Letter-Book. See _I. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._ (v. 3, p. 63). In his
History (p. 241) he speaks of “Weesagascusett” as being one of the
plantations concerned, but the apportionment is made as “From Mr.
Jeffrey and Mr. Burslem.” These names have given the antiquarians a
great deal of trouble, and they have generally assigned them to Cape
Ann; _Savage’s Winthrop_ (v. 1, p. 44, n.); _Young’s Chron. of Mass._
(p. 171, n.), or even to the Isle of Shoals; _Drake’s Boston_ (p. 50).
They all confound William Jeffries of Weymouth with Thomas Jeffrey of
Ipswich. Dr. Young does this in a most extraordinary manner, confusing
them even while giving the correct name of one in his text, and of the
other in the running title of the same page. _Chron. of Mass._ (p.
171). When Savage prepared his notes to Winthrop the MS. of Bradford
had not been recovered, and he had not examined the New English Canaan
carefully in reference to Weymouth. He seems to have been satisfied
that the second settlement at Weymouth had been wholly broken up in
1624, _Notes to Winthrop_ (pp. 43, 93), and sought to place Jeffries
and Burslem elsewhere. There cannot be the slightest doubt that they
lived at Wessagusset from before 1628. Both names are now extinct
at Weymouth, though I find in the Records of the town a Jeffery in
1651 (see p. 70), and also a mention of one John Jeffers (Aug. 18,
1777), as a soldier who enlisted in Arnold’s Canada campaign during
the Revolution. Both were made freemen at early dates:--Burslem was a
deputy from the town in 1636, and it was to Jeffries that Morton wrote
as to his “good gossip,” in 1634. It was to him and to Blackstone that
John Gorges wrote in 1629, in regard to putting Oldham in possession of
the Gorges grant. _Young’s Chron. of Mass._ (pp. 51, 147, 169).
[52] Savage’s Winthrop, v. 1, p. 192.
[53] In 1633 Wessagusset was thus described: “This as yet is but a
small village; yet it is very pleasant, and healthful, very good
ground, and is well timbered, and hath good store of hay-ground. It
hath a very spacious harbour for shipping before the town, the salt
water being navigable for boats and pinnaces two leagues. Here the
inhabitants have good store of fish of all sorts, and swine, having
acorns and clams at the time of year. Here is likewise an ale-wife
river.” _Wood’s New-England’s Prospect; Young’s Chron. of Mass._ (p.
394).
[54] This man is mentioned as “late servant of John Burslyn.” _Records
of Mass._ (p. 121).
[55] Savage’s Winthrop, v. 1, p. 163; Records of Mass., pp. 156-7.
[56] Proceedings of Mass. Hist. Soc., 1873, p. 396.
[57] Records of Mass., v. 1, p. 179.
[58] Palfrey, v. 2, p. 5.
[59] See the sketch of the town of Weymouth, written by Dr. Cotton
Tufts, and printed in 1785 in _Topographical Descriptions of the
Towns in the County of Suffolk, and of Charlestown in the County of
Middlesex_. A manuscript copy of this sketch was very kindly placed at
my disposal in the preparation of this address by J. J. Loud, Esq.,
of Weymouth, with other material for a history of Weymouth, which it
is to be regretted Mr. Loud does not himself propose to prepare. A
copy of the compilation of which Cotton Tufts’ sketch was a part is in
the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, bound with other
documents under the title of “_Gookin and Geography_.”
[60] See, also, a similar order of January 1, 1685.
[61] There were thirteen Weymouth men in Captain Johnson’s company
employed against the Indians in October, 1675. _Vinton Memorial_ (p.
50, n.).
[62] Paul Torrey’s curious efforts at versification were printed in
1811, in the appendix to a discourse of the Rev. Jacob Norton. The
author tells us that they were designed “to preserve the memory of
these remarkable things to future posterity.”
[63] Sketch of Weymouth, by Dr. Cotton Tufts. The usual death-rate was
sixteen a year.
[64] New English Canaan, p. 41.
[65] “Whoever shall presume to fell or kill or top any tree or trees
(after publication hereof or notice given) which growes before his owne
or his neighbours Dore, or that stands in any place upon the commons
or high-wayes which may be for the shaddow either of man or beast or
shelter to any house or otherwise for any public use every person so
offending shall be lyable to pay for every such tree so feld, topt, or
kild 20s. to the Town’s use.” _Records, February 1st, 1867 (?)._
[66] Sketch of Weymouth, by Dr. Cotton Tufts.
