--Mysore--Seringapatam--Hoonsoor--The

tannery--Fraserpett--Mercara--The fort--The Rajahs of Coorg--The

Coorgs--Origin of the river Cauvery--Coorg--Climate--Coffee

cultivation--Sites for chinchona-plantations--Caryota Urens

--Virarajendrapett--Cardamom cultivation--Kumari--Poon, blackwood,

and teak--Pepper cultivation in Malabar--Cannanore--Nuggur and Baba

Bodeen hills--The Beebee of Cannanore--Compta--Sedashighur--Arrive

at Bombay 432

CHAPTER XXVII.

THE MAHABALESHWUR HILLS AND THE DECCAN.

Journey from Bombay to Malcolm-penth--The Mahabaleshwur hills--The

village and its temples--Elevation of the hills--Formation--Soil

--Climate--Vegetation--Sites for chinchona-plantations--Paunchgunny

--Waee--Its temples--The babool-tree--Shirwul--The village system

--Village officials--Barra-balloota--Cultivators--Festivals--Crops

and harvests--Poona--The Bhore ghaut--Return to Bombay 458

CHAPTER XXVIII.

Cultivation of the chinchona-plants in the Neilgherry hills, under

the superintendence of Mr. McIvor 483

CHAPTER XXIX.

CHINCHONA CULTIVATION.

Ceylon--Sikkim--Bhotan--Khassya hills--Pegu--Jamaica--Conclusion

509

APPENDIX A.

General Miller and the Foreign Officers who served in the Patriot

Armies of Chile and Peru, between 1817 and 1830 521

APPENDIX B.

Botanical descriptions of the genus Chinchona, and of the species

of Chinchonæ now growing in India and Ceylon 530

APPENDIX C.

Notes on the principal plants employed in India on account of their

real or supposed febrifuge virtues: by Alexander Smith, Esq. 546

APPENDIX D.

Report, by Mr. McIvor, on the cultivation of Chinchona-plants in

Southern India 566

APPENDIX E.

Note on the export-trade in Peruvian bark from the South American

ports, and on the import-trade into England 571

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

PAGE

Chinchona-plants at Ootacamund _Frontispiece_.

Chinchona Micrantha _to face_ 32

Arequipa " 75

Arequipa Cathedral " 76

A Cholo of Arequipa 87

Balsa on Lake Titicaca 107

The Towers of Sillustani _to face_ 111

Genealogical Table of the Family of the Incas of Peru " 134

The Sondor-huasi, at Azangaro " 193

Chinchona Nitida Trees " 323

Chinchona Chahuarguera " 329

Canoe on the Beypoor river 520

Capsules and parts of the flower of Chinchona Chahuarguera--magnified

and natural size 532

Capsule and parts of the flower of Chinchona Succirubra 534

Parts of the flower and fruit of Chinchona Micrantha 539

* * * * *

Map to illustrate Mr. Spruce's journeys to the forests on the

Western slopes of Chimborazo _to face_ 313

Map of part of Peru, to illustrate Mr. C. Markham's journey to

the Chinchona forests of Caravaya _at the end._

POSTSCRIPT.

OCT. 16, 1862.

[Illustration]

LATEST INTELLIGENCE OF THE CHINCHONA PLANTS, FROM THE NEILGHERRY HILLS.

Number of Chinchona plants on the Neilgherry Hills on August 31st, 1862.

Species. Number.

_C. Succirubra_ 30,150

_C. Calisaya_ 1,050

_C. Condaminea_ (var. _Uritusinga_) 41

_C. Condaminea_ (var. _Chahuarguera_) 20,030

_C. Condaminea_ (var. _Crispa_) 236

_C. lancifolia_ 1

_C. nitida_ 8,500

_C. micrantha_ 7,400

_C. Peruviana_ 2,295

Species without name 2,440

_C. Pahudiana_ 425

________

Total 72,568[2]

The total number of plants permanently placed out in the plantations,

on August 31st, 1862, was 13,700, and, although only recently

transplanted, they are in a very promising condition. The number placed

out, at the same date, in the nurseries in the open air, and in the

hardening-off frames, was 18,076, all in the finest possible state of

health. The number of small plants under glass, including those used

for the production of wood for propagation, was 40,792.

There are four plantations for Chinchona cultivation, either cleared

and planted, or about to be cleared, at Neddiwuttum and Pycarrah;

besides the loftier one at Dodabetta. At Neddiwuttum the "Denison

Plantations" will contain about 210 acres of planted land, the "Markham

Plantation" about 200 acres; and near Pycarrah about 250 acres are to

be planted, of fine well-watered land, completely sheltered from the

west winds, to be called the "Wood Plantation," after the Secretary of

State for India: altogether about 660 acres, besides the Dodabetta site.

