508 Liv. l. xxi. n. 1. Ibid. n. 21.
509 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 1.
510 Lib. vii. p. 502.
_ 511 Apolog._ c. 23.
512 In Psalm xcviii.
513 Jer. vii. 18. and xliv. 17-25.
514 Plut. _de Superstit._ p. 171.
515 Παρειστήκει δὲ ἡ μήτηρ ἄτεγκτος καὶ ἀστένακτος, &c. The cruel and
pitiless mother stood by as an unconcerned spectator; a groan or a
tear falling from her, “would have been punished by a fine;” and
still the child must have been sacrificed. Plut. _de
Superstitione_.—Trans.
516 Tertul. _in Apolog._
517 Minut. Felix.
518 Q. Curt. l. iv. c. 5.
519 It appears from Tertullian’s _Apology_, that this barbarous custom
prevailed in Africa long after the ruin of Carthage. Infantes penès
Africam Saturno immolabantur palàm usque ad proconsulatum Tiberii,
qui eosdem sacerdotes in eisdem arboribus templi sui obumbratricibus
scelerum votivis crucibus exposuit, teste militiâ patriæ nostræ, quæ
id ipsum munus illi proconsuli functa est, _i.e._ Children were
publicly sacrificed to Saturn, down to the proconsulship of
Tiberius, who hanged the sacrificing priests themselves on the trees
which shaded their temple, as on so many crosses, raised to expiate
their crimes, of which the militia of our country are witnesses, who
were the actors of this execution at the command of this proconsul.
Tertul. _Apolog._ c. 9. Two learned men are at variance about the
proconsul, and the time of his government. Salmasius confesses his
ignorance of both; but rejects the authority of Scaliger, who, for
proconsulatum, reads proconsulem Tiberii, and thinks Tertullian,
when he writ his _Apology_, had forgot his name. However this be, it
is certain that the memory of the incident here related by
Tertullian was then recent, and probably the witnesses of it had not
been long dead.—Trans.
520 Plut. _de serâ vindic. deorum_, p. 552.
521 Herod. l. vii. c. 167.
522 In ipsos quos adolebat sese præcipitavit ignes, ut eos vel cruore
suo extingueret, quos sibi nihil profuisse cognoverat. S.
Amb.—Trans.
523 Cûm peste laborarent, cruentâ sacrorum religione et scelere pro
remedio usi sunt. Quippe homines ut victimas immolabant, et
impuberes (quæ ætas etiam hostium misericordiam provocat) aris
admovebant, pacem deorum sanguine eorum exposcentes, pro quorum vitâ
dii maximè rogari solent. Justin, l. xviii. c. 6. The Gauls as well
as Germans used to sacrifice men, if Dionysius and Tacitus may be
credited.—Trans.
524 Lib. xx. p. 756.
_ 525 De Superstitione_, p. 169-171.
526 Idem. _in Camill._ p. 132.
_ 527 De Superstitione._
_ 528 De Rep._ l. ii. c. 11.
529 It is entitled, _Carthago, sive Carthaginensium Respublica_, &c.
Francofurti ad Oderam, ann. 1664.—Trans.
530 Polyb. l. iv. p. 493.
531 This name is derived from a word, which, with the Hebrews and
Phœnicians, signifies judges. _Shophetim._—Trans.
532 Ut Romæ consules, sic Carthagine quotannis annui bini reges
creabantur. Corn Nep. _in vitâ Annibalis_, c. 7. The great Hannibal
was one of the Suffetes.—Trans.
533 Senatum itaque Suffetes, quod velut consulare imperium apud eos
erat, voca verunt. Liv. l. xxx. n. 7.—Trans.
534 Cum Suffetes ad jus dicendum consedissent. Id. l. xxxiv. n.
62.—Trans.
535 Lib. xxxiii. n. 46, 47.
536 Arist. loc. cit.
537 Lib. xv. p. 706, 707.
538 Polyb. l. vi. p. 494
M97 A.M. 3609. A. Carth. 487.
539 Lib. ix. c. 2.
540 Justin l. xix.
541 Lib. x. p. 824 edit Gionov.
542 Lib. xxvi. n. 51. Lib xxx. n. 16.
543 M. Rollin might have taken notice of some civil officers who were
established at Carthage, with a power like that of the censors of
Rome, to inspect the manners of the citizens. The chief of these
officers took from Hamilcar, the father of Hannibal, a beautiful
youth, named Asdrubal, on a report that Hamilcar was more familiar
with this youth than was consistent with modesty. Erat prætereà cum
eo [Amilcare] adolescens illustiis et formosus Hasdrubal, quem
nonnulli diligi turpiùs quàm par erat, ab Amilcare, loquebantur.—Quo
factum est ut à præfecto morum Hasdrubal cum eo vetaretur esse.
Corn. Nep. _in vitâ Amalcaris_.—Trans.
M98 A.M. 3082. A. Carth. 682.
544 Παρὰ Καρχηδονίοις οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν τῶν ἀνηκόντων πρὸς κέρδας. Polyb. l.
vi. p. 497.—Trans.
545 Lib. iv. p. 312, &c.
546 Diod. l. iv. p. 312, &c.
547 Lib. iii. p. 147
548 25,000 drachmas.—An Attic drachma, according to Dr.
Bernard=8-1/4_d._ English money, consequently 25,000=859_l._ 7_s._
6_d._—Trans.
549 As Syphax and Masinissa.
550 King of the Massylians in Africa.—Trans.
551 Nepos, _in vitâ Annibalis_.
552 Cic. l. i. _De Orat._ n. 249. Plin. l. xviii. c. 3.
553 These books were written by Mago in the Punic language, and
translated into Greek by Cassius Dionysius of Utica, from whose
version, we may probably suppose, the Latin was made.—Trans.
554 Voss. _de Hist. Gr._ l. iv.
555 Plut. _de fort. Alex._ p. 328. Diog. Laërt. _in Clitom._
556 Clitomachus, homo et acutus ut Pœnus et valdè studiosus ac diligens.
_Academ. Quæst._ l. iv. n. 98.—Trans.
_ 557 Tusc. Quæst._ l. lii. n. 54.
558 Suet. _in vit. Terent._
559 Factum senatûs consultum ne quis postea Carthaginensis aut literis
Græcis aut sermoni studeret; ne aut loqui cum hoste, aut scribere
sine interprete posset. Justin, l. xx. c. 5. Justin ascribes the
reason of this law to a treasonable correspondence between one
Suniatus, a powerful Carthaginian, and Dionysius the tyrant of
Sicily; the former, by letters written in Greek, (which afterwards
fell into the hands of the Carthaginians,) having informed the
tyrant of the war designed against him by his country, out of hatred
to Hanno the general, to whom he was an enemy.—Trans.
560 Quàm volumus licèt ipsi nos amemus, tamen nec numero Hispanos, nec
robore Gallos, nec calliditate Pœnes, &c. sed pietate ac religione,
&c. omnes gentes nationesque superavimus. _De Arusp. Resp._ n.
19.—Trans.
561 Carthaginenses fraudulenti et mendaces—multis et variis mercatorum
advenarumque sermonibus ad studium fallendi quæstûs cupiditate
vocabantur. Cic. _Orat. ii. in Rull._ n. 94.—Trans.
562 Magistratus senatum vocare, populus in curiæ vestibulo fremere, ne
tanta ex oculis manibusque amitteretur præda. Consensum est ut, &c.
Liv. l. xxx. n. 24.—Trans.
563 A mountebank had promised the citizens of Carthage to discover to
them their most secret thoughts, in case they would come, on a day
appointed, to hear him. Being all met, he told them, they were
desirous to buy cheap and sell dear. Every man’s conscience pleaded
guilty to the charge; and the mountebank was dismissed with applause
and laughter. Vili vultis emere, et carè vendere; in quo dicto
levissimi scenici omnes tamen conscientias invenerunt suas, eique
vera et tamen improvisa dicenti admirabili favore plauserunt. S.
August. l. xiii. _de Trinit._ c. 3.—Trans.
564 Plut. _de gen. Rep._ p. 799.
565 Lib. xxii. n. 61.
566 Utica et Carthago, ambæ inclytæ, ambæ à Phoenicibus conditæ; illa
fato Catonis insignis, hæc suo. Pompon. Mel. c. 67. Utica and
Carthage, both famous, and both built by Phoenicians; the first
renowned by Cato’s fate, the last by its own.—Trans.
567 Our countryman Howel endeavours to reconcile the three different
accounts of the foundation of Carthage, in the following manner. He
says, that the town consisted of three parts, _viz._ Cothon, or the
port and buildings adjoining to it, which he supposes to have been
first built; Megara, built next, and in respect of Cothon, called
the New Town, or Karthada; and Byrsa, or the citadel, built last of
all, and probably by Dido.
Cothon, to agree with Appian, was built fifty years before the
taking of Troy; Megara, to correspond with Eusebius, was built a
hundred ninety-four years later; Byrsa, to agree with Menander,
(cited by Josephus,) was built a hundred sixty-six years after
Megara.—Trans.
568 Liv. _Epit._ l. ii.
569 Justin, l. xviii. c. 4-6. App. _de bello Pun._ p. 1. Strab. l. xvii.
p. 832. Paterc. l. i. c. 6.
570 120 Stadia. Strab. l. xiv. p. 687.—Trans.