[67] This and some other facts I state on the authority of Mrs. Maria
W. Chapman, of Weymouth, who very kindly furnished me with much local
information which has not heretofore found its way into print.
[68] Mrs. Chapman’s MS.; and see Savage’s Winthrop, v. 1, p. 286.
[69] “The distance by land from Boston to the confines of the town is
14 miles.” _Sketch by Dr. Cotton Tufts._
[70] “At a Generall Town Meeting of the inhabitants of Weymouth the
24th of June, 1689.”
“The Town past a vote that William Chard is to serve as Town Clerk.”
“At a meeting of the Selectmen upon the first day of July 1689 Agreed
with Mr. Chard to Ring the Bell & Sweep the Meeting-house to begin the
6th daye of July, and for the time that he performs that work he is to
have after the rate of forty shillings a year in money or three pounds
in town pay.”
“At a Meeting of the freeholders of the town of Weymouth the 13th day
of July 1694.”
“The Towne past a vote they will have a publique School-master.”
“At a meeting legally warned for the Inhabitants of the town of
Weymouth upon the first of October 1694 to treat concerning a
School-master, and it was voted that Mr. Chard should serve as
School-master from the date abovesaid till the last of March next
ensuing the date hereof, & provided Mr. Chard doe faithfully perform
the office of School-master, that is to teach & instruct all children &
youth belonging to the town in reading & writing & casting of accounts
according to the capacitie of those that are sent to him, and according
to his own abillitie: under this consideration the town have past a
vote upon the aforesaid first of October that Mr. Chard shall have for
his sallary for the half year above expressed six pounds in or as money
to be levied upon the severall Inhabitants according to proportion by a
town rate.”
The next year (1695), William Chard was again engaged at five shillings
a week, but in 1696 an arrangement was made with Mr. John Copp at £30
a year. The salary of the pastor at this time was “£108 16s. in goods
alias money £68” (about $225).
[71] Records, 10th March, 1760; John Adams’ Works, vol. 2, p. 118.
[72] Records, p. 56.
[73] Records, 26th November, 1651.
[74] The “mutifariousness” of such meetings “occacions the neglect of
appearance of many whereby things [are] many times carried on by a
few in which many or all are concerned which often makes the legality
of such proceedings to be questioned.” It was therefore voted to
thereafter have two regular town meetings in each year in March and
November. _Records_, 1650, p. 56.
[75] “At a meeting of the Town the 26th of the 9th moᵗʰ (November) 1651.
“The power that the Towne of Weymouth committeth into the hands of the
Selectmen for this present year ensueing 1651.
“First. Wee give them power to make such orders as may be for the
preservation of our intrests in lands & corne & grass & Wood & Timber,
that none be transported out of the Towns Commons.
“Secondly. They shall have power to see that all orders made by the
Generall Court shall be observed and also all such orders that are or
shal be made which the Towne shall not repeale at their meetinge in the
first month.
“Thirdly. It shal be lawful for them to take course that dry Cattle
be hearded in the woods except calves & Yearlings & that they provide
Bulls both for the Cowes & dry Cattle.
“Fourthly. They may issue out all such rates as the Towns occasions
shall require & see that they be gathred, that a due account may be
given of them.
“Fifthly. They may satisfy all graunts provided they satisfy them in
due order, and not within two miles of the Meeting-house.
“Sixthly. Wee willingly grant they shall have their Dynners uppon the
Towns charge when they meete about the Towns affayres.” _Records._
[76] March 7, 1698. “Voted that John Torrey, Tanner, for the
encouragement of his trade shall have twelve pole of land joining to
his fathers land out of the towns commons for a tanyard so long as
there shall be use for it for that trade in this Town.”
March 7, 1715. “At the said Meeting John Torrey, James Humphrey, Joseph
Torrey, Ezra Whitmarsh, Enoch Lovell, Ebenezer Pratt & divers others
their partners who had agreed to begin a fishing trade to Cape-sables,
requested of the town that they might have that piece or parcel of
land at the mouth of the fore river in the northerly part of Weymouth
called and known by the name of Hunts Hill and the low land and Beach
adjoining thereunto, that is so much as they shall need for the
management of said fishing trade. The Town after consideration thereof
Voted that they should have the said land and Beach to manage their
fishing trade.”
March 13, 1727. “Voted at the aforesaid meeting whether the Town
will give to Doctor White five acres of Land below ---- Hill that
was formerly granted to John Vinson provided the said Doctor White
continues in the town of Weymouth and in practice of physick, & in case
he shall remove out of town said White to purchase said land or to
return it to the Town again. It passed in the affirmative.”
[77] Mrs. Chapman’s MS. And see Records, 1st March, 1731.