Plants are to be disposed of to private individuals who may be desirous

of undertaking the cultivation, and 22,000 had already been ordered in

the beginning of September.

* * * * *

LATEST INTELLIGENCE FROM DARJEELING.

Dr. Anderson, who is in charge of the Chinchona cultivation in Bengal,

brought the plants to the Darjeeling Hills early in May 1862. He

then had 84 plants of _C. succirubra_, 44 of _C. micrantha_, 48 of

_C. nitida_, 2 of _C. Peruviana_, 5 of _C. Calisaya_, and 53 of _C.

Pahudiana_. On July 26th these had been increased, by layers and

cuttings, to 140 of _C. succirubra_, 53 of _C. nitida_, 43 of _C.

micrantha_, 7 of _C. Calisaya_, and 3 of _C. Peruviana_. _See page 512._

* * * * *

LATEST INTELLIGENCE FROM CEYLON.

On July 29th, 1862, Mr. Thwaites had raised 960 young plants of _C.

Condaminea_ from seeds. At the same date the plants of _C. succirubra_

were thriving admirably, several being planted out in the hill garden,

and a few at Peradenia. The other species were doing well, and Mr.

Thwaites was propagating as fast as possible from cuttings. _See page

509._

* * * * *

C. PAHUDIANA.--THE DUTCH SPECIES.

The _C. Pahudiana_, which forms the bulk of the Java plantations, is

now generally acknowledged to be worthless. A tree of this species

has been chemically analyzed by Professors G. F. Mülder and F. A. W.

Miquel, and, in consequence of the joint report of these gentlemen,

the Dutch Government have determined to put an entire stop to its

cultivation. _See page 56. See letter from M. Hasskarl, dated May 23rd,

1862._

TRAVELS IN PERU.

CHAPTER I.

DISCOVERY OF PERUVIAN BARK.

The Countess of Chinchon--Introduction of the use of bark into

Europe--M. La Condamine's first description of a _Chinchona_-tree--J.

de Jussieu--Description of the Chinchona region--The different

valuable species--The discovery of quinine.

THE whole world, and especially all tropical countries where

intermittent fevers prevail, have long been indebted to the mountainous

forests of the Andes for that inestimable febrifuge which has now

become indispensable, and the demand for which is rapidly increasing,

while the supply decreases, throughout all civilized countries. There

is probably no drug which is more valuable to man than the febrifugal

alkaloid which is extracted from the chinchona-trees of South America;

and few greater blessings could be conferred on the human race than the

naturalization of these trees in India, and other congenial regions, so

as to render the supply more certain, cheaper, and more abundant.

It will be the principal object of the following pages to relate the

measures which have been adopted within the last two years to collect

plants and seeds of these quinine-yielding chinchonæ, in the various

regions of South America, where the most valuable species are found;

and to give an account of their introduction into India, and of the

hill districts in that country where it is considered most likely that

they will thrive. But it is necessary that the reader should have a

general knowledge of these precious trees, and of their history, before

he accompanies the explorers who were sent in search of them over the

cordilleras of the Andes, and into the vast untrodden forests.

It would be strange indeed, if, as is generally supposed, the Indian

aborigines of South America were ignorant of the virtues of Peruvian

bark; yet the absence of this sovereign remedy in the wallets of

itinerant native doctors who have plied their trade from father to son,

since the time of the Incas, certainly gives some countenance to this

idea. It seems probable, nevertheless, that the Indians were aware of

the virtues of Peruvian bark in the neighbourhood of Loxa, 230 miles

south of Quito, where its use was first made known to Europeans: and

the Indian name for the tree _quina-quina_, "bark of bark," indicates

that it was believed to possess some special medicinal properties.[3]

The Indians looked upon their conquerors with dislike and suspicion;

it is improbable that they would be quick to impart knowledge of this

nature to them; and the interval which elapsed between the discovery

and settlement of the country and the first use of Peruvian bark by

Europeans may thus easily be explained.[4] The conquest and subsequent

civil wars in Peru cannot be said to have been finally concluded until

the time of the viceroy Marquis of Cañete, in 1560; and J. de Jussieu

reports that a Jesuit, who had a fever at Malacotas,[5] was cured by

Peruvian bark in 1600. M. La Condamine also found a manuscript in the

library of a convent at Loxa, in which it was stated that the Europeans

of the province used the bark at about the same time. Thus an interval

of only forty years intervened between the pacification of Peru and the

discovery of its most valuable product.

