CHAPTER XI

Hours of Work

Since the working hours of women in English industry have long been

regulated by law, the discussion of the effects of the war on working

time centers in the modifications in the legislation made because of

war conditions. The main facts are comparatively well known in America.

The early war time extension of hours, the discovery that the previous

limitations had operated in the interests of industrial efficiency as

well as humanitarian considerations and the final restoration of almost

the prewar limit of working hours, with a better appreciation of their

real utility and value, are fairly familiar. Certain modifications in

the daily hour standards were allowed throughout the war, however, and

night work by women continued common.

At the outbreak of the war legal hours were ten daily and fifty-five

weekly in textile factories, and ten and a half daily and sixty

weekly, with a limited amount of overtime, in nontextile factories

and workshops. But the Secretary of State had the power to modify

these restrictions “in case of any public emergency.” The factory acts

allowed him at such periods to exempt work on government contracts and

in government factories from hour limitations “to the extent and during

the period named by him.”[159]

[159] Factory and Workshop Act, 1901, 1 Edw. 7, Ch. 22, Sec. 150.

_The Demand for Overtime_

A demand for the exercise of this power to extend women’s hours and to

allow them to do night and Sunday work was made by manufacturers of

army supplies in the early days of the war. While the greatest rush of

government orders came to firms making munitions, clothing and camp

equipment, the number of trades affected was “unexpectedly great,

extending from big guns to boot nails, from blankets to tapes, from

motor wagons to cigarettes.”[160]

[160] Great Britain Home Office, _Report of the Chief Inspector of

Factories and Workshops for 1914_, p. 55.

The factory inspectors felt that they were facing a difficult problem.

Obviously it was necessary to secure the greatest possible output,

but it was equally apparent that labor would soon break down if

unrestricted overtime were permitted. Moreover, “was it right that one

set of operatives should be working excessive hours, while others were

without work at all?” It is well to keep in mind also that at this

time the Germans were fighting their way through Belgium and advancing

on Paris, and that the expeditionary force must at all costs be kept

supplied. In the emergency, overtime orders, good for one month each,

were granted individual firms who requested them on account of war

demands. These orders usually permitted women to work either in eight

hour or twelve hour shifts during any part of the twenty-four hours,

or, as an alternative to the shift system, two hours of overtime

daily on each of five days were allowed, making a seventy hour week.

Permission to work Saturday overtime or Sundays was rarely granted.

Additional meal periods were required if overtime was worked.

As the unemployment crisis passed, “the sole problem” came to be “what

scale of hours was likely to give the largest amount of production.”

Steps were then taken to replace the first individual permits for

exemptions by uniform orders for an entire trade. The latter were

still issued, however, not for the industry as a whole, but only to

individual firms applying for them. The permits were largely based

on joint conferences with employers and employes, and allowed women

to work at night or some eight or nine hours of overtime weekly. The

latter meant a working week of about sixty-five hours in textile

factories, and between sixty-five and seventy in other forms of factory

work. The demands of employers had often been for a far greater amount

of overtime.

The most extensive modifications of the law were made for munitions

plants where, on account of the “urgent demand” the inspectors

“recognized that latitude on a very wide scale must be permitted.”

Night work under either the two or the three shift system was allowed,

or as an alternative five hours of overtime weekly or seven and a half

in cases of special urgency. But women were not to be employed on

Sundays except for night work.

From August 4, 1914, to February 19, 1915, a total of 3,141 overtime

permits of all kinds were issued.[161] Only fifty-four permits allowing

night work remained in force at the end of 1914, though the number was

considerably increased in the first quarter of 1915.

[161] _Vide_ Appendix H, p. 240.

But overtime by women workers was unfortunately not even confined to

that sanctioned by special orders. There is considerable evidence

that long hours were also worked illegally, sometimes entirely

without permission, in other cases above the permitted modifications.