571 Some authors say, that Dido put a trick on the natives, by desiring
to purchase of them, for her intended settlement, only so much land
as an ox’s hide would encompass. The request was thought too
moderate to be denied. She then cut the hide into the smallest
thongs; and, with them, encompassed a large tract of ground, on
which she built a citadel called Byrsa, from the hide. But this tale
of the hide is generally exploded by the learned; who observe that
the Hebrew word _Bosra_, which signifies a fortification, gave rise
to the Greek word _Byrsa_, which is the name of the citadel of
Carthage.—Trans.
572 Kartha Hadath or Hadtha.—Trans.
573 Effodêre loco signum, quod regia Juno
Monstrârat, caput acris equi; nam sic fore bello
Egregiam, et facilem victu per secula gentem.
Virg. _Æn._ l. i. ver. 447.
The Tyrians landing near this holy ground,
And digging here, a prosp’rous omen found:
From under earth a courser’s head they drew,
Their growth and future fortune to foreshew:
This fated sign their foundress Juno gave,
Of a soil fruitful, and a people brave.
Dryden.—Trans.
574 The story, as it is told more at large in Justin, (l. xviii. c. 6.)
is this—Iarbas, king of the Mauritanians, sending for ten of the
principal Carthaginians, demanded Dido in marriage, threatening to
declare war against her in case of a refusal: the ambassadors being
afraid to deliver the message of Iarbas, told her, (with Punic
honesty,) “that he wanted to have some person sent him, who was
capable of civilizing and polishing himself and his Africans; but
that there was no possibility of finding any Carthaginian, who would
be willing to quit his native place and kindred, for the
conversation of Barbarians, who were as savage as the wildest
beasts.” Here the queen, with indignation, interrupting them, and
asking, “if they were not ashamed to refuse living in any manner
which might be beneficial to their country, to which they owed even
their lives?” they then delivered the king’s message; and bid her
“set them a pattern, and sacrifice herself to her country’s
welfare.” Dido being thus ensnared, called on Sichæus with tears and
lamentations, and answered, “that she would go where the fate of her
city called her.” At the expiration of three months, she ascended
the fatal pile; and with her last breath told the spectators, that
she was going to her husband, as they had ordered her.—Trans.
575 Justin, l. xix. c. 1.
576 Justin, l. xix. c. 2.
577 Afri compulsi stipendium urbis conditæ Carthageniensibus remittere.
Justin, l. xix. c 2.—Trans.
578 Sallust. _de bello Jugurth._ n. 77. Valer. Max. l. v. c. 6.
579 These altars were not standing in Strabo’s time. Some geographers
think Arcadia to be the city which was anciently called Philænorum
Aræ; but others believe it was Naina or Tain, situated a little west
of Arcadia, in the gulf of Sidra.—Trans.
580 Strab. l. v. p. 224. Diod. l. v. p. 296.
581 Liv. l. xxviii. n. 37.
582 Diod. l. v. p. 298. and l. xix. p. 742. Liv. loco citato.
583 Liquescit excussa glans fundâ, et attritu aeris, velut igne,
distillat. _i.e._ The ball, when thrown from the sling, dissolves;
and, by the friction of the air, runs as if it was melted by fire.
Senec. _Nat. Quæst._ l. ii. c. 57.—Trans.
584 Strab. l. iii. p. 167.
585 Bochart derives the name of these islands from two Phoenician words,
Baal-jare, or master of the art of slinging. This strengthens the
authority of Strabo, _viz._ that the inhabitants learnt their art
from the Phœnicians, who were once their masters. Σφενδονῆται
ἄριστοι λέγονται—ἐξότε Φοίνικες κατέσχον τὰς νήσες. And this is
still more probable, when we consider that both the Hebrews and
Phœnicians excelled in this art. The Balearian slings would annoy an
enemy either near at hand, or at a distance. Every slinger carried
three of them in war. One hung from the neck, a second from the
waist, and a third was carried in the hand. To this, give me leave
to add two more observations, (foreign indeed to the present
purpose, but relating to these islands,) which I hope will not be
unentertaining to the reader. The first is, that these islands were
once so infested with rabbits, that the inhabitants of it applied to
Rome, either for aid against them, or otherwise desired new
habitations, ἐκβάλλεσθαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν ζώων τέτων, those creatures
having ejected them out of their old ones. Vide Strab. Plin. l.
viii. c. 55. The second observation is, that these islanders were
not only expert slingers, but likewise excellent swimmers, which
they are to this day, by the testimony of our countryman Biddulph,
who, in his _Travels_, informs us, that being becalmed near these
islands, a woman swam to him out of one of them, with a basket of
fruit to sell.—Trans.
586 Cluver, l. ii. c. 2.
587 Guadalquivir.
588 Strab. l. iii. p. 171.
589 Strab. l. iii. p. 139-142.
590 Seville.
591 Duero.
592 Guadiana.
593 Tarragona.
594 Barcelona.
595 Ebro.
596 Lib. v. p. 312.
597 Justin, l. xliv. c. 5. Diod. l. v. p. 300.
598 Lib. iii. p. 158.
599 Such a division of Britain retarded, and at the same time
facilitated, the conquest of it to the Romans. Dum singuli pugnant
universi vincuntur. Tacit.—Trans.
600 Hispania, prima Romanis inita Provinciarum quæ quidem continentis
sint, postrema omnium perdomita est. Liv. l. xxviii. p. 12.—Trans.
601 Polyb. l. iii. p. 192. l. i. p. 9.
602 Passaro.
603 Il Faro.
604 Cape Boéo.
605 Strab. l. vi. p. 267.
606 This is Strabo’s calculation; but there must be a mistake in the
numeral characters, and what he immediately subjoins, is a proof of
this mistake. He says, that a man, whose eye-sight was good, might,
from the coast of Sicily, count the vessels that came out of the
port of Carthage. Is it possible that the eye can carry so far as 60
or 75 leagues? This passage of Strabo, therefore, must be thus
corrected. The passage from Lilybæum to Africa, is only 25
leagues.—Trans.
M99 A.M. 3501. A. Carth. 343. Rome, 245. Ant. J.C. 503.
607 Polyb. l iii. p. 245, et seq. edit. Gronov.
608 The reason of this restraint, according to Polybius, was, the
unwillingness of the Carthaginians to let the Romans have any
knowledge of the countries which lay more to the south, in order
that this enterprising people might not hear of their futility.
Polyb. l. iii. p. 247. edit. Gronov.—Trans.
609 Idem, p. 246.
M100 A.M. 3520. Ant. J.C. 484.
610 Diod. l. xi. p. 1, 16, & 22.
611 This city is called in Latin Panormus.—Trans.
612 Besides the 300 Spartans, the Thespians, a people of Bœotia, to the
number of 700, fought and died with Leonidas in this memorable
battle. Herod. l. vii. c. 202-222.—Trans.
613 An Attic silver talent, according to Dr. Bernard, is 206_l._ 5_s._,
consequently 2000 talents is 412,500_l._—Trans.
M101 A.M. 3592. A. Carth. 434. A. Rom. 336. Ant. J.C. 412.
614 Diod. l. xiii. p. 169-171. 179-186.
615 Diod. l. xiii. p. 201-203. 206-211. 226-231.
616 The very sepulchral monuments showed the magnificence and luxury of
this city, being adorned with statues of birds and horses. But the
wealth and boundless generosity of Gellias, one of its inhabitants,
is almost incredible. He entertained the people with spectacles and
feasts; and, during a famine, prevented the citizens from dying with
hunger: he gave portions to poor maidens, and rescued the
unfortunate from want and despair: he had built houses in the city
and the country purposely for the accommodation of strangers, whom
he usually dismissed with handsome presents. Five hundred
shipwrecked citizens of Gela, applying to him, were bountifully
relieved; and every man supplied with a cloak and a coat out of his
wardrobe. Diod. l. xiii. Valer. Max. l. iv. c. ult. Empedocles the
philosopher, born in Agrigentum, has a memorable saying concerning
his fellow citizens: That the Agrigentines squandered their money so
excessively every day, as if they expected it could never be
exhausted; and built with such solidity and magnificence, as if they
thought they should live for ever.—Trans.
617 This bull, with other spoils here taken, was afterwards restored to
the Agrigentines by Scipio, when he took Carthage in the third Punic
war. Cic. _Orat._ iv. _in Verrem._ c. 33.—Trans.
618 The Sicanians and Sicilians were anciently two distinct
people.—Trans.
M102 A.M. 3600. A. Carth. 412. A. Rom. 344. Ant. J.C. 404.
619 Diod. l. xiv. p. 268-278.
620 Triremes.
621 Honos alit artes.
622 The curious reader will find a very particular account of it in book
xxii. art. ii. sect. ii.—Trans.
623 Diod. l. xiv. p. 279-295. Justin, l. xix. c. 2, 3.
624 Panormus.—Trans.
625 Some authors say but thirty thousand foot, which is the more
probable account, as the fleet which blocked up the town by sea was
so formidable.—Trans.