It may be added, however, that though the Indians were aware of the

febrifugal qualities of this bark, they attached little importance

to them, and this may be another reason for the lapse of time which

occurred before the knowledge was imparted to the Spaniards. Referring

to this circumstance La Condamine says, "Nul n'est saint dans son

pays." This indifference to, and in many cases even prejudice against

the use of the Peruvian bark, amongst the Indians, is very remarkable.

Poeppig, writing in 1830, says that in the Peruvian province of Huanuco

the people, who are much subject to tertian agues, have a strong

repugnance to its use. The Indian thinks that the cold north alone

permits the use of fever-bark; he considers it as very heating, and

therefore an unfit remedy in complaints which he believes to arise from

inflammation of the blood.[6] Humboldt also notices this repugnance

to using the bark amongst the natives; and Mr. Spruce makes the same

observation with respect to the people of Ecuador and New Granada.[7]

He says that they refer all diseases to the influence of either heat

or cold; and, confounding cause and effect, they suppose all fevers to

proceed from heat. They justly believe bark to be very heating, and

hence their prejudice against its use in fevers, which they treat with

_frescos_ or cooling drinks. Even in Guayaquil the prejudice against

quinine is so strong that, when a physician administers it, he is

obliged to call it by another name.

In about 1630 Don Juan Lopez de Canizares, the Spanish Corregidor of

Loxa, being ill with an intermittent fever, an Indian of Malacotas is

said to have revealed to him the healing virtues of quinquina bark,

and to have instructed him in the proper way to administer it, and thus

his cure was effected.

In 1638 the wife of Luis Geronimo Fernandez de Cabrera Bobadilla

y Mendoza, fourth Count of Chinchon, lay sick of an intermittent

fever in the palace at Lima. Her famous cure induced Linnæus, long

afterwards, to name the whole genus of quinine-yielding trees in her

honour _chinchona_. The godmother of these priceless treasures of the

vegetable kingdom has, therefore, some claim upon our attention.

This Countess of Chinchon was a daughter of the noble house of Osorio,

whose founder was created Marquis of Astorga by Henry IV., King of

Castille. The eighth marquis, who died at Astorga in 1613, had a

daughter by his wife Dona Blanca Manrique y Aragon, named Ana,[8]

born in 1576; and the ruins of the palace in the curious old town of

Astorga, in which she passed her childhood, are still standing.[9]

At the early age of sixteen she was married to Don Luis de Velasco,

Marquis of Salinas, who was about to assume the important office of

viceroy of Mexico. She probably accompanied her husband to Mexico, and

afterwards to Lima, as he was viceroy of Peru from 1596 to 1604. In the

latter year he resumed his former office in Mexico, and, on his return

to Spain, he became President of the Council of the Indies from 1611 to

1617.[10] The lady Ana had thus been a great traveller, when, in the

latter year, she found herself a widow. In 1621 she was married, in the

city of Madrid, to her second husband the fourth Count of Chinchon,

who was descended from a long line of proud and valiant Catalonian

ancestors. One of his forefathers, Don Andres de Cabrera, who was

created Marquis of Moya in 1480, married Beatriz de Bobadilla, so well

known in history as the faithful attendant and confidential friend of

Queen Isabella the Catholic. The Emperor Charles V., remembering the

services and ancient dignity of the illustrious families of Cabrera and

Bobadilla, created the second son of the Marquis of Moya, by Beatriz

de Bobadilla, Count of his town of Chinchon, in the kingdom of Toledo,

in 1517.[11] The third Count was one of the over-worked ministers

of that most indefatigable of "red-tapists" Philip II.; and his son

became the husband of the widow Ana, who accompanied him to Lima on his

appointment as viceroy of Peru in 1629. Thus, for the second time, this

lady entered the City of the Kings as Vice-Queen.