[78] See Records, 3d March, 1712.
[79] Letters of Mrs. Adams (ed. 1848), p. xxxvi.
[80] “An exceeding great snow on February 21st, 1717.” _Records_ (v. 1,
p. 270). It is the single record of the kind.
[81] MS. memorandum of Dr. Cotton Tufts.
[82] The following record, for instance, is a little suggestive of what
is now called “baby farming,” though we know in that society it led to
fewer abuses. At a town meeting in Weymouth, August 28, 1733, “Voted
by the Town to give Twenty pounds to any person that will take two of
the Children of the Widow Ruth Harvey (that is) the Eldest Daughter and
one of the youngest Daughters (a twin) and take the care of them untill
they be eighteen years old.
“Voted that the Selectmen shall take care of the other (twin) a
youngest daughter of the widow Ruth Harvey, and put it out as
reasonably as they can.”
The following also has a strange sound to modern ears, from the Record
of March 11th, 1771: “Voted to sell the Poor that are maintained by the
town for this present year at a Vendue to the lowest bidder.” _Records_
(v. 1, pp. 318, 438).
[83] “There fell out (1642) a very sad accident at Weymouth. One
Richard Sylvester, having three small children, he and his wife going
to the assembly, upon the Lord’s day, left their children at home. The
eldest was without doors looking to some cattle; the middle-most, being
a son about five years old, seeing his father’s fowling piece, (being
a very great one), stand in the chimney, took it and laid it upon a
stool, as he had seen his father do, and pulled up the cock, (the
spring being weak), and put down the hammer, then went to the other end
and blowed in the mouth of the piece, as he had seen his father also
do, and with that stirring the piece, being charged, it went off, and
shot the child into its mouth and through his head. When the father
came home he found his child lie dead, and could not have imagined how
he should have been so killed, but the youngest child, (being but three
years old, and could scarce speak), showed him the whole manner of it.”
_Savage’s Winthrop_, (v. 2, p. 77).
Weymouth, June 1, 1775. “Voted that the Soldiers from the age of
Sixteen to Sixty appear with their arms upon Lords Days on penalty
of forfeiting a Dollar each Lords Day for their neglect. That those
Soldiers who tarry at home upon the Lords day, Except they can make a
Reasonable Excuse therefor Shall forfeit two Dollars.” _Records._
[84] Savage’s Winthrop, v. 1, p. 94, n. See Johnson’s Wonder Working
Providence, chap. 10.
[85] Savage’s Winthrop, v. 1, p. 287.
[86] The best account of Mr. Newman and his Concordance is found in
_Bliss’ History of Rehoboth_. It is a singular fact that William
Blackstone should have gone from Boston to Rehoboth, and been followed
there by an emigration from Wessagusset, which place he had probably
abandoned when he went to Boston.
[87] II. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., v. 7, p. 11.
[88] Eliot’s Biographical Dictionary.
[89] It can be found in the preface (pp. xxviii, xxix), of the letters
of Mrs. Adams (ed. 1848).
[90] Letters of Mrs. Adams (ed. 1848), p. 374.
[91] That part of the town records which relates to the revolutionary
period will probably be printed in full in the History of Weymouth, now
in course of preparation.
[92] Hutchinson, v. 3, p. 432.
[93] Letters of Mrs. Adams, pp. 26, 33.
[94] The history of this loan is curious and suggestive. It may be
traced through the following entries in the town records.
July 22, 1776. “Voted that the Town Treasurer Borrow the afforesaid sum
of £234 & give the Towns security with Interest for the Same.”
“July 23d 1776 the Town Treasurer Borrowed of Capt James White £130 and
gave the Towns Security to pay the same in twelve months with interest.”
April 7, 1783. “Voted to allow unto Captain James White the Depreation
on some money that he lent to the Town.
“Whereas in the year 1776 Capt. James White lent the Town £130 and took
it in again in 1778, and Took only the nominal Sum,--the Town Voted
that Capt. White should have the Depreation that was on money when
Capt. White’s money was in the hands of the Town. Said Term of Time
will be made to appear by a Receipt from Capt. Whitman.
“Voted that any others that are under like Circumstances with Capt.
White, that have Lent Money to the Town and have Taken it in again,
that they be allowed the Depreation that was on money while theres was
in the Hands of the Town.
“Nathˡ Bayley Esq. Honˡᵉ James Humphrey Esq. & Col. Asa White were
Chosen a Committee for the above purpose of Settleing the Depreation
with Capt. James White and others.”