626 Diodorus.
627 About 61,800_l._ English money.—Trans.
628 This Leptines was brother to Dionysius.—Trans.
629 About 206,000_l._—Trans.
630 Justin, l. xx. c. 5.
631 Diod. l. xv. p. 344.
632 This is the Dionysius who invited Plato to his court; and who, being
afterwards offended with his freedom, sold him for a slave. Some
philosophers came from Greece to Syracuse in order to redeem their
brother, which having done, they sent him home with this useful
lesson: That philosophers ought very rarely, or very obligingly, to
converse with tyrants. This prince had learning, and affected to
pass for a poet: but could not gain that name at the Olympic games,
whither he had sent his verses, to be repeated by his brother
Thearides. It had been happy for Dionysus, had the Athenians
entertained no better an opinion of his poetry; for on their
pronouncing him victor, when his poems were repeated in their city,
he was raised to such a transport of joy and intemperance, that both
together killed him; and thus, perhaps, was verified the prediction
of the oracle, _viz._ that he should die when he had overcome his
betters.—Trans.
M103 A.M. 3656. A. Carth. 498. A. Rom. 400. Ant. J.C. 348.
633 Diod. l. xvi. p. 459-472. Polyb. l. iii. p. 178. Plut. _in Timol._
634 Here he preserved some resemblance of his former tyranny, by turning
schoolmaster; and exercising a discipline over boys, when he could
no longer tyrannize over men. He had learning, and was once a
scholar to Plato, whom he caused to come again into Sicily,
notwithstanding the unworthy treatment he had met with from
Dionysius’s father. Philip, king of Macedon, meeting him in the
streets of Corinth, and asking him how he came to lose so
considerable a principality as had been left him by his father; he
answered, that his father had indeed left him the inheritance, but
not the fortune which had preserved both himself and that.—However,
fortune did him no great injury in replacing him on the dunghill,
from which she had raised his father.—Trans.
635 Plut. p. 248-250.
636 Plut. p. 248-250.
637 This river is not far from Agrigentum. It is called Lycus, by
Diodorus and Plutarch; but this is thought a mistake.—Trans.
638 Justin, l. xvi. c. 4.
639 Diod. l. xix. p. 651-656-710-712-737-743-760. Justin, l. ii. c. 1-6.
M104 A.M. 3685. A. Carth. 527. A. Rom. 429. Ant. J.C. 319.
640 He was, according to most historians, the son of a potter; but all
allow him to have worked at the trade. From the obscurity of his
birth and condition, Polybius raises an argument to prove his
capacity and talents, in opposition to the slanders of Timæus. But
his greatest eulogium was the praise of Scipio. That illustrious
Roman being asked who, in his opinion, were the most prudent in the
conduct of their affairs, and most judiciously bold in the execution
of their designs; answered, Agathocles and Dionysius. Polyb. l. xv.
p. 1003. edit. Gronov. However, let his capacity have been ever so
great, it was exceeded by his cruelties.—Trans.
641 The battle was fought near the river and city of Himera.—Trans.
642 50,000 French crowns, or 11,250_l._ sterling.—Trans.
643 Agathocles wanting arms for many of his soldiers, provided them with
such as were counterfeit, which looked well at a distance. And
perceiving the discouragement his forces were under on sight of the
enemy’s horse, he let fly a great many owls, (privately procured for
that purpose,) which his soldiers interpreted as an omen and
assurance of victory. Diod. l. xx. p. 754.—Trans.
644 Liv. l. xxvii. n. 43.
645 Diod. l. xvii. p. 519. Quint. Curt. l. iv. c. 3.
646 Τῶν τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν μέρος, some of their wives and children.
Diod. l. xvii. p. 519.—Trans.
647 And the most forward of all the rest was Antander, the brother of
Agathocles, left commander in his absence; who was so terrified with
the report, that he was eager for having the city surrendered; and
expelled out of it eight thousand inhabitants who were of a contrary
opinion.—Trans.
648 Diod. p. 767-769.
649 He was cruelly tortured till he died, and so met with the fate which
his fellow-citizens, offended at his conduct in Sicily, had probably
allotted for him at home. He was too formidable to be attacked at
the head of his army; and therefore the votes of the senate
(whatever they were) being, according to custom, cast into a vessel,
it was immediately closed, with an order not to uncover it, till he
was returned, and had thrown up his commission. Justin, l. xxii. c.
3.—Trans.
650 Diod. p. 779-781. Justin, l. xxii. c. 7.
651 It would seem incredible that any man could so far triumph over the
pains of the cross, as to talk with any coherence in his discourse;
had not Seneca assured us, that some have so far despised and
insulted its tortures, that they spit contemptuously upon the
spectators. Quidam ex patibulo suos spectatores conspuerunt. _De
vitâ beatâ_, c. 19.—Trans.
652 Diod. p. 777-779-791-802. Justin, l. xxii. c. 7, 8
653 He was poisoned by one Mænon, whom he had unnaturally abused. His
teeth were putrified by the violence of the poison, and his body
tortured all over with the most racking pains. Mænon was excited to
this deed by Archagathus, grandson of Agathocles, whom he designed
to defeat of the succession, in favour of his other son Agathocles.
Before his death, he restored the democracy to the people. It is
observable, that Justin (or rather Trogus) and Diodorus disagree in
all the material part of this tyrant’s history.—Trans.
654 Justin, l. xxi. c. 6.
M105 A.M. 3727. A. Carth. 569. A. Rom. 471. Ant. J.C. 277.
655 Polyb. l. iii. p. 250. edit. Gronov.
656 Justin, l. xviii. c. 2.
657 Idem.
658 Plut. _in Pyrrh._ p. 398.
659 Οἵαν ἀπολείπομεν, ὦ φίλοι, Καρχηδονίοις καὶ Ῥωμαίοις παλαίστραν. The
Greek expression is beautiful. Indeed Sicily was a kind of Palæstra,
where the Carthaginians and Romans exercised themselves in war, and
for many years seemed to play the part of wrestlers with each other.
The English language, as well as the French, has no word to express
the Greek term.—Trans.
M106 A.M. 3724. A. Carth. 566. A. Rom. 468. Ant. J.C. 280.
660 Polyb. l. i. p. 8. edit Gronov.
661 Polyb. l. i. p. 12-15. edit. Gronov.
M107 A.M. 3741. A. Carth. 583. A. Rom. 485. Ant. J.C. 263.
662 Frontin.
663 The Chevalier Folard examines this question in his remarks upon
Polybius, l. i. p. 16.—Trans.
M108 A.M. 3743. A. Rom. 487.
664 Polyb. l. i. p. 15-19.
665 Id. p. 20.
M109 A.M. 3745. A. Rom. 489.
666 Polyb. l. i. p. 22.
667 Polyb. l. i. p. 22.
668 A different person from the great Hannibal.—Trans.
669 These pillars were called _Rostratæ_, from the beaks of ships with
which they were adorned; _Rostra_.—Trans.
670 Polyb. l. i. p. 24.
M110 A.M. 3749. A. Rom. 493.
671 Polyb l. i. p. 25.
672 Id. p. 30.
M111 A.M. 3750. A. Rom. 494.
673 Val. Max. l. iv. c. 4.
674 Polyb. l. i. p. 31-36.
675 In the interval betwixt the departure of Manlius and the taking of
Tunis, we are to place the memorable combat of Regulus and his whole
army, with a serpent of so prodigious a size, that the fabulous one
of Cadmus is hardly comparable to it. The story of this serpent was
elegantly written by Livy, but it is now lost. Valerius Maximus,
however, partly repairs that loss; and in the last chapter of his
first book, gives us this account of this monster from Livy
himself.—He [Livy] says, that on the banks of Bragada (an African
river) lay a serpent of so enormous a size, that it kept the whole
Roman army from coming to the river. Several soldiers had been
buried in the wide caverns of its belly, and many pressed to death
in the spiral volumes of its tail. Its skin was impenetrable to
darts: and it was with repeated endeavours that stones, slung from
the military engines, at last killed it. The serpent then exhibited
a sight that was more terrible to the Roman cohorts and legions than
even Carthage itself. The streams of the river were dyed with its
blood, and the stench of its putrified carcass infected the adjacent
country, so that the Roman army was forced to decamp. Its skin, one
hundred and twenty feet long, was sent to Rome: and, if Pliny may be
credited, was to be seen (together with the jaw-bone of the same
monster, in the temple where they were first deposited,) as late as
the Numantine war.—Trans.
676 Δεῖ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἤ νικᾷν, ἤ εἴκειν τοῖς ὑπερέχουσιν. Diod. _Eclog._
l. xxiii. c. 10.—Trans.
_ 677 De Bell. Pun._ p. 30.
678 This perfidious action, as it is related by Appian, may possibly be
true, when we consider the character of the Carthaginians, who were
certainly a cruel and treacherous people. But if it be fact, one
would wonder why Polybius should reserve for another occasion, the
relation of an incident which comes in most properly here, as it
finishes at once the character and life of Xanthippus. His silence
therefore in this place makes me think, that he intended to bring
Xanthippus again upon the stage; and to exhibit him to the reader in
a different light from that in which he is placed by Appian. To this
let me add, that it showed no great depth of policy in the
Carthaginians, to take this method of despatching him, when so many
others offered which were less liable to censure. In this scheme
formed for his destruction, not only himself, but all his followers,
were to be murdered, without the pretence of even a storm, or loss
of one single Carthaginian, to cover or excuse the perpetration of
so horrid a crime.—Trans.
