CHAPTER IX

Control of Women Workers Under the Munitions Act

The munitions act set up an unprecedented degree of governmental

control over the workers through three different methods—the

prohibition of strikes, a restriction of the right of the individual

to leave work and the establishment of special “Munition Tribunals”

to regulate the leaving of work and to punish breaches of workshop

discipline.

_Prohibition of Strikes and Lockouts_

The prohibition of strikes and lockouts was the most inclusive of

the three. It applied not only to all “munitions work” as defined by

the act,[104] but also to all work done “in or in connection with”

munitions work, and to any other work to which the act should be

applied by proclamation on the ground that stoppage of work would be

“directly or indirectly prejudicial” to “the manufacture, transport or

supply of munitions of war.”[105] Strikes or lockouts were forbidden

unless a dispute had been referred to the Board of Trade, which for

twenty-one days had taken no action toward settling it. Further

provisions for a more prompt settlement of disputes were included in

the second amending act, in August, 1917. The penalty for violations

by either employer or employe was a fine which might be as high as £5

(about $24) per man per day. Disputes might be referred by the Board

of Trade for settlement to any one of several subordinate bodies.

Ordinarily the one used for men’s work was the “Committee on Production

in Engineering and Shipbuilding.”[106] After the passage of the first

amending act[107] in January, 1916, the “Special Arbitration Tribunal”

authorized by it to advise regarding conditions of women’s work was

the body generally chosen by the Minister of Munitions to settle

disputes involving women.

[104] _Vide_ p. 55.

[105] Munitions of War Act. 5 and 6 Geo. 5, Ch. 54. Part I. 2 (1).

[106] _Vide_ p. 51.

[107] 5 and 6 Geo. 5, Ch. 99.

The clause prohibiting strikes was adopted undoubtedly as the result

of the strikes of “engineers” on the Clyde early in 1915, and other

disturbances on war work, which followed after the “industrial truce”

of the first few months of the war had once been broken. This in

turn apparently occurred on account of the rising cost of living

and the failure at the time to increase wages proportionately or to

limit profits. The prohibition was roundly denounced by the labor

and radical groups as having “given rise to more strikes than it has

prevented,”[108] and strikes did, indeed, increase proportionately

faster after the passage of the act. For several months beginning

with May, 1917, the unrest was so serious that official committees of

inquiry were appointed.

No figures are at hand to show the extent of the strikes in which women

participated. Though comparatively infrequent among women workers, yet

even there they occurred in defiance of the law. _The Woman Worker_

recorded a case at a shell filling factory, where because a canteen

attendant was, as they thought, unjustly dismissed, the girls refused

to go back to work after the noon hour, and began to throw the china

and food about in the canteen.[109]

[108] _Women’s Trade Union Review_, July, 1917, p. 1.

[109] _The Woman Worker_, February, 1917, p. 11.

There was some feeling among women as well as men war workers that

following a strike government officials quickly adjusted grievances

which had previously gone unremedied for months. Yet, even if the

strike prohibition was not a complete success, officials believed that

it operated to reduce the number of minor disputes.

_“Leaving Certificates”_

After the keen demand for labor arose in the industry, the “labor

turnover” of experienced workers in munition factories reached abnormal

proportions, causing loss of time and often of skill. The frequent

changes and the resulting interruption to production became the subject

of serious complaints from employers.

To diminish this “labor turnover” a system of “leaving certificates”

or “clearance cards” was put into effect. No person leaving munitions

work could be given work by another employer for six weeks unless he

or she had a “leaving certificate.” The certificate was required to be

granted by the employer on discharging the worker, and might be granted

by a Munitions Tribunal if “unreasonably” withheld. This was the

only condition inserted in the original act to prevent a certificate

from being wrongfully withheld. The giving of employment contrary

to these provisions, or the falsifying of a “leaving certificate,”

were serious offenses under the act, punishable by a maximum fine of

£50 (about $240). “Leaving certificates” might be required “in or in

connection with munitions work” in any kind of establishments to which

the regulations were applied by order of the Ministry of Munitions.

In July, 1915, an order was issued requiring them in all engineering,

shipbuilding, ammunition, arms and explosive establishments and

establishments producing substances required for such production. In

May, 1916, all “controlled establishments” not previously included, and

certain places providing electric light or power for munitions work,

were added to the list.

The leaving certificate requirements were said to be the only feature

of the munitions acts approved by employers, but no part was more

unpopular with the workers. It was charged that skilled workers were

tied to unskilled jobs and thus rendered powerless to move to better

wages and working conditions. The following quotation from _The Woman

Worker_[110] illustrates the labor point of view:

The first Munitions Act came quietly—on tip-toe, like a

thief in the night, and not one woman worker in a thousand

knew of its coming.

Their shackles were riveted while they slept....

The foreman’s reply to the complaining one is no longer: “If

you don’t like it you can leave it.” She can’t.

If she tries, she will find that no other employer will

be allowed to engage her, and unless she can persuade a

Munitions Court to grant a leaving certificate, six weeks’

idleness must be her portion. And we know what that means to

many a woman worker. Long before the six weeks are up, her

little treasures, if she has any, are gone and God help her

then.

... One great danger of the new conditions is that sweating

and bad conditions may be stereotyped.

The other day a munition worker, who was being paid 12s.

weekly, had a chance of doing the same work for another

employer at 1 pound weekly, but the Court refused her

permission to make the change. And thus we have a concrete

case of the State turning the lock in the door of the

sweaters’ den.