In September, 1914, the belief spread about that the factory acts

were wholly in abeyance until the end of the war, and the factory

inspectors admit that undoubtedly many cases of “long hours without

legal sanction” occurred. Yet “these have been steadily brought

under better control, the more steadily because of the knowledge of

intelligent manufacturers that unlimited hours can not be worked

without detriment to output, or in the long run without encroaching

on workers’ reserves.”[162] According to the factory inspectors, this

section of the manufacturers made more resistance to excessive overtime

at this period than the workers themselves. In the critical days

when the Germans were advancing toward Paris, many women were ready

to work all day and all night on army supplies. Except in surgical

dressing factories, where the girls were very young and the work very

monotonous, the operatives were said to show “a spirit of sustained,

untiring effort never seen before and most admirable.” One girl is

quoted as saying, “My sweetheart, he’s out there, and my two brothers,

so I may as well be working,” and a woman remarked that she wanted

to be able to write her husband in the trenches that she was “doing

her share.”[163] An appeal to the workers was made by Lord Kitchener

early in the war to the effect that “in carrying out the great work of

providing the army with its equipment employers and employes alike are

doing their duty for their King and country equally with those who have

joined the army for service in the field.” This was often posted in

factories, and helped to stimulate the women to work long hours without

complaint.

[162] Great Britain Home Office, _Report of the Chief Inspector of

Factories and Workshops for 1914_, p. 39.

[163] Great Britain Home Office, _Report of the Chief Inspector of

Factories and Workshops for 1914_, p. 40.

_Women’s Working Hours in 1915_

Authorities differ about women’s working hours in 1915 in a way that

makes it difficult to determine the exact situation. The factory

inspectors showed a considerable degree of optimism. From their point

of view the total numbers of hour law modifications in force remained

large, but the amount of overtime and week end work declined, and the

problem of violations was not serious.

In certain important industries, particularly clothing, boots,

shirts, leather equipment and surgical dressings, the need for

overtime had “for the present at all events ceased.” Yet the total

number of requests for exemptions was no less, though there was “a

marked reduction in the amount of latitude sought and allowed; for

instance, fresh demands for permission to work on Sundays are now

rarely received, and are confined to cases where sudden and unexpected

emergency arises or the processes are continuous. Requests for Saturday

afternoon work have also become less common, and there seems to be

a more general recognition of the advantages of a week end rest....

Sunday labor has been found to be more and more unsatisfactory; apart

from the ill effects which must follow from a long continued spell of

working seven days a week, it too often results in loss of time on

other days of the week and in consequent disorganization.”[164]

[164] _Ibid._, 1915, p. 6.

Only fifty orders allowing Sunday work by women and girls were

outstanding in December, 1915. These orders were strictly conditioned.

Sunday work was to be allowed only in cases of emergency and for part

of the day, and was not to be carried on in any two consecutive weeks.

Moderate hours through the week and time off on Saturdays were required.

Besides orders covering some twenty-seven different trades affected by

war demands, a general order was issued in September, 1915, modifying

the statute law in all other nontextile factories in which exemptions

were legal. Seven and a half hours of overtime, making a working week

of sixty-seven and a half hours, were permitted, and daily hours night

run up to a maximum of fourteen. The 1914 general overtime order was

continued in the munitions industry, and in special cases a week of

from seventy to eighty hours was allowed. The factory inspectors noted

on one hand that “many of the schemes put forward were considerably

within the maximum allowed, and even where the maximum was sought

it has been found in practice that the full number of hours were

frequently not worked,” and on the other hand that many special orders

had been required, especially for the large munition firms, in some of

which the hours remained longer than those permitted by the general

order for the trade. But on the whole there was “observable a distinct

tendency towards a reduction of hours in these works as elsewhere.”[165]

[165] _Vide_ Appendix I, p. 241.

Moreover, the tendency grew during the year “to substitute a system of

shifts for the long day followed by overtime.” The factory inspectors

urged the introduction of the three shift system, but, owing to the

scarcity of skilled male tool setters and other mechanics and sometimes

of women, two twelve hour shifts (generally ten and a half hours of

actual work) were much more prevalent. The inspectors maintained,

however, the superiority of three shifts, giving one example where the

change had been made in which output increased by a third while the

need for supervision diminished. But it should be noted that although

the shift system brought a reduction of overtime to women workers, it

involved an increasing amount of night work.