679 Lib. i. p. 36, 37.
680 Inter pauca felicitatis virtutisque exempla M. Atilius quondam in
hâc eâdem terrâ fuisset, si victor pacem petentibus dedisset
patribus nostris. Sed non statuendo tandem felicitati modum, nec
cohibendo efferentem se fortunam, quanto altiùs elatus erat, eo
fœdiùs corruit. Liv. l. xxx. n. 30.—Trans.
681 Ὡς ἕν σοφὸν βούλευμα τὰς πολλὰς χεῖρας νικᾶ. It may not be improper
to take notice in this place (as it was forgotten before) of a
mistake of the learned Casaubon, in his translation of a passage of
Polybius concerning Xanthippus. The passage is this, Ἐν οἷς καὶ
Ξάνθιππόν τινα Λακεδαιμόνιον ἄνδρα τὴς Λακωνικῆς ἀγωγῆς μετεχηκότα,
καὶ τριβὴν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἔχοντα σύμμετρον. Which is thus
rendered by Casaubon: In queis [militibus sc. Græciâ allatis]
Xanthippus quidam fuit Lacedæmonius, vir disciplinà Laconicâ
imbutus, et qui rei militaris usum mediocrem habebat. Whereas,
agreeably with the whole character and conduct of Xanthippus, I take
the sense of this passage to be, “a man formed by the Spartan
discipline, and proportionably [not moderately] skilful in military
affairs.”—Trans.
682 This silence of Polybius has prejudiced a great many learned men
against many of the stories told of Regulus’s barbarous treatment,
after he was taken by the Carthaginians. M. Rollin speaks no further
of this matter; and therefore I shall give my reader the substance
of what is brought against the general belief of the Roman writers,
(as well historians as poets,) and of Appian on this subject. First,
it is urged, that Polybius was very sensible that the story of these
cruelties was false; and therefore, that he might not disoblige the
Romans, by contradicting so general a belief, he chose rather to be
silent concerning Regulus after he was taken prisoner, than to
violate the truth of history, of which he was so strict an observer.
This opinion is further strengthened (say the adversaries of this
belief) by a fragment of Diodorus, which says, that the wife of
Regulus, exasperated at the death of her husband in Carthage,
occasioned, as she imagined, by barbarous usage, persuaded her sons
to revenge the fate of their father, by the cruel treatment of two
Carthaginian captives (thought to be Bostar and Hamilcar) taken in
the sea-fight against Sicily, after the misfortune of Regulus, and
put into her hands for the redemption of her husband. One of these
died by the severity of his imprisonment; and the other, by the care
of the senate, who detested the cruelty, survived, and was recovered
to health. This treatment of the captives, and the resentment of the
senate on that account, form a third argument or presumption against
the truth of this story of Regulus, which is thus argued. Regulus
dying in his captivity by the usual course of nature, his wife, thus
frustrated of her hopes of redeeming him by the exchange of her
captives, treated them with the utmost barbarity in consequence of
her belief of the ill usage which Regulus had received. The senate
being angry with her for it, to give some colour to her cruelties,
she gave out among her acquaintance and kindred, that her husband
died in the way generally related. This, like all other reports,
increased gradually; and, from the national hatred betwixt the
Carthaginians and Romans, was easily and generally believed by the
latter. How far this is conclusive against the testimonies of two
such weighty authors as Cicero and Seneca (to say nothing of the
poets) is left to the judgment of the reader.—Trans.
M112 A.M. 3755. A. Rom. 499.
683 Appian, _de Bella Pun._ p. 2, 3. Cic. _de Off._ l. iii. n. 99, 100.
Aul. Gel. l. vi. c. 4. Senec. _Ep._ 99.
684 Horat. l. iii. _Od._ 3.
685 Polyb. l. i. p. 37.
686 Or Clypea.—Trans.
687 Polyb. l. i. p. 38-40.
688 P. 41, 42.
689 Ibid. l. i. p. 44-50.
690 Polyb. p. 50.
M113 A.M. 3756. A. Rom. 500.
691 Ibid. p. 51.
692 Ibid. p. 54-59.
693 A city and mountain of Sicily.—Trans.
694 Polyb. l. i. p. 59-62.
M114 A.M. 3763. A. Rom. 507.
695 These islands are also called Ægates.—Trans.
696 This sum amounts to near six millions one hundred and eighty
thousand French livres, or 515,000_l._ English money.
697 Polyb. l. iii. p. 182.
M115 A.M. 3763. A. Carth. 605. A. Rom. 507. Ant. J.C. 241.
698 Polyb. l. i. p. 65-89.
699 The same year that the first Punic war ended.—Trans.
700 And sometimes ξενικὸν, or the war with the mercenaries.—Trans.
701 Ibid. p. 66.
702 Matho was an African, and free born; but as he had been active in
raising the rebellion, an accommodation would have ruined him. He,
therefore, despairing of a pardon, embraced the interests of
Spendius with more zeal than any of the rebels; and first insinuated
to the Africans the danger of concluding a peace, as this would
leave them alone, and exposed to the rage of their old masters.
Polyb. p. 98. edit. Gronov.—Trans.
703 Bellis Punicis omnibus, cum sæpe Carthaginenses et in pace et per
inducias multa nefanda facinora fecissent, nunquam ipsi per
occasionem talia fecere: magis quod se dignum foret, quàm quod in
illos jure fieri posset, quærebant. Sallust. _in Bell.
Gatilin._—Trans.
M116 A.M. 3767. A. Carth. 609. A. Rom. 511. Ant. J.C. 237.
704 Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.
705 Lib. iii. p. 162-168.
706 Angebant ingentis spiritûs virum Sicilia Sardiniaque amissæ: Nam et
Siciliam nimis celeri desperatione rerum concessam; et Sardiniam
inter motum Africæ fraude Romanorum, stipendio etiam superimposito,
interceptam. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.—Trans.
707 Polyb. l. ii. p. 90.
708 Polyb. l. iii. p. 167. Liv. l. xxi. n. 1.
M117 A.M. 3776. A. Rom. 520.
709 Polyb. l. ii. p. 101.
710 Polyb. l. ii. p. 123. Liv. l. xxi. n. 2.
711 The murder was an effect of the extraordinary fidelity of this Gaul,
whose master had fallen by the hand of Asdrubal. It was perpetrated
in public; and the murderer being seized by the guards, and put to
the torture, expressed so strong a satisfaction in the thoughts of
his having executed his revenge so successfully, that he seemed to
ridicule all the terror of his torments. Eo fuit habitu oris, ut
superante lætitià dolores, ridentis etiam speciem præbuerit. Liv. l.
xxi. n. 1.—Trans.
M118 A.M. 3783. A. Rom. 530.
712 Liv. l. xxi. n. 3, 4.
M119 A.M. 3784. A. Carth. 626. A. Rom. 528.
713 Polyb. l. iii. p. 168, 169. Liv. l. xxi. n. 3-5.
_ 714 In vit. Annib._ c. 7.
715 Hic, ut rediit, Prætor factus est, postquam rex fuerat anno secundo
et vigesimo.—Trans.
716 This city lay on the Carthaginian side of the Iberus, very near the
mouth of that river, and in a country where the Carthaginians were
allowed to make war, but Saguntum, as an ally of the Romans, was
excepted from all hostilities, by virtue of the late treaty.—Trans.
717 Ibi largè partiendo prædam, stipendia præterita cum fide exsolvendo,
cunctos civium sociorumque animos in se firmavit. Liv. l xxi. n.
5.—Trans.
718 Polyb. l. iii. p. 170-173. Liv. l. xxi. n. 6-15.
719 Polyb. p. 174, 175. Liv. l. xxi. n. 16, 17.
720 Sanctitate disciplinæ, quâ fidem socialem usque ad perniciem suam
coluerunt. Liv. l. xxi. n. 7.—Trans.
721 Polyb. p. 187. Liv. l. xxi. n. 18, 19.
722 Polyb. l. iii. p. 184, 185.
M120 A.M. 3787. A. Carth. 629. A. Rom. 531. Ant. J.C. 217.
723 Polyb. l. iii. p. 187. Liv. l. xxi. n. 21, 22.
724 Lib. iii. p. 192, 193.
725 275 miles.
726 Polybius makes the distance from New Carthage to be 2600 furlongs;
consequently, the whole number of furlongs will be 8400, or
(allowing 625 feet to the furlong) 944 English miles, and almost
one-third. See Polybius, edit. Gronov. p. 267.—Trans.
727 Lib. iii. p. 199.
728 200 miles.
729 200 miles.
730 175 miles.
731 150 miles.
732 1000 miles.
733 Polyb. l. iii. p. 188, 189.
734 Audierunt præoccupatos jam ab Annibale Gallorum animos esse: sed ne
illi quidem ipsi satis mitem gentem fore, ni subinde anro, cujus
avidissima gens est, principum animi concilientur. Liv. l. xxi. n.
20.—Trans.
735 Polyb. p. 189, 190. Liv. l. xxi. n. 22-24.
736 A little above Avignon.—Trans.
737 Polyb. l. iii. p. 270-274. edit. Gronov. Liv. l. xxi. ii. 26-28.
738 It is thought this was betwixt Roquemaure and Pont St.
Esprit.—Trans.
739 Polyb. l. iii. p. 200-202, &c. Liv. l. xxi. n. 31, 32.
740 Hoc principium simulque omen belli, ut summâ rerum prosperum
eventum, ita haud sanè incruentam ancipitisque certaminis victoriam
Romanis portendit. Liv. l. xxi. n. 29.—Trans.