While the Countess Ana was suffering from fever in 1638, in her

sixty-third year, the Corregidor of Loxa, Don Juan Lopez de Canizares,

sent a parcel of powdered quinquina bark to her physician, Juan de

Vega, who was also captain of the armoury, assuring him that it was a

sovereign and never-failing remedy for "tertiana." It was administered

to the Countess and effected a complete cure; and Mr. Howard is

of opinion that the particular plant which had this honour, and

which, therefore, yields the true and original Peruvian bark, is the

_Chahuarguera_ variety of the _C. Condaminea_.[12] This kind contains a

large percentage of _chinchonidine_, an alkaloid, the great importance

of which is only now just beginning to be recognised, so that it is

to _chinchonidine_, and not to _quinine_, that the Countess's cure is

due.[13]

The Count of Chinchon returned to Spain in 1640, and his Countess,

bringing with her a quantity of the healing bark, was thus the first

person to introduce this invaluable medicine into Europe.[14] Hence

it was sometimes called Countess's bark, and Countess's powder. Her

physician, Juan de Vega, sold it at Seville for one hundred reals the

pound. In memory of this great service Linnæus named the genus which

yields it _Chinchona_, and afterwards the lady Ana's name was still

further immortalized in the great family of _Chinchonaceæ_, which,

together with _Chinchonæ_, includes ipecacuanhas and coffees. By modern

writers the first _h_ has usually been dropped, and the word is now

almost invariably, but most erroneously, spelt _Cinchona_.

After the cure of the Countess of Chinchon, the Jesuits were the

great promoters of the introduction of bark into Europe. In 1639, as

the last act of his viceroyalty, her husband did good service to the

cause of geographical discovery, by causing the expedition under the

Portuguese Texeira to proceed from Quito to the mouth of the Amazons,

accompanied by the Jesuit Acuña, who wrote a most valuable account of

the voyage.[15] From that time the missionaries of Acuña's fraternity

continued to penetrate into the forests bordering on the upper waters

of the Amazons, and to form settlements; and Humboldt mentions a

tradition that these Jesuits accidentally discovered the bitterness

of the bark, and tried an infusion of it in tertian ague. In 1670 the

Jesuit missionaries sent parcels of the powdered bark to Rome, whence

it was distributed to members of the fraternity throughout Europe

by the Cardinal de Lugo, and used for the cure of agues with great

success. Hence the name of "Jesuits' bark," and "Cardinal's bark;" and

it was a ludicrous result of its patronage by the Jesuits that its use

should have been for a long time opposed by Protestants and favoured

by Roman Catholics. In 1679 Louis XIV. bought the secret of preparing

quinquina from Sir Robert Talbor, an English doctor, for two thousand

louis-d'ors, a large pension, and a title. From that time Peruvian

bark seems to have been recognised as the most efficacious remedy for

intermittent fevers. The second Lord Shaftesbury, who died in 1699,

mentions in one of his letters--"Dr. Locke's and all our ingenious and

able doctors' method of treating fevers with the Peruvian bark:" he

declares his belief that it is "the most innocent and effectual of all

medicines;" but he also alludes to "the bugbear the world makes of it,

especially the tribe of inferior physicians."

There can be no doubt that a very strong prejudice was raised against

it, which it took many years to conquer; and the controversies which

arose on the subject between learned doctors were long and acrimonious.

Dr. Colmenero, a professor of the University of Salamanca, wrote a

work in which he declared that ninety sudden deaths had been caused by

its use in Madrid alone.[16] Chiflet (Paris, 1653) and Plempius (Rome,

1656), two great enemies of novelty, prophesied the early death of

quinquina, and its inevitable malediction by future ages; while the

more enlightened Badius (Genoa, 1656) defended its use, and quoted more

than twelve thousand cures by the aid of this remedy, performed by the

best doctors of the hospitals in Italy. In 1692 Dr. Morton, one of the

opponents of its use, was obliged to retract all he had said against

quinquina; and it was then that it began to be generally admitted

as a valuable medicine. It still, however, remained a subject of

controversy, and as late as 1714 two Italian physicians, Ramazzini and

Torti,[17] held opposite views on the subject. Ramazzini wrote against

its use with much violence, while Torti maintained that, in proper

doses, it would arrest remittent and intermittent fevers.[18]

Whilst the inestimable value of Peruvian bark was gradually forcing

conviction on the most bigoted medical conservatives of Europe, and

whilst the number and efficacy of cures effected by its means were

bringing it into general use, and consequently increasing the demand,

it was long before any knowledge was obtained of the tree from which it

was taken. In 1726 La Fontaine, at the solicitation of the Duchess of

Bouillon, who had been cured of a dangerous fever by taking Peruvian

bark, composed a poem in two cantos to celebrate its virtues; but the

exquisite beauty of the leaves, and the delicious fragrance of the

flowers of the quinquina-tree, with allusions to which he might have

adorned his poem, were still unknown in Europe.