The factory inspectors had but slight criticisms to make of illegal

overtime and violations of orders. “There is little cause for complaint

as to the proper observance of the conditions of the orders,” except in

the Midlands. A few cases of serious irregularity were found elsewhere,

but were “striking exceptions to the general rule.... The most general

cause of complaint is that occupiers have taken upon themselves to work

overtime without authority, and have continued it without applying for

a renewal of their orders. There has been neglect, too, in affixing

notices specifying the hours of work.”[166]

But it is probable that during at least part of 1915 the optimism

of the factory inspectors regarding the shortening of hours and

elimination of illegal overtime was not completely justified. Under

powers granted by the Defence of the Realm Act an order of June 6,

1915,[167] extended the right of the Secretary of State to modify the

labor laws in a way which investigators state “proved very difficult

to handle properly.”[168] The modifications could be made, not only in

government factories and on government contracts, but in “any factory

... in which the Secretary of State is satisfied that by reason of

the loss of men or transference to government service, or of other

circumstances arising out of the present war exemption is necessary to

secure the carrying on of work ... required in the national interest.”

[166] Great Britain Home Office, _Report of the Chief Inspector of

Factories and Workshops for 1915_, p. 9.

[167] Order No. 551.

[168] John and Katherine Barrett, _British Industrial Conditions during

the War_, Sen. Doc. 114, 65th Cong., 1st Sess.

Complaints of excessive hours and violation of overtime orders

multiplied. Officials of the Ministry of Munitions admitted, during a

visit to the United States in the autumn of 1917, that for four to six

months after the shortage of munitions was discovered in the spring

of 1915, many women worked nearly a hundred hours a week. A case was

cited in the House of Commons of a factory where girls were working

regularly ten and a half hours a day seven days a week, and had worked

ninety-five hours a week “many times” since the beginning of the war.

Another much quoted case was that of a firm holding an exemption

allowing moderate overtime which worked one girl thirty hours at a

stretch and another twenty-five and a half hours. The second girl,

who was under eighteen, then met with an accident which brought the

situation to the attention of the factory inspectors. A prosecution

was started, but at the first trial the case was dismissed on the

grounds of a national necessity. At a second trial the counsel for

the defense called the prosecution “a piece of fatuous folly, only

justified by supreme ignorance,” and said that the Home Office, instead

of prosecuting “ought to have struck a special medal” for the girls.

“Now is not the time to talk about factory acts.”[169] The employer was

finally put on probation.

[169] G. D. H. Cole, _Labour in War Time_, 1915, p. 273.

However, in the latter part of 1915, and principally as a result of

the unsatisfactory conditions there took place the first of a new

series of developments which were to bring back women’s hours almost to

prewar standards and to improve greatly the scientific basis for the

restriction of working hours.

To the Ministry of Munitions is mainly due the new committees which

were largely responsible for the change. A special agent for the

Federal Trade Commission states that—

Toward the end of 1915 it became certain that some action

would have to be taken by the ministry to deal with the

question of excessive hours, more particularly those worked

by women and boys. The department’s attention was drawn to

the fact that the maximum number of weekly hours allowed

under the provisions of the general order made under the

factory acts was continually being exceeded and that without

the support of the ministry the home office found it

increasingly difficult to insure that no persons should work

excessive hours.[170]

[170] John Bass, _Report to the United States Federal Trade

Commission_, April 17, 1917. (In manuscript.)

The action took the form of the appointment of an interdepartmental

committee on hours of labor which included representatives of the Home

Office, the Admiralty, various supply departments and the Welfare

Section of the Ministry of Munitions. The committee considered

“claims from employers either for permission to work on Sunday, or

for exceptionally long hours during the week, and its inquiries

have resulted not only in a reduction of Sunday work, but in a more

favorable redistribution of hours generally.”[171] In October, 1915, it

secured the discontinuance of practically all Sunday work in munition

factories on the northeast coast.

[171] Great Britain Home Office, _Report of the Chief Inspector of

Factories and Workshops for 1915_, p. 6.