741 The text of Polybius, as it has been transmitted to us, and that of
Livy, place this island at the meeting of the Saone and the Rhone,
that is, in that part where the city of Lyons stands. But this is a
manifest error. It was Σκώρας in the Greek, instead of which ὁ
Ἄραρος has been substituted. J. Gronovius says, that he had read, in
a manuscript of Livy, _Bisarar_, which shows, that we are to read
_Isara Rhodanusque amnes_, instead of _Arar Rhodanusque_; and, that
the island in question is formed by the conflux of the Isere and the
Rhone. The situation of the Allobroges, here spoken of, proves this
evidently.—Trans.
742 In Dauphiné.—Trans.
743 Polyb. l. iii. p. 203-208. Liv. l. xxi. n. 32-37.
744 Of Piedmont.—Trans.
745 Many reject this incident as fictitious. Pliny takes notice of a
remarkable quality in vinegar; _viz._ its being able to break rocks
and stones. Saxa rumpit infusum, quæ non ruperit ignis antecedens,
l. xxiii. c. 1. He therefore calls it, Succus rerum domitor, l.
xxxiii. c 2. Dion, speaking of the siege of Eleutheræ, says, that
the walls of it were made to fall by the force of vinegar, l. xxxvi.
p. 8. Probably, the circumstance that seems improbable on this
occasion, is, the difficulty of Hannibal’s procuring, in those
mountains, a quantity of vinegar sufficient for this purpose.—Trans.
746 Polyb. l. iii. p. 209 & 212-214. Liv. l. xxi. c. 39.
747 Taurini.—Trans.
748 A small river (now called Tesino) in Lombardy.—Trans.
749 Polyb. l. iii. p. 214-218. Liv. l. xxi. n. 39-47.
750 These two ill omens were, first, a wolf had stolen into the camp of
the Romans, and cruelly mangled some of the soldiers, without
receiving the least harm from those who endeavoured to kill it: and
secondly, a swarm of bees had pitched upon a tree near the Prætorium
or general’s tent. Liv. l. xxi. c. 46.—Trans.
751 The Numidians used to ride without saddle or bridle.—Trans.
752 Polyb. l. iii. p. 220-227. Liv. l. xxi. n. 51-56.
753 Polyb. l. iii. pp. 228, 229. Liv. l. xxi. n. 60, 61.
754 Or Ebro.—Trans.
755 Polyb. p. 229.
756 Liv. l. xxi. n. 58.
757 Polyb. l. iii. p. 229. Liv. l. xxii. n. 1. Appian. _in Bell. Annib._
p. 316.
M121 A.M. 3788. A. Rom. 532.
758 Polyb. pp. 230, 231. Liv. l. xxii. n. 2.
759 Polyb. l. iii. p. 231-238. Liv. l. xxii. n. 3-8.
760 Apparebat ferociter omnia ac præpioperè acturum. Quóque pronior
esset in sua vitia, agitare eum atque irritare Pœnus parat. Liv. l.
xxii. n. 3.—Trans.
761 Polyb. l. iii. p. 239-255. Liv. l. xxii. n. 9-30.
762 A small town, which gave its name to the Adriatic sea.—Trans.
763 Nec Annibalem lefellit suis se artibus peti. Liv.—Trans.
764 Satis fidens haudquaquam cum imperii jure artem imperandi æquatam.
Liv. l. xxii. n. 26.—Trans.
765 Polyb. l. iii. p. 245-250. Liv. l. xxii. n. 19-22.
M122 A.M. 3789. A. Rom. 533.
766 Polyb. l. iii. p. 255-268. Liv. l. xxii. n. 34-54.
767 Polybius supposes only two hundred horse in each legion: but J.
Lipsius thinks that this is a mistake either of the author or
transcriber.—Trans.
768 A violent burning wind, blowing south-south-east, which, in this
flat and sandy country, raised clouds of hot dust, and blinded and
choked the Romans.—Trans.
769 Livy lessens very much the number of the slain, making them amount
but to about forty-three thousand. But Polybius ought rather to be
believed.—Trans.
770 Duo maximi exercitus cæsi ad hostium satietatem, donec Annibal
diceret militi suo: Parce ferro. Flor. l. 1. c. 6.—Trans.
771 Tum Maharbal: Non omnia nimirum eidem Dii dedêre. Vincere scis,
Annibal, victoriâ uti nescis. Liv. l. xxii. n. 51.—Trans.
772 Liv. l. xxii. n. 9. Ibid. l. xxiii. n. 18.
773 Casilinum.—Trans.
774 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 11-14.
775 Pliny, l. xxxiii. c. 1, says, that there were three bushels sent to
Carthage. Livy observes, that some authors make them amount to three
bushels and a half; but he thinks it most probable that there was
but one, l. xxxiii. n. 12. Florus, l. ii. c. 16, makes it two
bushels.—Trans.
776 De St. Evremond.
777 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 4-18.
778 Cæterùm quum Græci omnem ferè oram maritimam Coloniis suis, è Græciâ
deductis, obsiderent, &c. But after the Greeks had, by their
colonies, possessed themselves of almost all the maritime coast,
this very country (together with Sicily) was called Græcia Magna,
&c. Cluver. _Geograph._ l. iii. c. 30.—Trans.
779 Ibi partem majorem hiemis exercitum in tectis habuit; adversùs omnia
humana mala sæpe ac diu durantem, bonis inexpertum atque insuetum.
Itaque quos nulla mali vicerat vis, perdidere nimia bona ac
voluptates immodicæ, et eo impensiùs quo avidiùs ex insolentiâ ineas
se merserant. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 18.—Trans.
780 Illa enim cunctatio distulisse modò victoriam videri potuit, hic
error vires ademisse ad vincendum. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 18.—Trans.
781 Capuam Annibali Cannas fuisse: ibi virtutem bellicam, ibi militarem
disciplinam, ibi præteriti temporis famam, ibi spem futuri
extinctam. Liv. l. xxiii. n. 45.—Trans.
782 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 13.
783 Ibid. n. 32.
M123 A.M. 3790. A. Rom. 534.
784 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 26-30. and n. 32, 40, 41.
785 Not Hannibal’s brother.—Trans.
M124 A.M. 3791. A. Rom. 535.
786 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 41-46. l. xxv. n. 22. l. xxvi. n. 5-16.
M125 A.M. 3793. A. Rom 537.
M126 A.M. 3794. A. Rom. 538.
787 Flagitiosum esse terreri ac circumagi ad omnes Annibalis
comminationes. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 8.—Trans.
788 Audita vox Annibalis fertur, Potiundæ sibi urbis Romæ, modò mentem
non dari, modò fortunam. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 11.—Trans.
789 Feronia was the goddess of groves, and there was one, with a temple
in it, dedicated to her, at the foot of the mountain Soracte.
Strabo, speaking of the grove where the goddess was worshipped,
says, that a sacrifice was offered annually to her in it; and that
her votaries, inspired by this goddess, walked unhurt over burning
coals. There are still extant some medals of Augustus, in which this
goddess is represented with a crown on her head.—Trans.
790 Vilius Virius, the chief of this conspiracy, after having
represented to the Capuan senate, the severe treatment which his
country might expect from the Romans, prevailed with twenty-seven
senators to go with him to his own house, where, after eating a
plentiful dinner, and heating themselves with wine, they all drank
poison. Then taking their last farewell, some withdrew to their own
houses, others staid with Virius; and all expired before the gates
were opened to the Romans. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 13, 14.—Trans.
791 Confessio expressa hosti, quanta vis in Romanis ad expetendas pœnas
ab infidelibus sociis, et quàm nihil in Annibale auxilii ad receptos
in fidem tuendos esset. Liv. l. xxvi. n. 16.—Trans.
M127 A.M. 3793. A. Rom. 537.
792 Liv. xxv. n. 32-39.
793 Id quidem cavendum semper Romanis ducibus erit, exemplaque hæc verè
pro documentis habenda. Ne ita externis credant auxiliis, ut non
plus sui roboris suarumque propriè virium in castris habeant. Liv.
n. 33.—Trans.
794 He attacked the Carthaginians, who had divided themselves into two
camps, and were secure, as they thought, from any immediate attempt
of the Romans; killed thirty-seven thousand of them; took one
thousand eight hundred prisoners and brought off immense plunder.
Liv. l. xxv. n. 39.—Trans.
M128 A.M. 3798. A. Rom. 542.
795 Polyb. l. xi. p. 622-625. Liv. l. xxvii. p. 35-51.
796 No general was allowed to leave his own province, to go into that of
another.—Trans.
797 Now called Metaro.—Trans.
798 According to Polybius, the loss amounted but to ten thousand men,
and that of the Romans to two thousand, l. xi. p. 870, edit.
Gronov.—Trans.
799 Horace makes him speak thus, in the beautiful ode where this defeat
is described:
Carthagini jam non ego nuntios
Mittara superbos. Occidit, occidit
Spes omnis, et fortuna nostri
Nominis, Asdrubale interempto. Lib. iv. _Od._ 4.—Trans.
M129 A.M. 3799. A. Rom. 543.
800 Polyb. l. xi. p. 650. & l. xiv. p. 677-687. & l. xv. p. 689-694.
Liv. l. xxviii. n. 1-4. 16. 38. 40-46. l. xxix. n. 24-36. l. xxx. n.
20-28.