The first description of the quinquina-tree is due to that memorable

French expedition to South America, to which all branches of science

owe so much. The members of this expedition, MM. De la Condamine,

Godin, Bouguer, and the botanist Joseph de Jussieu, sailed from

Rochelle on the 16th of May, 1735, to measure the arc of a degree near

Quito, and thus determine the shape of the earth. After a residence

at Quito, Jussieu set out for Loxa, to examine the quinquina-tree, in

March, 1739, and in 1743 La Condamine visited Loxa, and stayed for some

time at Malacotas, with a Spaniard whose chief source of income was the

collection of bark. He obtained some young plants with the intention of

taking them down the river Amazons to Cayenne, and thence transporting

them to the Jardin des Plantes at Paris; but a wave washed over his

little vessel near Para, at the mouth of the great river, and carried

off the box in which he had preserved these plants for more than eight

months. "Thus," he says, "I lost them after all the care I had taken

during a voyage of more than twelve hundred leagues."[19] This was the

first attempt to transport chinchona-plants from their native forests.

Condamine described the quinquina-tree of Loxa in the 'Mémoires de

l'Académie;'[20] he was the first man of science who examined and

described this important plant; and in 1742 Linnæus established the

genus CHINCHONA, in honour of the Countess Ana of Chinchon. He,

however, only knew of two species, that of Loxa, which was named _C.

officinalis_, and the _C. Caribæa_, since degraded to the medicinally

worthless genus of _Exostemmas_.

Joseph de Jussieu, whose name is associated with that of La Condamine

in the first examination of the chinchona-trees of Loxa, continued his

researches in South America after the departure of his associate. He

penetrated on foot into the province of Canelos, the scene of Gonzalo

Pizarro's wonderful achievements and terrible sufferings; he visited

Lima with M. Godin; he travelled over Upper Peru as far as the forests

of Santa Cruz de la Sierra; and he was the first botanist who examined

and sent home specimens of the coca-plant, the beloved narcotic of the

Peruvian Indian. After fifteen years of laborious work he was robbed

of his large collection of plants by a servant at Buenos Ayres, who

believed that the boxes contained money. This loss had a disastrous

effect on poor Jussieu, who, in 1771, returned to France, deprived of

reason, after an absence of thirty-four years. Dr. Weddell has named

the shrubby variety of _C. Calisaya_ in honour of this unfortunate

botanist _C. Josephiana_.

For many years the quinquina-tree of Loxa, the _C. officinalis_ of

Linnæus, was the only species with which botanists were acquainted;

and from 1640 to 1776 no other bark was met with in commerce than that

which was exported from the Peruvian port of Payta, brought down from

the forests in the neighbourhood of Loxa. The constant practice of

improvidently felling the trees over so small an area for more than a

century, without any cessation, inevitably led to their becoming very

scarce, and threatened their eventual extinction. As early as 1735

Ulloa reported to the Spanish Government, that the habit of cutting

down the trees in the forests of Loxa, and afterwards barking them,

without taking the precaution of planting others in their places, would

undoubtedly cause their complete extirpation. "Though the trees are

numerous," he added, "yet they have an end;" and he suggested that the

Corregidor of Loxa should be directed to appoint an overseer, whose

duty it should be to examine the forests, and satisfy himself that a

tree was planted in place of every one that was felled, on pain of a

fine.[21] This wise rule was never enforced, and sixty years afterwards

Humboldt reported that 25,000 trees were destroyed in one year.

The measures adopted by the Spanish Government towards the end of the

last century, in sending botanical expeditions to explore the chinchona

forests in other parts of their vast South American possessions, led to

the discovery of additional valuable species, the introduction of their

barks into commerce, and the reduction of the pressure on the Loxa

forests, which were thus relieved from being the sole source whence

Peruvian bark could be supplied to the world.

