ONTEORA, 1890.

TO THE EDITOR OF FREE RUSSIA,--I thank you for the compliment of your

invitation to say something, but when I ponder the bottom paragraph on

your first page, and then study your statement on your third page, of

the objects of the several Russian liberation-parties, I do not quite

know how to proceed. Let me quote here the paragraph referred to:

“But men's hearts are so made that the sight of one voluntary victim for

a noble idea stirs them more deeply than the sight of a crowd submitting

to a dire fate they cannot escape. Besides, foreigners could not see so

clearly as the Russians how much the Government was responsible for the

grinding poverty of the masses; nor could they very well realize the

moral wretchedness imposed by that Government upon the whole of educated

Russia. But the atrocities committed upon the defenceless prisoners

are there in all their baseness, concrete and palpable, admitting of

no excuse, no doubt or hesitation, crying out to the heart of humanity

against Russian tyranny. And the Tzar's Government, stupidly confident

in its apparently unassailable position, instead of taking warning

from the first rebukes, seems to mock this humanitarian age by the

aggravation of brutalities. Not satisfied with slowly killing its

prisoners, and with burying the flower of our young generation in the

Siberian desserts, the Government of Alexander III. resolved to break

their spirit by deliberately submitting them to a regime of unheard-of

brutality and degradation.”

When one reads that paragraph in the glare of George Kennan's

revelations, and considers how much it means; considers that all earthly

figures fail to typify the Czar's government, and that one must descend

into hell to find its counterpart, one turns hopefully to your statement

of the objects of the several liberation-parties--and is disappointed.

Apparently none of them can bear to think of losing the present hell

entirely, they merely want the temperature cooled down a little.

I now perceive why all men are the deadly and uncompromising enemies of

the rattlesnake: it is merely because the rattlesnake has not speech.

Monarchy has speech, and by it has been able to persuade men that it

differs somehow from the rattlesnake, has something valuable about it

somewhere, something worth preserving, something even good and high and

fine, when properly “modified,” something entitling it to protection

from the club of the first comer who catches it out of its hole. It

seems a most strange delusion and not reconcilable with our superstition

that man is a reasoning being. If a house is afire, we reason

confidently that it is the first comer's plain duty to put the fire out

in any way he can--drown it with water, blow it up with dynamite, use

any and all means to stop the spread of the fire and save the rest of

the city. What is the Czar of Russia but a house afire in the midst of

a city of eighty millions of inhabitants? Yet instead of extinguishing

him, together with his nest and system, the liberation-parties are all

anxious to merely cool him down a little and keep him.

It seems to me that this is illogical--idiotic, in fact. Suppose you had

this granite-hearted, bloody-jawed maniac of Russia loose in your house,

chasing the helpless women and little children--your own. What would

you do with him, supposing you had a shotgun? Well, he is loose in your

house-Russia. And with your shotgun in your hand, you stand trying to

think up ways to “modify” him.

Do these liberation-parties think that they can succeed in a project

which has been attempted a million times in the history of the world and

has never in one single instance been successful--the “modification” of

a despotism by other means than bloodshed? They seem to think they can.

My privilege to write these sanguinary sentences in soft security was

bought for me by rivers of blood poured upon many fields, in many lands,

but I possess not one single little paltry right or privilege that come

to me as a result of petition, persuasion, agitation for reform, or any

kindred method of procedure. When we consider that not even the most

responsible English monarch ever yielded back a stolen public right

until it was wrenched from them by bloody violence, is it rational to

suppose that gentler methods can win privileges in Russia?

Of course I know that the properest way to demolish the Russian throne

would be by revolution. But it is not possible to get up a revolution

there; so the only thing left to do, apparently, is to keep the throne

vacant by dynamite until a day when candidates shall decline with

thanks. Then organize the Republic. And on the whole this method has

some large advantages; for whereas a revolution destroys some lives

which cannot well be spared, the dynamite way doesn't. Consider this:

the conspirators against the Czar's life are caught in every rank of

life, from the low to the high. And consider: if so many take an

active part, where the peril is so dire, is this not evidence that the

sympathizers who keep still and do not show their hands, are countless

for multitudes? Can you break the hearts of thousands of families with

the awful Siberian exodus every year for generations and not eventually

cover all Russia from limit to limit with bereaved fathers and mothers

and brothers and sisters who secretly hate the perpetrator of this

prodigious crime and hunger and thirst for his life? Do you not believe

that if your wife or your child or your father was exiled to the mines

of Siberia for some trivial utterances wrung from a smarting spirit by

the Czar's intolerable tyranny, and you got a chance to kill him and did

not do it, that you would always be ashamed to be in your own society

the rest of your life? Suppose that that refined and lovely Russian lady

who was lately stripped bare before a brutal soldiery and whipped to

death by the Czar's hand in the person of the Czar's creature had been

your wife, or your daughter or your sister, and to-day the Czar should

pass within reach of your hand, how would you feel--and what would you

do? Consider, that all over vast Russia, from boundary to boundary,

a myriad of eyes filled with tears when that piteous news came, and

through those tears that myriad of eyes saw, not that poor lady, but

lost darlings of their own whose fate her fate brought back with new

access of grief out of a black and bitter past never to be forgotten or

forgiven.

If I am a Swinburnian--and clear to the marrow I am--I hold human nature

in sufficient honor to believe there are eighty million mute Russians

that are of the same stripe, and only one Russian family that isn't.

Mark Twain's Letters — Complete (1853-1910) · 第 189 / 341 题