Some people hold very strongly that these leaving

certificate clauses of the Munitions Act are altogether

unnecessary. They hamper and irritate men and women alike,

and so far from accelerating output, may actually diminish

it. Under the Defence of the Realm Act, it is already

illegal for employers to incite munition workers to change

their employment, and that should have been sufficient.

[110] January, 1916, pp. 5-7.

The stringency of the leaving certificate clauses in their original

form was indicated by the fact that in the munitions act amendment of

January, 1916, several conditions were added making them more favorable

to the workers. If an employer refused a certificate when a worker

was dismissed, or failed to give a week’s notice or a week’s pay in

lieu of notice, except on temporary work, the tribunal could now make

him pay as much at £5 (about $24) for the loss of time, unless it

appeared that the worker was guilty of misconduct to secure dismissal.

A number of other conditions under which a certificate must be granted

were laid down by the amending act. They included failure to provide

employment for three or more days, failure to pay standard wage rates,

behavior of the employer or his agent toward the worker in a way to

justify his leaving, end of apprenticeship and existence of another

opening where the worker could be used “with greater advantage to the

national interest.” Even _The Woman Worker_ admitted of the amendment

act: “Certainly in many ways it is an improvement over the old one.

The workers have new rights; and if they are strong enough and clever

enough to take advantage of them much can be done.”

Difficulties still arose, however. Though on some government contracts,

such as clothing, the system was not in force, it was often believed

that the cards were required on every form of government work. They

were indeed necessary in so many factories that employers hesitated

to take workers without them, which made it hard to secure work in a

munitions plant for the first time. Often the workers did not know

their rights under the act to secure certificates or damages from

the tribunals under certain conditions. It was finally decided that

dismissal because of trade union membership was illegal, “tending to

restrict output.” By the help of the Federation of Women Workers three

girls dismissed for joining the federation secured compensation for

their dismissal from the local Munitions Tribunal, and the firm was

finally fined for the act by the central court.

Nevertheless, in spite of all concessions, which officials of the

Ministry believed had removed the admitted injustices of the act in

its original form, the certificate system continued to cause much

irritation among the workers. The official commissions to investigate

the industrial unrest prevailing in the summer of 1917 named the

operation of the system among its chief causes. It was because of

the workers’ protests that the second amendment to the munitions

act, passed August 21, 1917, gave the Ministry of Munitions power to

abolish the “leaving certificate” system if it thought it could be done

“consistently with the national interest.” Trade union leaders informed

the government that they could not keep their members in line unless

the system was given up. The Ministry issued an order abolishing the

certificate after October 15, 1917.[111] Workers were merely required

to remain on some kind of war work, except by permission of the

Ministry, and at least a week’s notice or a week’s wages was necessary

before leaving. No report was made as to how the change worked. It

remained in force until two days before the armistice, when an order

allowed employes to shift from munitions to nonwar work.

[111] _Labour Gazette_, September, 1917, p. 314.

_Munitions Tribunals_

In addition to appeals for leaving certificates, the Munitions

Tribunals dealt with breaches of workshop discipline, and with cases

of disobedience to the instructions of the Ministry of Munitions.

These courts were set up throughout the country. Each consisted of

a chairman, chosen by the Ministry of Munitions, and four or more

“assessors,” taken from a panel, half of whom represented employers

and half employes. The “assessors” served in rotation, a session at a

time. There were two classes of tribunals, “general,” dealing with all

offenses, and “local,” with those for which the penalty was less than

£5 (about $24). The latter handled the great majority of the cases,

settling 3,732 between July and December, 1916, whereas the general

tribunals took up only 182. Under the original munitions act the

general tribunals had the power to imprison for nonpayment of fines,

but this aroused such resentment among the workers that it was taken

away by the first amendment act.

The Munitions Tribunals, like leaving certificates, were a source

of much annoyance to working women. Complaints were made that the

representatives of the Ministry of Munitions had no understanding of

the labor point of view, so that there was always a majority against

the employes. Instances were given in which the tribunals refused

certificates to a woman receiving 10s. ($2.40) a week, though she had

a chance to double her wages, and to girls working seventy to eighty

hours weekly several miles from home, while a factory having eight

hour shifts had opened close at hand. Fines, unlike those imposed

by employers, did not have to be “reasonable” in the legal sense of

the word, and their size was not known to the workers beforehand. An

employe summoned before a tribunal lost at least a half day’s and

sometimes a full day’s work, or several hours of sleep if a night

worker. Previous to January, 1916, women workers might be obliged to

appear before a tribunal composed entirely of men. But by the amending

act, as the “direct outcome of a scandalous case” in which three girls

who had left their jobs because of “gross insult” were obliged to

explain the circumstances with no woman present,[112] it was required

that at least one of the assessors representing the employes should be

a woman in every case in which women were involved.

Whatever the justice of the employes’ contentions, certainly the

decisions rendered by the tribunals during their first few months

of activity, for which alone figures are available, were generally

unfavorable to the workers. From the beginning of their work to

November 27, 1916, 814 cases involving 3,672 persons were heard against

employes. Convictions against 2,423 of these were secured, and fines

amounting to £2,235 were imposed. Against employers there were but

eighty-six cases involving ninety-four persons, fifty-six persons

convicted, and a total in fines of £290. Out of 3,014 requests for

leaving certificates, only 782 were granted.

[112] _The Woman Worker_, January, 1916, p. 7.

Economic effects of the world war upon women and children in Great Britain · 第 9 / 15 章