In September, 1915, the better known Health of Munition Workers

Committee was appointed by the Minister of Munitions with the

concurrence of the Home Secretary “to consider and advise on questions

of industrial fatigue, hours of labor and other matters affecting

the personal health and physical efficiency of workers in munition

factories and workshops.” By November the Ministry had referred to this

committee the question of Sunday work and of the substitution of the

three shift for the two shift system.

Even before its recommendations were received the Ministry took steps

to discourage Sunday work and the employment of women at night. A

circular was sent to all controlled establishments urging that all

workers should be granted a weekly rest period—preferably Sunday—both

for their own good and in the interests of production. The circular

said, in part:

The aim should be to work not more than twelve shifts per

fortnight or twenty-four where double shifts are worked....

Where three eight hour shifts are worked, not less than two

should be omitted on Sunday. It is, in the opinion of the

Minister, preferable to work a moderate amount of overtime

during the week, allowing a break on Sunday, rather than

work continuously from day to day. It is still more strongly

his view that where overtime is worked in the week, Sunday

labor is not desirable.

Another circular of instructions in November, 1915, recommended that

under the two shift system, women should be employed “as far as is

reasonably practicable” by day rather than by night.

_Later Developments_

Scientific studies in fatigue, and improvements in the regulation

of working hours, continued to be the chief features of the women’s

hour situation during the latter part of the war. Two reports made

for the Home Office by Dr. A. F. Stanley Kent on _An Investigation of

Industrial Fatigue by Physiological Methods_, showed, as the result

of actual experiments with working days of different length, that

overtime may “defeat its own object” and actually cause a diminution

in “total daily output.” The first report which had been published in

August, 1915, was of less direct practical importance, giving merely

a description of a number of tests adapted to showing fatigue in

factory workers. The second report, issued in September, 1916, was a

study of output and the effects of fatigue in certain plants making

war equipment under working days of different length. Among its most

significant conclusions from the point of view of hour restriction were

the following:

A worker employed for 10 hours per day may produce a greater

output than when employed for 12 hours, the extra rest being

more than sufficient to compensate for the loss of time.

A worker employed for 8 hours per day may produce a greater

output than another of equal capacity working 12 hours per

day.

A group of workers showed an absolute increase of over 5 per

cent of output as a result of diminution of 16½ per cent in

the length of the working day.

Another group increased their average rate of output from

262 to 276 as a result of shortening the day from 12 hours

to 10 and to 316 on a further shortening of 2 hours.

Under the conditions studied neither rate of working nor

total output attains a maximum when a 12 hour day is

adopted.[172]

[172] A. F. Stanley Kent, _Second Interim Report on an Investigation of

Industrial Fatigue by Physiological Methods_, Home Office, 1916, p. 44.

Two other scientific reports on the subject dealt with _The Question

of Fatigue from the Economic Standpoint_, and were put out by a

committee of the British Association for the Advancement of Science

in September, 1915, and September, 1916, respectively. The monographs

emphasized the importance of an observation of fatigue in the workers

and adaptation of the hours of labor thereto. The memoranda and reports

of the Health of Munition Workers Committee are the best known of this

group of studies, no doubt because besides being the work of scientific

investigators, they were carried on to form a basis for official

action, and contained definite recommendations for the shortening of

hours in order to improve output. While they dealt with munitions work

alone, the principles brought out are equally applicable to any form of

industrial occupation.

The first memorandum published in November, 1915, covered the subject

of Sunday labor, and recommended without qualifications a weekly rest

day for all classes of workers.

... If the maximum output is to be secured and maintained

for any length of time, a weekly period of rest must be

allowed. Except for quite short periods, continuous work, in

their view, is a profound mistake and does not pay—output

is not increased.... Some action must be taken in regard

to continuous labor and excessive hours of work if it is

desired to secure and maintain, over a long period, the

maximum output....

Should the early stoppage of all Sunday work be considered

for any reason difficult if not impossible to bring about,

the committee trust that it will at least be practicable to

lay down the principle that Sunday labor is a serious evil

which should be steadily and systematically discouraged and

restricted.