May 13, 1783. “A motion was made and Seconded to Reconsider a Vote that
was past at a town meeting on April the 7th with regard to making up
the Depreceation to Capt. James White and others that lent money to the
town and recd it again in the Nominal Sum and it passed in favour of
Reconsidering of Said Vote.”
September 16, 1783. “A Town Meeting in Consequence of Capt. James
White’s Commencing an action on the Town.
“A motion was made and Seconded to no if it was the minds of the People
to stand Capt. White in the Law and it passed in favor of it.
“Voted to Chuse Two agents to act in Behalf of the Town against Capt.
James White, even to final Judgment and Execution.
“The Honᵉ Cotton Tufts Esq & Solomon Lovell Esq ware Chosen (Ajents
Committee) for the above purpose.
“Voted that the ajents be impowered to Draw Money out of the Town
Treasury to Defend the Town against Capt. White even to final Judgment
and Execution they to Render an accompt how they disposed of the money.
“Voted to adjourn the meeting to the 22nd of this instant Sepᵇʳ at --
of the Clock in the afternoon.”
“Sepᵇʳ 22d 1783. Meet at the adjournment, and as neither of the ajents
had Taken the advice of a Lawyer Voted to adjourn to monday 29th of
this instant September at 10 of the Clock foornoon.”
“Sepᵇʳ 29th 1783 meet on the adjournment and further adjourned to
October 6th 1783.”
“October 6th 1783, meet on the adjournment. Voted that the ajents (if
occation for it) appeal to the Superior Court at february Next. the
Meeting Dissolved.”
“Weymouth March the 8th 1784.
“the Agents appointed to defend the Town in an action brought by Capt.
James White, on a Note paid him in Paper money; found that the Town was
not in a Capacity to tender the money for the Note of Hand due--and
therefore that the Costs and Charges of Court would fall upon the Town,
whether the Demand for Depreciation on Said note paid was finally
Decided in his Favour or not,--they also found that a much heaver
Expence to the Town would arise from Carrying on the Suit to final
Judgment than they Concieved that the Town was aware off--this induced
your Agents to Listen to Some Proposals made by Capt White: (Viz) To
Pay the Cost that had then arisen, to allow him Compound Interest on
his Note that was due and to Estimate the Depreciation thereon from
the month of June his note being Dated the first of July. He alledging
that notwithstanding as their was but one Day that made the Difference;
it was hard that the whole month of July should be taken in for the
Estimate--they accordingly made the Calculation and Certified the same
to the Town Treasurer, who Settled with Capt. James White Conformably
thereunto, and the Action was dropt never having had a Tryall. As youre
Agents conducted in this matter, as they Apprehended for the best
Interest of the Town they flatter themselves that their Conduct will
meet with the Approbation of the Town, and that the Town will Confirm
the Doeings of their Treasurer thereon.
The Honᵇˡᵉ Cotton Tufts Esqʳ } _Agents_.
Gen. Solomon Lovell Esqʳ }
“The Above Report Accepted by the Town.
John Tirrel _Town Clerk_”
The depreciation in paper money between July, 1776, and the same month
in 1778, had been from par to 6.30 to 1.
[95] _Records_, Monday, December 23, 1776.
[96] Letters of Mrs. Adams (ed. 1848), p. 82.
[97] The nearest approach made to a draft is found in the following
vote:--
“June 19th. 1780
“Voted that the assessors be desired to set off the Inhabitants as near
as they can into twenty Parsols or Districts as they Stand in the Tax
Bill for Polls and Estates and each District to be obliged to get a Man
to go into the Servis and if any one in said district shall refuse to
go or to pay his Proportion according to what he pays Taxes the Capt.
of the Company to which he belongs be Desired to draft said Person and
return him as a Drafted Man.” _Record._
[98] Savage’s Winthrop, v. 1, p. 163.
WEYMOUTH IN ITS FIRST TWENTY YEARS.
A PAPER READ BEFORE THE SOCIETY, NOVEMBER, 1882,
BY
GILBERT NASH, Esq.,
SECRETARY.