The region of chinchona-trees extends from 19° S. latitude, where

Weddell found the _C. Australis_, to 10° N., following the almost

semicircular curve of the cordillera of the Andes over 1740 miles of

latitude. They flourish in a cool and equable temperature, on the

slopes and in the valleys and ravines of the mountains, surrounded

by the most majestic scenery, never descending below an elevation of

2500, and ascending as high as 9000 feet above the sea. Within these

limits their usual companions are tree ferns, melastomaceæ, arborescent

passion-flowers, and allied genera of chinchonaceous plants. Below them

are the forests abounding in palms and bamboos, above their highest

limits are a few lowly Alpine shrubs. But within this wide zone grow

many species of chinchonæ, each within its own narrower belt as regards

elevation above the sea, some yielding the inestimable bark, and others

commercially worthless. And the species of chinchonæ, in their native

forests, are not only divided from each other by zones as regards

height above the sea, but also by parallels of latitude. In Bolivia

and Caravaya, for instance, the valuable _C. Calisaya_ abounds, but it

is never found nearer the equator than 12° S. Between that parallel

and 10° S. the forests are for the most part occupied by worthless

species, while in Northern Peru the important grey barks of commerce

are found. In each of these latitudinal regions the different species

are again divided by belts of altitude. Yet this confinement within

zones of latitude and altitude is not a constant rule; for several of

the hardier and stronger species have a wider range; while the more

sensitive, and these are usually the most precious kinds, are close

prisoners within their allotted zones, and never pass more than a

hundred yards beyond them. All the species are, of course, affected by

local circumstances, which more or less modify the positions of their

zones, as regards altitude.

Thus, to give a geographical summary of the chinchona region, beginning

from the south, it commences in the Bolivian province of Cochabamba in

19° S., passes through the yungus of La Paz, Larecaja, Caupolican, and

Munecas, into the Peruvian province of Caravaya; thence through the

Peruvian forests, on the eastern slopes of the Andes, of Marcapata,

Paucartambo, Santa Anna, Guanta, and Uchubamba, to Huanuco and

Huamalies, where the grey bark is found. It then continues through

Jaen, to the forests near Loxa and Cuenca, and on the western slopes of

Chimborazo. It begins again in latitude 1° 51´ N. at Almaguer, passes

through the province of Popayan, and along the slopes of the Andes of

Quindiu, until it reaches its extreme northern limit on the wooded

heights of Merida and Santa Martha.

Humboldt remarks that, beyond these limits, the Silla de Caraccas, and

other mountains in the province of Cumana, possess a suitable altitude

and climate for the growth of chinchona-trees, as well as some parts

of Mexico, yet that they have never been found either in Cumana or

Mexico; and he suggests that this may be accounted for by the breaks

which take place in Venezuela on the one hand, and on the isthmus of

Panama on the other, where tracts of country of low elevation intervene

between the lofty mountains of Cumana and Mexico and the chinchona

region of the main Andes. In these low districts the chinchona-trees

may have encountered obstacles which prevented their propagation to

the northward: otherwise we might expect to find them in the beautiful

Mexican woods of Jalapa, whither the soil and climate, and their usual

companions the tree ferns and melastomaceæ, would seem to invite

them.[22]

Be this how it may, the chinchona-plant has never been found in any

part of the world beyond the limits already described.

The chinchonas, when in good soil and under other favourable

circumstances, become large forest trees; on higher elevations, and

when crowded, and growing in rocky ground, they frequently run up to

great heights without a branch; and at the upper limit of their zone

they become mere shrubs. The leaves are of a great variety of shapes

and sizes, but, in most of the finest species, they are lanceolate,

with a shining surface of bright green, traversed by crimson veins,

and petioles of the same colour. The flowers are very small, but hang

in clustering panicles, like lilacs, generally of a deep roseate

colour, paler near the stalk, dark crimson within the tube, with white

curly hairs bordering the laciniæ of the corolla. The flowers of _C.

micrantha_ are entirely white. They send forth a delicious fragrance

which scents the air in their vicinity.

The earliest botanists gave the name of Chinchona to a vast number of

allied genera, which have since been separated, and grouped under other

names.[23] There are three characteristics by which a true chinchona

may invariably be known; the presence of curly hairs bordering the

laciniæ of the corolla, the peculiar mode of dehiscence of the capsule

from below upwards, and the little pits at the axils of the veins

on the under sides of the leaves. These characters distinguish the

chinchona from many trees which grow with it, and which might at

first sight be taken for the same genus. The fact, established by the

investigations of chemists, that none of these allied genera contain

any of the medicinal alkaloids, has confirmed the propriety of their

expulsion from the chinchona genus by botanists; and Dr. Weddell gives

a list of seventy-three plants, once received as Chinchonæ, which are

now more properly classed under allied genera, such as _Cosmibuena_,

_Cascarilla_, _Exostemma_, _Remijia_, _Ladenbergia_, _Lasionema_,

&c.[24]

Thus thinned out and reduced in numbers, the list of species of

Chinchonæ has been established by Dr. Weddell at nineteen, and two

doubtful;[25] but even the classification of this eminent authority,

published in 1849, already requires much alteration and revision. For

instance: Dr. Weddell gives no place to the "red-bark" species, the

richest in alkaloids, and one of the most important, which, through

the recent investigations of Mr. Spruce, will now probably be admitted

by botanists as a distinct species, the _C. succirubra_ (Pavon). A new

grey bark now introduced into India as _C. Peruviana_ (Howard), and

the _C. Pahudiana_ (Howard), a worthless kind, cultivated by the Dutch

in Java, will also be received as additional species. It seems likely

also that the _C. Condaminea_ requires to be divided into two or three

distinct species; while the _C. Boliviana_ (Weddell) will sink into a

mere variety of the _C. Calisaya_.