For women and for “young persons,” the need of abolishing Sunday work

and granting week end and other holidays was even more urgent than for

adult males. “The committee are strongly of opinion that for women and

girls a portion of Saturday and the whole of Sunday should be available

for rest, and that the periodic factory holidays should not, on any

account, be omitted.”[173]

[173] The latter quotation comes from _Memorandum No. 4_, “Employment

of Women and Girls,” which appeared in January, 1916, and discussed

daily hours, night work and rest periods, as well as Sunday labor.

The committee went on record at this time in favor of a return to the

prewar legal standard of weekly hours. “Continuous work in excess of

the normal legal limit of sixty hours per week ought to be discontinued

as soon as practicable,” though the hours permitted in any one day

might vary somewhat more than the factory acts allowed. There was, for

instance, “little objection to such moderate overtime during the week

as can be compensated for by an earlier stop on Saturdays.” But in

general, “the need for overtime amongst women and girls is much less

pressing than it is for men, they are rarely employed on highly skilled

work, and where there is still a good reserve of labor there should be

little difficulty in gradually introducing shifts.... [The committee]

strongly urge that wherever practicable overtime should be abandoned in

favor of shifts.”

Three systems of hours were found in operation in munition plants.

There was the single shift of thirteen-fourteen hours including meal

times, which was known as the “overtime system,” two twelve hour and

three eight hour shifts. The committee considered that in the long run

the latter yielded the best results with women workers.

The committee recommend the adoption of the three shifts

system without overtime, wherever a sufficient supply

of labor is available. Where the supply is governed by

difficulties of housing and transit, the committee are of

opinion that every effort should be made to overcome these

difficulties before a less serviceable system be continued

or adopted....

They [eight hour shifts] involve little or no strain on the

workers; the periods during which machinery stand idle for

meals are very much reduced, while significant statements

have been put before the committee claiming beneficial

effects upon output.

Observations were later made for the committee of a group of nearly a

hundred women over a period of about thirteen months, during which time

their actual weekly working hours were reduced from sixty-six on seven

days to forty-five on six days. Yet output arose nine per cent. The

committee concluded:

For women engaged in moderately heavy lathe work a 50 hour

week yields as good an output as a 66 hour week, and a

considerably better one than a 77 hour week.[174]

[174] Great Britain Ministry of Munitions, Health of Munition Workers

Committee, _Memorandum No. 18_, “Further Statistical Information

Concerning Output in Relation to Hours of Work,” 1917, p. 4.

In regard to night work, however, the committee felt that the

exigencies of war time prevented a return to a really desirable

standard. “The employment of women at night is, without question,

undesirable, yet now it is for a time inevitable.” It demanded special

care and supervision and the use of such safeguards as would reduce

its risks to the minimum. “In no case should the hours worked at night

exceed sixty per week.” Whether continuous night shifts or alternate

day and night shifts should be worked was a matter to be settled by

local considerations.

Another interesting point in the Health of Munition Workers Committee

memoranda was the recognition of the value of brief rest periods within

working hours. “Pauses, well distributed and adapted in length to the

needs of women workers, are,” it was said, “of the greatest value in

averting breakdown and giving an impetus to production.” Particularly

with night work “adequate pauses for rest and meals are indispensable.”

On twelve hour shifts, two breaks of three quarters of an hour each for

meals should be taken out, while on an eight hour shift a half hour

for one meal was sufficient. Though the statutes allowed five hours of

continuous work in nontextile and four and a half in textile factories,

many managers believed that four hours is the longest period during

which a woman can maintain continuous work at full vigor. Within this

period a pause of ten minutes has been found to give excellent results.

The reports, showing as they did that “the hours which conduced most

to a satisfactory home life and to health conduce most to output,”

have had a notable influence both in this country and in England in

strengthening the scientific basis for labor legislation. For instance,

on October 3, 1916, a significant clause was added to the order

permitting overtime work, allowing it when necessary on account of the

war, only if “such exemption can be granted without detriment to the

national interest.”[175]

[175] Great Britain, Defence of the Realm Act, _Order No. 702_.