Not long since, the statement was made by one of our leading journals,
that the first church in Weymouth was formed in 1635;[99] and an
inquiry for the authority for such a statement elicited the following
reply: “The Massachusetts Colonial Records [1: 149] state, under date
of 8 July, 1635, that ‘there is leave granted to twenty-one ffamilyes
to sitt down at Wessaguscus.’ Gov. Winthrop in his Journal [1: 194]
says, ‘at the court [5 mo. 8] Wessaguscus was made a plantation, a
Mr. Hull, a minister in England, and twenty one families with him,
allowed to sit down there--after called Weymouth.’ No explicit mention
is here made of the first formation of the church in this connection
but in lack of evidence of previous embodiment, it has always been
assumed to have been coetaneous with the settlement of the town--or
nearly so--following the general rule. Mr. Savage in his list of the
early churches of Massachusetts puts it down thus: ‘xi. Weymouth,
1635, July.’ The very careful and accurate Dr. Clark [Con’l ch’hs of
Mass., 16] says: ‘The same year (1635) about twenty families located in
Weymouth, from which the First church in that town was constituted, and
Rev. Joseph Hull settled over them.’ It is of course true that there
were religious services, and possibly a church at Weymouth before this,
but we are aware of no evidence carrying the life of the church now
existent back of 1635.”
This may or may not be the true date at which the church was formed.
The evidence given in the foregoing article to establish the fact
certainly does not prove this, nor does it afford reasonable ground
for its probability, and is anything but satisfactory to the least
critical inquirer. If it proves anything it proves too much, for, while
it admits the lack of positive evidence upon the question, it makes an
admission which will go far to overthrow its own position. It says: “In
lack of evidence of previous embodiment, it has always been assumed
to have been coetaneous with the settlement of the town--or nearly
so--following the general rule.”
Here are two points admitted, and the Journal mentioned should be
good authority upon which to rest them. First, the lack of positive
evidence, from which the necessary inference is that we must fall back
upon probability or conjecture, as the basis of our judgment in the
case. Second, that, as a general rule, churches were formed at the time
settlements were begun, or soon after. Without question the latter
statement is correct. The well known character and habits of the early
emigrants, and the facts that have come to us in connection with them,
prove this beyond a doubt. If, then, it can be proved that Weymouth
was a prosperous settlement at a much earlier date than that assumed
for it, 1635, we shall go far to prove the probability, at least, of
an earlier church organization. And this brings us to the subject of
the present paper, namely, What are our facts relative to the early
settlement of the town, and how do they concern the church and its
ministers?
The very general assumption that there was no permanent settlement in
Weymouth, (using the name by which the town has since been known),
previous to the arrival of the Hull company, in 1635, can hardly
be sustained in face of the very strong evidence to the contrary.
C. F. Adams, Jr., Esq., in his address delivered 4 July, 1874, at
the celebration of the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the
settlement of the town, and in his paper on the “Old Planters about
Boston Harbor,” read before the Massachusetts Historical Society, and
published in its collections, “the ablest paper,” says Rev. George E.
Ellis, D. D., no mean judge of such matters, “ever read before that
Society,” proves conclusively that the Gorges company, which settled
upon the deserted plantations of Thomas Weston’s people, in September,
1623, and which, it has been usually thought, was wholly broken up
in the following spring, left a number of its emigrants there, who
remained and became permanent settlers. These were joined from time to
time by single families or small companies, until, upon the arrival of
Mr. Hull’s company, the settlement had attained to quite respectable
proportions.
This ground has been so carefully covered by Mr. Adams in the papers
before mentioned, that it will be necessary only to mention very
briefly the main facts, and to sustain them by such other evidence as
may be had from the court and town records, as well as from private
sources.
A careful analysis of these records will show that, instead of the
company from Weymouth, England, in 1635, being the first settlers,
there were, at the date of its arrival, certainly not less than fifty
families, and perhaps seventy or eighty, already residing there; and
it is more than possible that this was an important reason why this
place was selected by this company for its settlement. A flourishing
colony already established, was sufficient evidence of good soil, a
good location, a favorable position for trade with the Indians, and for
communication with the other plantations about the bay; besides, and
this was no insignificant matter in those days, the protection thus
afforded against the savages.
More than this, it is probable that many of the previous settlers
were relatives or friends of the later arrivals. Lenthal, in his
remarks before the Dorchester Council in 1639, says that many of his
former people had preceded him, giving this as a reason why he came
to Weymouth. The similarity of name, and the localities of some whose
former residences are known, give color to this probability; and the
name Weymouth, given at this time, 1635, to the plantation, may not be
wholly owing to the influx of new people, sailing from Weymouth, in
Dorset, but to the calling up of old memories in the minds of previous
settlers, who, years before, sailed from the same port and perhaps
lived there.
An examination of the public records will afford evidence, surprising
in value and volume, of this early and continued settlement. Although
the earliest record in the archives of the town bears date 10 December,
1636, and very few entries are prior to 1644-5, yet there are those
undated that are probably earlier, and these, with the evidence
reflected from later dates, together with corroboration received from
other and contemporaneous sources, give additional and strong proof in
support of the same.