The commercially valuable species, however, comprise but a small

proportion of the whole; and, as all these have now been introduced

into India, they alone deserve our attention. They are as follows:--

_C. succirubra_ (Pavon) yielding _Red bark._

{_C. Chahuarguera_ (Pavon) }

_C. Condaminea._ {_C. crispa_ (Tafalla)} " _Crown bark._

{_C. Uritusinga_ (Pavon) }

{_C. lancifolia_ (Mutis) " _Carthagena bark._

_C. nitida_ (Ruiz & Pavon)}

_C. micrantha_ (Ruiz & Pavon)} " _Grey bark._

_C. Peruviana_ (Howard) }

_C. Calisaya_ (Weddell) " _Yellow bark._

These species yield five different kinds of medicinal barks, which

are collected from five different regions in South America; and in

the following chapter I propose to give a brief account of each of

these regions, of their chinchona-trees, and of the investigations of

botanists down to the time when measures were taken to introduce these

inestimable plants into Java and India. Such an account will naturally

divide itself into five sections:--

I.--The Loxa region, and its _crown barks_.

II.--The _red-bark_ region, on the western slopes of Chimborazo.

III.--The New Granada region.

IV.--The Huanuco region in Northern Peru, and its _grey barks_.

V.--The _Calisaya_ region, in Bolivia and Southern Peru.

Before entering on this subject, however, it will be well to cast a

hasty glance at the progress of those investigations which ended in the

discovery of the febrifugal principle in Peruvian bark.

The roots, flowers, and capsules of the chinchona-trees have a bitter

taste with tonic properties, but the upper bark is the only part which

has any commercial value.[26] The bark of trees is composed of four

layers--the epiderm, the periderm, the cellular layer, and the liber or

fibrous layer, composed of hexagonal cells filled with resinous matter

and woody tissue. In growing, the tree pushes out the bark, and, as the

exterior part ceases to grow, it separates into layers, and forms the

dead part or periderm; which in chinchonas is partially destroyed, and

blended with the thallus of lichens. The bark is thus formed of the

dead part, or periderm, and the living part, or derm. On young branches

there is no dead part, the exterior layers remaining entire, while

the inner layers have not had time to develop. In thick old branches,

on the contrary, the periderm or dead part is considerable, while the

fibrous layer of the derm is fully developed. In preparing the bark

the periderm is removed by striking the trunk with a mallet, and the

derm is then taken off by uniform incisions. The thin pieces from small

branches are simply exposed to the sun's rays, and assume the form of

hollow cylinders, or quills, called by the natives _canuto_ bark. The

solid trunk bark is called _tabla_ or _plancha_, and is sewn up in

coarse canvas and an outer envelope of fresh hide, forming the packages

called _serons_.

The character of the transverse fracture affords an important criterion

of the quality of the bark. Cellular tissue breaks with a short and

smooth fracture, woody tissue with a fibrous fracture, as is the case

with the _calisaya_ bark. The best characteristics by which barks

containing much quinine may be distinguished are the shortness of the

fibres which cover the transverse fracture, and the facility with which

they may be detached, instead of being flexible and adhering as in bad

barks. Thus, when dry _calisaya_ bark is handled, a quantity of little

prickles run into the skin, and this forms one of its distinguishing

marks.[27]

Until the present century Peruvian bark was used in its crude state,

and numerous attempts were made at different times to discover the

actual healing principle in the bark, before success was finally

attained. The first trial which is worthy of attention was made in

1779 by the chemists Buguet and Cornette, who recognised the existence

of an essential salt, a resinous and an earthy matter in quinquina

bark. In 1790 Fourcroy discovered the existence of a colouring matter,

afterwards called _chinchona red_, and a Swedish doctor named Westring,

in 1800, believed that he had discovered the active principle in

quinquina bark. In 1802 the French chemist Armand Seguin undertook

the bark trade on a large scale, and found it necessary to study

the means of discovering good barks, and distinguishing them from

bad ones. He found that the best quinquina bark was precipitated by

tannin, while the bad was not precipitated by that substance. In 1803

another chemist found a crystalline substance in the bark which he

called "_sel essentiel fébrifuge_" but it was nothing more than the

combination of lime with an acid which was named _quinic acid_. Reuss,

a Russian chemist, in 1815, was the first to give a tolerable analysis

of quinquina bark; and about the same time Dr. Duncan of Edinburgh

suggested that a real substance existed as a febrifugal principle.