The Interdepartmental Hours of Labour Committee used the

recommendations briefly outlined above as the basis for its work,

formulating a new general order regulating overtime, which was finally

issued by the Home Office September 9, 1916, after prolonged criticism

by all the supply departments. The order applied to all controlled

establishments and national workshops and might be extended to any

other munitions work. In other cases there was to be a return to

factory act hours.

Hours not allowed by the factory act or the order in

question are not to be worked after the 1st October, 1916,

unless expressly sanctioned by special order from the Home

Office. Applications for such special orders will not in

future be entertained save in exceptional circumstances and

in respect of work of a specially urgent character.[176]

[176] Home Office, _General Order_, Sept. 9, 1916, p. 1.

Three schemes of working hours were provided for, a three shift system,

two shifts, and a rearrangement of statutory hours. Under the first

plan no shift might be longer than ten hours and a weekly rest day

was compulsory. Weekly hours under the two shift system were not to

exceed sixty, and a maximum of six shifts was to be worked in any one

week. The third scheme also limited weekly hours to sixty, and required

working hours to fall between 6 a.m. and 10 p.m., but as much as twelve

hours might be worked in a single day. Hours for meals were fixed

according to the Health of Munition Workers Committee recommendations.

In cases of special emergency in naval ship repairing women might work

a maximum of sixty-five hours weekly. They might only be employed

at night if supervised by a woman welfare worker or “responsible

forewoman.” Except for the night work, the order was practically a

return to prewar standards.[177]

[177] _Vide_ Appendix J, p. 243.

Meanwhile the Ministry of Munitions gained more direct control over the

regulation of hours in January, 1916, through the Munitions Amendment

Act, by which it was empowered to fix women’s hours on munitions work

in all establishments where “leaving certificates” were required. It

supplemented the efforts of the Health of Munition Workers Committee by

ordering the “investigating officers,” of the labor regulation section

of its labor department, who had charge of all labor matters except

dilution and the supply of labor, to report cases of excessive overtime

and unnecessary Sunday work in controlled establishments, with a view

to having an order issued prohibiting it. An official circular of March

17, 1916, urged that more use be made of “week end volunteers,” so that

all workers might have a Sunday rest, “both in the interest of the

work people and of production.” But the numbers of “week end munition

relief workers” remained small, due to the attitude both of the firms

and of the workers, who could not afford to lose their Sunday pay.[178]

Some complaints of unreasonably long hours still persisted. _The Woman

Worker_ reported during the winter of 1916 the case of a Scottish

factory making cores for grenade bombs which opened at 6 a.m. and

closed at 8 p.m. the first five days of the week and at 6 p.m. on

Saturdays and Sundays making a working week of eighty-two hours

exclusive of meal times.[179] Investigators likewise stated that the

labor shortage and the urgency of the demand have “frequently” caused

the recommendations to be exceeded.[180]

[178] _Women’s Industrial News_, April 1916, pp. 17, 18.

[179] _The Woman Worker_, Feb., 1916, p. 10.

[180] John and Katherine Barrett, _British Industrial Experience during

the War_, Sen. Doc. 114, 65th Cong., 1st Sess.

On the other hand, both in the Clyde district and around Birmingham the

British Association for the Advancement of Science stated, in April,

1916, that the working week varied from forty-four to fifty-six hours,

fifty-four hours being the most common period. In August, 1916, the

then Minister of Munitions, Dr. Christopher Addison, said in Parliament

in response to questions that the interdepartmental committee was

taking steps to bring the working week within the sixty-hour limit in

all controlled establishments. And an investigation by the factory

inspectors in 1916 found that out of 243 “controlled establishments”

123 were working within the regular sixty-hour limit and only fifteen

were working “irregular and excessive” hours, though in nineteen the

breaks for rest periods and meals in some way violated the conditions

of the order.