M130 A.M. 3800. A. Rom. 544.
M131 A.M. 3802. A. Rom. 516.
801 Rarò quenquam alium patriam exilii causâ relinquentem magis mœstum
abiisse ferunt, quàm Annibalem hostium terrà excedentem. Respexisse
sæpe Italiæ littora, et deos hominesque accusantem, in se quoque ac
suum ipsius caput execratum. Quòd non cruentum ab Cannensi victorià
militem Romam duxisset. Liv. l. xxx. n. 20.—Trans.
802 Livy supposes, however, that this delay was a capital error in
Hannibal, which he himself afterwards regretted.—Trans.
803 Ἐσκοπεῖτο παρ᾽ αὐτῷ συλλογιζόμενος, οὐχ οὕτω τί δέον παθεῖν
Καρχηδονίους, ὡς τί δέον ἦν πράξει Ῥωμαίους. Polyb. l. xv. p. 965.
edit. Gronov.
Quibus Scipio. Etsi nou induciarum modò fides, sed etiam jus gentium
in legatis violatum esset; tamen se nihil nec institutis populi
Romani nec suis moribus indignum in iis facturum esse. Liv. l. xxx.
n. 25.—Trans.
M132 A.M. 3803. A. Rom. 547.
804 Polyb l. xv. p. 694-703. Liv. l. xxx. n. 29-35.
805 Celsus hæc corpore, vultuque ita læto, ut vicisse jam crederes,
dicebat. Liv. l. xxx. n. 32.—Trans.
806 Polyb. l. xv. p. 704-707. Liv. l. xxx. n. 36-44.
807 Ten thousand Attic talents make thirty millions French money. Ten
thousand Euboic talents make something more than twenty-eight
millions, thirty-three thousand livres; because, according to
Budæus, the Euboic talent is equivalent but to fifty-six minæ and
something more, whereas the Attic talent is worth sixty minæ.
Or otherwise thus calculated in English money:
According to Budæus, the Euboic talent is 56 Minæ
56 Minæ reduced to English money is 175_l._
Consequently, 10,000 Euboic talents make 1,750,000_l._
So that the Carthaginians paid annually 35,000_l._
This calculation is as near the truth as it can well be brought; the
Euboic talent being something more than 56 minæ.—Trans.
808 Rarò simul hominibus bonam fortunam bonamque mentem dari. Populum
Romanum eo invictum esse, quòd in secundis rebus sapere et consulere
meminerit. Et herclè mirandum fuisse si aliter facerent. Ex
insolentiâ, quibus nova bona fortuna sit, impotentes lætitiæ
insanire: populo Romano usitata ac propè obsoleta ex victoriâ gaudia
esse; ac plus penè parcendo victis, quàm vincendo, imnerium auxisse.
Liv. l. xxx n. 42.—Trans.
M133 A.M. 3804. A. Carth. 646. A. Rom. 548. Ant. J.C. 200.
809 Lib. vi. p. 493, 494.
810 Liv. l. xxiv. n. 8, 9.
811 Quilibet nautarum rectorumque tranquillo mari gubernare potest: Ubi
sæva orta tempestas est, ac turbato mari rapitur vento navis, tum
viro et gubernatore opus est. Non tranquillo navigamus, sed jam
aliquot procellis submersi penè sumus. Itaque quis ad gubernacula
sedeat, summâ curâ providendum ac præcavendum nubis est.—Trans.
812 Corn. Nep. _in Annib._ c. 7.
813 Liv. l. xxxiii. n. 46.
814 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 46, 47.
815 Tum verò isti quos paverat per aliquot annos publicus peculatus,
velut bonis ereptis, non furto eorum manibus extorto, infensi et
irati, Romanos in Annibaleim, et ipsos causam odii quærentes,
instigabant. Liv.—Trans.
816 Liv. l. xxiii. n. 45-49.
817 It is probable that we should read _suos_.—Trans.
M134 A.M. 3812. A. Rom. 556.
818 Cic. _de Orat._ l. ii. n. 75, 76.
819 Hìc Pœnus liberè respondisse fertur, multos se deliros senes sæpe
vidisse: Sed qui magis quàm Phormio deliraret vidisse neminem.
Stobæus, _Serm._ lii. gives the following account of this matter:
Ἀννίβας ἀκούσας Στοικοῦ τίνος ἐπιχειροῦντος, ὅτι ὁ σοφὸς μόνος
στρατηγὸς ἐστὶν, ἐγέλασε, νομίζων ἀδύνατον εἶναι ἐκτὸς τῆς δι᾽ ἔργων
ἐμπειρίας τὴν ἐν τούτοις ἑπιστήμην ἔχειν. _i.e._ Hannibal hearing a
Stoic philosopher undertake to prove that the wise man was the only
general, laughed, as thinking it impossible for a man to have any
skill in war without having long practised it.—Trans.
820 They did more, for they sent two ships to pursue Hannibal, and bring
him back; they sold off his goods, rased his house; and, by a public
decree, declared him an exile. Such was the gratitude the
Carthaginians showed to the greatest general they ever had. Corn.
Nep. _in vitâ Hannib._ c. 7.—Trans.
821 Liv. l. xxxiv. n. 60.
822 Ib. n. 61.
M135 A.M. 3813. A. Rom. 557.
823 Liv. l. xxxv. n. 14. Polyb. l. iii. p. 166, 167.
824 Polybius represents this application of Villius to Hannibal, as a
premeditated design, in order to render him suspected to Antiochus,
because of his intimacy with a Roman. Livy owns, that the affair
succeeded as if it had been designed; but, at the same time, he
gives, for a very obvious reason, another turn to this conversation,
and says, that no more was intended by it, than to sound Hannibal,
and to remove any fears or apprehensions he might be under from the
Romans.—Trans.
825 Liv. l. xxxv. n. 14. Plut. _in vitâ Flamin._ &c.
826 Plut. _in Pyrrho_, p. 687.
827 Liv. l. xxxv. n. 19.
828 Liv. l. xxxv. n. 42, 43.
829 Nulla ingenia tam prona ad invidiam sunt, quàm eorum qui genus ac
fortunam suam animis non æquant: Quia virtutem et bonum alienum
oderunt. Methinks it is better to read ut bonum alienum.—Trans.
830 Ib. l. xxxvi. n. 7.
831 Liv. l. xxxvi. n. 41.
832 Corn. Nep. _in Annib._ c. 9, 10. Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4.
M136 A.M. 3820. A. Rom. 564.
833 These statues were thrown out by him, in a place of public resort,
as things of little value. Corn. Nep.—Trans.
834 Corn. Nep. _in Annib._ c. 10, 11. Justin, l. xxxiii c. 4.
835 Justin, l. xxxii. c. 4. Corn. Nep. _in vit. Annib._
M137 A.M. 3882. A. Rom. 566.
836 Liv. l. xxxix. n. 51.
837 Plutarch, according to his custom, assigns him three different
deaths. Some, says he, relate, “that having wrapped his cloak about
his neck, he ordered his servant to fix his knees against his
buttocks, and not to leave twisting till he had strangled him.”
Others say, that, in imitation of Themistocles and Midas, he drank
bull’s blood. Livy tells us, that Hannibal drank a poison which he
always carried about him; and taking the cup into his hands, cried,
“Let us free,” &c. In _vitâ Flaminini_.—Trans.
_ 838 Of the Method of Studying and Teaching the Belles Lettres_, vol.
ii.—Trans.
839 Quintil.—Trans.
840 Atque hic tantus vir, tantisque bellis districtus, nonnibil temporis
tribuit litteris, &c. Corn. Nep _in vitá Annib._ cap. 13.—Trans.
841 Lib. xxi. n, 4.
_ 842 Excerpt. è_ Polyb. p. 33.
_ 843 Excerpt. è_ Diod. p. 282. Liv. l. xxv. n. 17.
844 Lib. xxxii. c. 4.
845 Cibi potionisque, desiderio naturali, non voluptate, modus finitus.
Liv. l. xxi. n. 4.
Constat Annibalem, nec tum cùm Romano tonantem bello Italia
contremuit, nec cùm reversus Carthaginem summum imperium tenuit, aut
cubantem cœnâsse, aut plus quàm sextario vini indulsisse. Justin, l.
xxxii. c. 4.—Trans.
_ 846 Except é_ Polyb. p. 34 & 37.
_ 847 Æn._ l. iv. ver. 41.—Trans.
848 Liv. l. xxiv. n. 48, 49.
849 Id. l. xxix. n. 29-34.
850 Id. l. xxix. n. 23.
851 Id. l. xxx n. 11, 12.
852 Liv. l. xxx. n. 44.
853 Id. l. xxxiv. n. 62.
M138 A.M. 3823. A. Rom. 567.
854 Id. l. xl. n. 17.
M139 A.M. 3833. A. Rom. 577.
855 Id. l. xlii. n. 23, 24.
856 Polyb. p. 951.
M140 A.M. 3848. A. Rom. 592.
857 App. _de bell. Pun._ p. 37.
858 App. p. 38.
859 App. _de bell. Pun._ 40.
860 Emporium, or Emporia, was a country of Africa, on the Lesser Syrtis,
in which Leptis stood. No part of the Carthaginian dominions was
more fruitful than this. Polybius, l. i. says, that the revenue that
arose from this place was so considerable, that all their hopes were
almost founded on it, ἐν ἁῖς (_viz._ their revenues from Emporia)
εἶχον τὰς μεγίστας ἔλπιδας. To this was owing their care and
state-jealousy above mentioned, lest the Romans should sail beyond
the Fair Promontory, that lay before Carthage; and become acquainted
with a country which might induce them to attempt the conquest of
it.—Trans.