Dr. Gomez, a surgeon in the Portuguese navy, in 1816, was the first

to isolate this febrifugal principle hinted at by Dr. Duncan, and he

called it _chinchonine_.[28]

But the final discovery of quinine is due to the French chemists

Pelletier and Caventou, in 1820. They considered that a vegetable

alkaloid, analogous to morphine and strychnine, existed in quinquina

bark; and they afterwards discovered that the febrifugal principle was

seated in two alkaloids, separate or together, in the different kinds

of bark, called _quinine_ and _chinchonine_, with the same virtues,

which, however, were much more powerful in quinine. It was believed

that in most barks chinchonine exists in the cellular layer, and

quinine in the liber, or fibrous layer; but Mr. Howard has since shown

that this view is quite incorrect.[29] In 1829 Pelletier discovered a

third alkaloid, which he called _aricine_, of no use in medicine, and

derived from a worthless species of chinchona, growing in most of the

forests of Peru, called _C. pubescens_.[30]

The organic constituents of chinchona barks are--

Quina. | Kinovic acid.

Chinchonia. | Chinchona red.

Aricina. | A yellow colouring matter.

Quinidia. | A green fatty matter.

Chinchonidia. | Starch.

Quinic acid. | Gum.

Tannic acid. | Lignin.

These materials are in different proportions according to the barks.

Grey bark chiefly contains chinchonine and tannin; Calisaya, or yellow

bark, much quinine, and a little chinchonine; red bark holds quinine

and chinchonine in nearly equal proportions; while the barks of New

Granada chiefly contain chinchonidine and quinidine. The two latter

alkaloids were definitively discovered in 1852 by M. Pasteur; although

the Dutch chemist Heijningen had, in 1848, found what he called β

quinine or quinidine. Chinchonidine is only second to quinine itself in

importance as a febrifugal principle.

_Quinine_ is a white substance, without smell, bitter, fusible,

crystallized, with the property of left-handed rotatory polarization.

The salts of quinine are soluble in water, alcohol, and ether. Of

all the salts the bisulphate of quinine is preferred, because it

constitutes a stable salt, easy to prepare, and containing a strong

proportion of the alkaloid. It is very bitter and soluble, and

crystallizes in long silky needles. It is prepared by adding sulphuric

acid to the sulphate.[31]

_Chinchonine_ differs from quinine in being less soluble in water,

and being altogether insoluble in ether. It has the property of

right-handed rotatory polarization.

_Quinidine_ also has the property of right-handed rotatory

polarization, and forms salts like those of quinine. It becomes green

by successive additions of chlorine and ammonia.

_Chinchonidine_ has not the property of turning green, and forms a

sulphate almost exactly like sulphate of quinine.[32]

The discovery of these alkaloids in the quinquina[33] bark, by enabling

chemists to extract the healing principle, has greatly increased the

usefulness of the drug. In small doses they promote the appetite

and assist digestion; and chinchonine is equal to quinine in mild

cases of intermittent fever; but in severe cases the use of quinine

is absolutely necessary. Thus these alkaloids not only possess

tonic properties to which recourse may be had under a multitude of

circumstances, but also have a febrifugal virtue which is unequalled,

and which has rendered them almost a necessary of life in tropical

countries, and in low marshy situations where agues prevail. Many a

poor fellow's life was saved in the Walcheren expedition by the timely

arrival of a Yankee trader with some chests of bark, after the supply

had entirely failed in the camp.[34] Dr. Baikie, in his voyage up the

Niger, attributed the return of his men alive to the habitual use of

quinine; and the number of men whose lives it has saved in our naval

service and in India will give a notion of the vast importance of a

sufficient and cheap supply of the precious bark which yields it.

India and other countries have been vainly searched for a substitute

for quinine, and we may say with as much truth now as Laubert did in

1820--"This medicine, the most precious of all those known in the art

of healing, is one of the greatest conquests made by man over the

vegetable kingdom. The treasures which Peru yields, and which the

Spaniards sought and dug out of the bowels of the earth, are not to be

compared for utility with the bark of the quinquina-tree, which they

for a long time ignored.[35]

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