In 1916 at least eight hour shifts had failed to “make much progress”

and twelve hour shifts were still “predominant.”[181] The latter, it

should be noted, meant not twelve but ten and a half hours of actual

work over a twelve hour period. Certain large munition establishments,

including at least one government factory, even changed from the

eight to the twelve hour shift in 1916.[182] Besides the shortage of

labor it was said that the workers disliked the necessary changes in

meal times and living arrangements under the shorter system, and that

transportation schedules were not conveniently adjusted to it. It was

alleged that young girls preferred the longer hours because they then

escaped helping with the housework!

[181] Great Britain Home Office, _Report of the Chief Inspector of

Factories and Workshops for 1916_, p. 8.

[182] _The Woman Worker_, May, 1916, p. 12.

Outside the munitions industry the factory inspectors reported

“numerous applications” for overtime orders in 1916, involving,

however, a rearrangement of daily hours rather than a weekly total

beyond the statutory limit.

Much that was abnormal and bound to be injurious to health

if long continued has been brought within manageable limits.

Excessive overtime and Sunday labor have been checked and as

nearly as possibly abolished.... In general the experience

of war emergency work, far from making employers in love

with extended hours, appears to be producing a contrary

effect and bringing about a sense of the importance of so

limiting the period of employment as not to produce any

feeling of exhaustion or even of marked fatigue.

Much attention was paid to the question of Sunday work by the

interdepartmental hours committee. In January, 1916, it obtained

a weekly rest period for all women in explosives factories under

continuous operation. It soon secured the entire discontinuance of

Sunday work by “protected persons” in national projectile and shell

factories except a short shift in the projectiles establishments for

“rectifying” shells and cleaning the shop. Night work for women, which

was never recommended for abolition during the emergency, of course

persisted and even tended to increase, as more and more plants went

into continuous operation. Especially in shell factories large numbers

of women worked at night. Fewer factories worked overtime without

permission, though some prosecutions were necessary in the woolen

industry. The idea that the factory acts were in abeyance till the

end of the war was disappearing. With an increased recognition of the

injury done to both quality and quantity of work by fatigue the powers

available under overtime orders were in some cases not fully used by

the employers. One employer remarked that overtime orders were “like

a drop of brandy, a useful thing to keep in the house, but you didn’t

want always to be taking it.”

The developments in the regulation of women’s hours noted in 1916 were

typical of the course of events through the latter part of the war.

“The tendency to reduce hours continues,” said the factory inspectors

in 1917. “Cases in excess of the factory acts are now rare.” In a

report published in 1917, the Health of Munition Workers Committee made

an important contribution to standards of working hours by stating that

the hours “provisionally” fixed were probably too long, except for very

short periods or for very light work carried on under exceptionally

good conditions. While the hours which produced the largest output

varied according to the nature of the work, age and sex of the workers,

and conditions inside and outside the factory, in general “the time was

ripe” for a further marked reduction in hours. For certain processes

weekly hours could “advantageously be reduced to a total of from

fifty to fifty-five” and even lower limits might give an equally good

output.[183] No action was taken during the war period by officials to

put these recommendations into effect.

[183] Great Britain Ministry of Munitions, Health of Munition Workers’

Committee, _Memo. No. 20_.

The factory inspection department of the Home Office had outstanding

in 1917 emergency orders permitting overtime only in various textile

industries, where hours were normally limited to fifty-five instead of

sixty, in munitions and shipbuilding where the emergency orders of 1916

were continued, in boot factories and in flour mills, oil and cake

mills and malting, where night work by women was permitted.[184] Sunday

work was strictly limited, being allowed only where women replacing

men were obliged to work a few hours on Sunday, as in dairy plants,

in temporary emergencies in munition factories and in continuous

processes, provided another weekly day of rest was given.

An indication of the actual hours worked in munition plants at this

time may be obtained from a survey made by the factory inspectors

in 1917 of 177 factories in the southeastern part of England which

employed 27,000 persons. The largest group, sixty-two, worked between

fifty-five and sixty hours weekly, while fifty-one worked from fifty

to fifty-five hours. In thirty-two cases, weekly hours were sixty, and

in only five cases were hours longer. On the other hand, twenty plants

worked from forty-five to fifty hours and seven less than that number.

The factory inspectors stated that the number of “temporary exemptions”

to the regular overtime order for munitions work had become very small.