861 App. _de bell. Pun._ 40.
862 Ils furent tous passés sous le joug: Sub jugum missi; a kind of
gallows (made by two forked sticks, standing upright) was erected,
and a spear laid across, under which vanquished enemies were obliged
to pass. Festus.—Trans.
M141 A.M. 3855. A. Carth. 697. A. Rom. 599. Ant. J.C. 149.
863 Appian, p. 41, 42.
864 The foreign forces were commanded by leaders of their respective
nations, who were all under the command of a Carthaginian officer,
called by Appian Βοήθαρχος.—Trans.
865 Plut. _in vit. Cat._ p. 352.
866 Plin. l. xv. c. 18.
867 Plut. ibid. _in vitâ Cat._
868 Ubi Carthago, et æmula imperii Romani ab stirpe interiit, Fortuna
sævire ac miscere omnia cœpit. Sallust. _in bell. Catilin._
Ante Carthaginem deletam populus et senatus Romanus placidè
modestéque inter se Remp. tractabant.—Metus hostilis in bonis
artibus civitatem retinebat. Sed ubi formido illa mentibus decessit,
illicet ea, quæ secundæ res amant, lascivia atquæ superbia
incessere. Idem _in bello Jugurthino_.—Trans.
869 Potentiæ Romanorum prior Scipio viam aperuerat, luxuriæ posterior
aperuit. Quippe remoto Carthaginis metu, sublatàque imperii æmulà,
non gradu, sed præcipiti cursu à virtute descitum, ad vitia
transcursum. Vel. Paterc. l. ii. c. 1.—Trans.
870 App. p. 42.
M142 A.M. 3856. A. Rom. 600.
871 Ibid.
872 Polyb. _excerpt. legat._. p. 972
873 To the Romans.—Trans.
874 Polyb. _excerpt. legat._ p. 972.
875 Polyb. p. 975. Appian, p. 44-46.
876 Appian, p. 46.
877 Balistæ or Catapultæ.—Trans.
878 Four leagues, or twelve miles.—Trans.
879 Appian, p. 46-53.
880 Appian, p. 53, 54.
881 Polyb. l. xiii. p. 671, 672.
882 Appian, p. 55. Strabo, l. xvii. p. 833.
883 Appian, p. 55.
884 Appian, p. 55-63.
M143 A.M. 3857. A. Rom. 601.
885 Appian, p. 63.
886 Appian, p. 65.
887 Page 66.
888 Andriscus.—Trans.
889 Page 68.
M144 A.M. 3858. A. Rom. 602.
890 Appian, p. 69.
891 Page 70.
892 A sort of movable bridge.—Trans.
893 Appian, p. 56, 57. Strabo, l. xvii. p. 832.
894 Νεωσοίκους, Strabo.—Trans.
895 Boch. in Phal. p. 512.
896 Appian, p. 72.
897 It was he who had first commanded without the city, but having
caused the other Asdrubal, Masinissa’s grandson, to be put to death,
he got the command of the troops within the walls.—Trans.
898 Page 73.
899 Four miles and three quarters.—Trans.
900 Appian, p. 74.
901 Appian, p. 75.
902 Ibid. p. 78.
M145 A.M. 3859. A. Rom. 603.
903 Appian, p. 79.
904 Ibid. p. 81.
905 Appian, p. 82.
906 Ecclus, x. 8.
M146 A.M. 3859. A. Carth. 701. A. Rom. 603. Ant. J.C. 145.
907 Appian, p. 83.
908 Ibid.
909 Quem taurum Scipio cùm redderet Agrigentinis, dixisse dicitur, æquum
esse illos cogitare utrum esset Siculis utilius, suisne servire, au
populo R. obtemperare, cùm idem monumentum et domesticæ
crudelitatis, et nostræ mansuetudinis haberent. Cicer. _Verr._ vi.
n. 73.—Trans.
910 Ibid.
911 Appian, p. 84.
912 We may guess at the dimensions of this famous city, by what Florus
says, _viz._ that it was seventeen days on fire, before it could be
all consumed. Quanta urbs deleta sit, ut de cæteris taceam, vel
ignium morâ probari potest: quippe per continuos decem et septem
dies vix potuit incendium extingui. Lib. ii. c. 15.—Trans.
913 Neque se Roma, jam terrarum orbe superato, securam speravit fore, si
nomen usquam maneret Carthaginis. Adeo odium certaminibus ortum,
ultra metum durat, et ne in victis quidem deponitur, neque antè
invisum esse desinit, quàm esse desiit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c.
12.—Trans.
914 Ut ipse locus eorum, qui cum hâc urbe de imperio certârunt, vestigia
calamitatis ostenderet. Cic. _Agrar._ ii. n. 50.—Trans.
915 Ibid.
916 Appian, p. 85. Plut. _in vit. Gracch_ p. 839.
917 Marius cursum in Africam direxit, inopemque vitam in tugurio
ruinarum Carthaginensium toleravit: cùm Marius aspiciens
Carthaginem, illa intuens Marium, alter alteri possent esse solatio.
Vel. Paterc. l. ii c. 19.—Trans.
918 Appian, p. 85.
919 Strabo, l. xvii. p. 833.
920 Ibid. 831.
921 Page 733.
922 Scipio Æmilianus, vir avitis P. Africani paternisque L. Pauli
virtutibus simillimus, omnibus belli ac togæ dotibus, ingeniique ac
studiorum eminentissimus seculi sui, qui nihil in vitâ nisi
laudandum aut fecit aut dixit aut seusit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c.
12.—Trans.
923 Neque enim quisquam hoc Scipione elegantiùs intervalla negotiorum
otio dispunxit: semperque aut belli aut pacis serviit artibus,
semper inter arma ac studia versatus, aut corpus periculis, aut
animum disciplinis exercuit. Vel. Paterc. l. i. c. 13.—Trans.
924 Africanus semper Socraticum Xenophontem in manibus habebat. _Tusc.
Quæst._ l. ii. n. 62.—Trans.
925 Plut. _in vit. Æmil. Paul._ p. 258.
_ 926 Excerpt. è_ Polyb. p. 147-163.
927 She was sister of Paulus Æmilius, father of the second Scipio
Africanus.—Trans.
928 Or, 11,250_l._ sterling.—Trans.
929 Κατεγνωκότες τῆς αὐτῶν μικρολογίας.—Trans.
930 Or, 13,500_l._ sterling.—Trans.
931 Or, 5375_l._ sterling.—Trans.
932 Pausan. _in Arcad._ l. xiii. p. 505.
M147 A.M. 3857. A. Rom. 601.
933 Appian, p. 65. Val. Max. l. v. c. 2.
934 Appian, p. 65.
935 Cicero introduces Cato, speaking as follows of Masinissa’s vigorous
constitution: Arbitror te audire, Scipio, hospes tuus Masinissa quæ
faciat hodie nonaginta annos natus; cùm ingressus iter pedibus sit,
in equum omnino non ascendere; cùm equo, ex equo non descendere;
nullo imbre, nullo frigore adduci, ut capite operto sit; summam esse
in eo corporis siccitatem. Itaque exequi omnia regis officia et
munera. _De Senectute._—Trans.
936 An seni gerenda sit Resp. p. 791.
937 Appian ibid. Val. Max. l. v. c. 2.
938 All this history of Jugurtha is extracted from Sallust.—Trans.
939 Terrebat eum natura mortalium avida imperii, et præceps ad explendam
animi cupidinem: præterea opportunitas suæ liberorumque ætatis, quæ
etiam mediocres viros spe prædæ transversos agit. _Sallust._—Trans.
940 Ac sanè, quod difficillimum imprimis est, et prælio strenuus erat,
et bonus consilio: quorum alterum ex providentiâ timorem, alterum ex
audacià temeritatem adferre plerumque solet.—Trans.
941 Non exercitus, neque thesauri, præsidia regni sunt, verùm amici:
Quos neque armis cogere, neque auro parare queas; officio et fide
pariuntur. Quis autem amicior quàm frater fratri? aut quem alienum
fidum invenies, si tuis hostis fueris?—Trans.
M148 A.M. 3887. A. Rom. 631.
M149 A.M. 3888. A. Rom. 632.
942 He chose two of the nimblest of those who had followed him into
Cirtha; and these, induced by the great rewards he promised them,
and pitying his unhappy circumstances, undertook to pass through the
enemy’s camp, in the night, to the neighbouring shore, and from
thence to Rome. Ex iis qui unâ Cirtam profugerant, duos maximè
impigros delegit: eos, multa pollicendo, ac miserando casum suum,
confirmat, ubi per hostium munitiones noctu ad proximum mare, dein
Romam pergerent. Sallust.—Trans.
M150 A.M. 3894. A. Rom. 683. Ant. J.C. 110.
943 Multæ bonæque artes animi et corporis erant, quas omnes avaritia
præpediebat.—Trans.
944 Magnitudine pecuniæ à bono honestoque in pravum abstractus
est.—Trans.
945 Postquam Româ egressus est, fertur sæpe tacitus eò respiciens,
postremò dixisse. Urbem venalem et maturè perituram, si emptorem
invenerit.—Trans.