In November, 1917, Mr. H. W. Garrod of the Ministry of Munitions gave

the average working hours for women munition makers as fifty-two to

fifty-four, with one to four hours of overtime. He claimed that the

Ministry wanted to do away with overtime altogether, but that the

women objected, because it would reduce their earnings. The longest

legal hours were apparently in shipbuilding and repairing, where the

inspectors felt its harmfulness was reduced because “overtime was

intermittent and the work done by time and at a leisurely pace.”

[184]

_Woolen and Worsted._ In force till June 20, when government

rationing of raw material began.

_Cotton._ Six hours weekly.

_Hosiery._ Six and a half hours weekly. In force till June 20,

when government rationing of raw material began.

_Print, bleach and dye works._ Up to 60 hours weekly.

“Little used.”

_Manchester warehouses._ Up to 60 hours weekly.

“Used only in emergencies.”

_Munitions._ Order of September, 1916, continued in force.

_Shipbuilding._ Maximum daily limit 15 hours. Maximum weekly

hours, 63 and 65 in “great emergencies.”

_Boots._ Maximum weekly limit 60 hours.

_Flour Mills._ Women allowed to work at night.

_Oil and Cake Mills._ Women allowed to work at night.

_Malting._ Women allowed to work at night.

Evidence as to the development of eight hour shifts is somewhat

conflicting. The factory inspectors reported that in 1917 the system

had “no general development.” By April, 1917, however, an investigator

for the British Government was said to report that women were working

eight hour shifts in all government plants, not through any general

order but through the action of various local committees to whom

the power of regulating hours had been entrusted,[185] and a year

later, in April, 1918, the final report of the Health of Munitions

Workers Committee speaks of the “increasing number of firms” which had

substituted three eight hour for two twelve hour shifts.

Authorities agree, however, that Sunday work had been “reduced to small

dimensions” before the end of 1917. In April, 1917, almost all Sunday

work by all classes of workers was abolished in every controlled and

national munition plant.[186] The Ministry ordered that the customary

factory holidays be observed by all controlled establishments in the

summer of 1917. Much night work continued up to the very end of the

war, being found on a large scale in munition factories and elsewhere,

principally where women were replacing men in occupations in which

night work had been customary before the war. The factory inspectors

sometimes sanctioned night shifts of as long as twelve and a half or

thirteen hours, including meal times.

In spite of the various improvements and a much more sympathetic

attitude toward restrictions on the part of employers and employes

alike, a woman labor leader asserted as late as July, 1917, that “the

factory act was in ruins,” and that dangerous privileges “had been

accorded to certain classes of employers.”[187] Yet it is probable that

for the later months of war this is an unduly pessimistic point of view.

[185] Henriette R. Walter, “Munition Workers in England,” _Munition

Makers_, p. 139.

[186] _Ibid._, p. 138.

[187] Susan Lawrence, as reported in the _Women’s Trade Union Review_,

July, 1917, p. 12.

For 1918, the last year of the war, the Chief Inspector of Factories

reports that “there are no women and young persons being employed

beyond the weekly limit of hours allowed by the ordinary provisions of

the Factory Act and the employment of women on Sundays has practically

ceased.”[188] The report states also that there had been a great

advance in the voluntary movement to reduce hours for all classes of

labor.

[188] _The Labour Gazette_, October, 1919, p. 418.

In summing up the war time experience on hours of work and having

regard both to the health of employed women and proper leisure for them

as human beings, the Committee on Women’s Employment of the Ministry of

Reconstruction make the following recommendations for future action:

The relaxation of the Factory Acts allowed during the war

should cease at its termination and excessive overtime, long

spells, night work and Sunday work should be forbidden.

There is a prima facie case for a reduction in legal maximum

hours, in overtime, and in the length of the spell, and for

the abolition of work before breakfast, and the government

should immediately institute inquiries with a view to

amending the Factory Acts. We recommend the possibility of a

44 hours working week and an annual fortnight’s holiday on

full pay for the consideration of the government.

Economic effects of the world war upon women and children in Great Britain · 第 11 / 15 章