946 For electing magistrates. Sal.—Trans.
947 In Numidiam proficiscitur, magmâ spe civium, cùm propter artes
bonas, tum maximè quòd adversùm divitias invictum animum
gerebat.—Trans.
948 Quibus rebus supra bonum atque honestum perculsus, neque lacrymas
tenere, neque moderari linguam: vir egregius in aliis artibus, nimis
molliter ægritudinem pati.—Trans.
M151 A.M. 3898. A. Rom. 642.
949 Now comprehending Fez, Morocco, &c.—Trans.
950 Plut. _in vit. Marii._
951 Οἶα νέος φιλότιμος, ἄρτι δόξης γεγευμένος, οὐκ ἤνεγκε μετρίως τό
εὐτύχημα. Plut. _Præcept. reip. gerend._ p. 806.—Trans.
M152 A.M. 3901. A. Rom. 615. Ant. J.C. 103.
952 Plut. _in vit. Marii._
M153 A.M. 3959. A. Rom. 703.
M154 A.M. 3974. A. Rom. 719. Ant. J.C. 30.
953 In voce Ἰόβας.—Trans.
954 Vol. IV of the _Memoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres_, p.
457.—Trans.
955 They that are curious to make deeper researches into this matter,
may read the dissertations of Abbé Banier and M. Freret upon the
Assyrian empire, in the _Memoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres_;
for the first, see tome 3, and for the other, tome 5; as also what
Father Tournemine has written upon this subject in his edition of
Menochius.—Trans.
956 Porphyr. apud Simplic. in l. ii. _de cœlo_.
957 Here I depart from the opinion of Archbishop Usher, my ordinary
guide, with respect to the duration of the Assyrian empire, which he
supposes, with Herodotus, to have lasted but 520 years; but the time
when Nimrod lived and Sardanapalus died I take from him.—Trans.
M155 Nimrod. A.M. 1800. Ant. J.C. 2204.
958 Belus or Baal signifies Lord.—Trans.
959 Gen. x. 9.
960 Lib. ii. p. 90.
961 Ibid.
962 Gen. x. 10.
963 Semiramis eam condiderat, vel, ut plerique tradidere, Belus, enjus
regia ostenditar. Q. Curt. l. v. c. 1.—Trans.
964 Gen. xi. 4.
_ 965 Hist. Jud._ l. i. c. 4.
966 Lib. i. c. 181.
967 Gen. x. 11.
968 Mic. v. 6.
969 Gen. x. 11, 12.
970 Diod. l. ii. p. 90.
971 Fecerunt civitates duas amores duo: terrenam scilicet amor sui usque
ad contemptum Dei; cœlestem verò amor Dei usque ad contemptum sui.
S. Aug. _de Civ. Dei_, l. xiv. c. 28.—Trans.
M156 Ninus.
972 Diod. l. ii. p. 90-95.
973 Diodorus says it was on the bank of the Euphrates, and speaks of it
as if it was so, in many places; but he is mistaken.—Trans.
974 Jon. iii. 3.
975 It is hard to believe that Diodorus does not speak of the extent of
Nineveh with some exaggeration; therefore some learned men have
reduced the stadium to little more than one half, and reckon fifteen
of them to the Roman mile instead of eight, the usual
computation.—Trans.
976 Plut. _in Mor._ p. 753.
M157 Semiramis.
977 Diod. l. ii. p. 95.
978 We are not to wonder, if we find the founding of a city ascribed to
different persons. It is common, even among the profane writers, to
say, Such a prince built such a city, whether he was the person that
first founded it, or that only embellished or enlarged it.—Trans.
979 Herod. l. i. c. 178, 180. Diod. l. ii. p. 95, 96. Q. Curt. l. v. c.
1.
980 I relate things as I find them in the ancient authors, which Dean
Prideaux has also done; but I cannot help believing that great
abatements are to be made in what they say as to the immense extent
of Babylon and Nineveh.—Trans.
981 Isa. xlv. 2.
982 Quint. Curt. l. v. c. 1.
983 Herod. l. i. c. 180 and 186. Diod. l. ii. p. 96.
984 Diodorus says, this bridge was five furlongs in length, which can
hardly be true, since the Euphrates was but one furlong broad.
Strab. l. xvi. p 738.—Trans.
985 Strab. l. xvi. p. 740. Plin. l. v. c. 26.
986 Abyd. ap Eus. _Prœp. Evang._ l. ix.
987 Abyd. ib. Herod. l. i. c. 185.
988 The author follows Herodotus, who makes it four hundred and twenty
furlongs, or fifty-two miles square; but I choose to follow Dean
Prideaux, who prefers the account of Megasthenes.—Trans.
989 Diod. l. ii. p. 96, 97.
990 Ibid. p. 98, 99. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738. Quint. Curt. l. v. c. 1.
991 Beros. ap. Jos. _cont. App._ l. i. c. 6.
992 Herod. l. i. c. 181. Diod. l. ii. p. 98. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738.
_ 993 Phal_ part. 1 l. i. c. 9.
994 Herod. l. i. c. 183. Strab. l. xvi. p. 738. Arrian, l. vii. p. 480.
995 Diod. l. ii. p. 100-108.
996 Val. Max. l. ix. c. 3.
997 Indus.—Trans.
998 Vol. iii. p. 343, &c.
999 Lib. i. c. 2.
1000 Lib. v. _de Rep._ 451-457.
1001 Ἐπείτερ ἀρετὴν ἀντὶ ἱματίων ἁμφιέσονται.
_ 1002 De cura rei fam._ l. i. c. 3.
_ 1003 De administr. dom._ p. 839.
M158 Ninyas.
1004 Diod. l. ii. p. 108.
M159 A.M. 2092. Ant. J.C. 1912.
M160 A.M. 2513. Ant. J.C. 1491.
M161 A.M. 2820. Ant. J.C. 1184.
_ 1005 De Leg._ l. iii. p 685.
M162 Pul. A.M. 3233. Ant. J.C. 771.
1006 2 Kings xv. 19.
M163 Sardanapalus.
1007 Diod. l. ii. p. 109-115. Athen. l. xii. p. 529, 530. Just. l. i. c.
3.
1008 Κεῖν᾽ ἔχω ὅσσ᾽ ἔφαγον, καὶ ἐφύβρισα, καὶ μετ᾽ ἔρωτος
Τέρπν᾽ ἔπαθον; τὰ δὲ πολλὰ καὶ ὄλβια πάντα λέλειπται.
Quid aliud, inquit Aristoteles, in bovis, non in regis sepulchro,
inscriberes? Hæc habere se mortuum dicit, quæ ne vivus quidem
diutiùs habebat, quàm fruebatur. Cic. _Tusc. Quæst._ l. v. n.
101.—Trans.
1009 Two miles and a half.—Trans.
M164 A.M. 3257. Ant. J.C. 747.
1010 About fourteen hundred millions sterling.—Trans.
1011 Pag. 335, 336.
1012 Ἔσθις, πῖνε, ἀφροδισίαζε; τ᾽ ἄλλα δὲ ἐδέν.
M165 Belesis. A.M. 3257. Ant. J.C. 747.
1013 2 Kings xx. 12.
M166 Merodach-Baladan.
1014 Ibid.
1015 Can. Ptol.
M167 Tiglath-Pileser. A.M. 3257. Ant. J.C. 747.
1016 Lib. xii. _hist. anim._ c. 21. Castor apud Euseb. _Chron._ p. 49.
1017 2 Kings xvi. 7, &c.
1018 Is. viii. 4. Am. i. 5.
M168 Shalmanezer. A.M. 3276. Ant. J.C. 728.
1019 2 Kings xvii.
1020 Tob. 1.
M169 Sennacherib. A.M. 3287. Ant. J.C. 717.
1021 Is. xx. 1. 2 Kings xviii. and xix.
1022 2 Kings xix. 9.
1023 2 Kings xx. 2 Chron. xxxii. 24-31
1024 2 Kings xix. 35-57.
1025 Tobit i. 18-24
1026 2 Kings xix. 37.
M170 Esarhaddon. A.M. 3294. Ant. J.C. 710.
1027 Can. Ptol.
1028 Is. vii. 8.
1029 2 Chron. xxxiii. 11, 13.
1030 2 Kings xvii. 25-41.
M171 Saosduchinus. A.M. 3335. Ant. J.C. 669.
1031 Tobit xiv. 5-13.
1032 Judith i. 5, 6.
M172 Saracus. A.M. 3356. Ant. J.C. 648.
1033 Alex. Polyhist.
M173 Nabopolassar. A.M. 3378. Ant. J.C. 626.
1034 Pag. 70.
1035 Beros. apud Joseph. _Antiq._ l. x. c. 11. & _con. Ap._ l. i.
M174 A.M. 3398. Ant. J.C. 606.
M175 Nabuchodonosor II.
1036 Jer. xlvi. 2. 2 Kings xxiv. 7.
1037 Dan. i. 1-7. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6, 7.
1038 Some imagine him to have been eighteen years of age at this
time.—Trans.
1039 Can. Ptol. Beros. apud Joseph. _Antiq._ l. x. c. 11. & _con. Ap._ l.
x.
M176 A.M. 3401. Ant. J.C. 603.
1040 Dan. ii.
1041 2 Kings xxiv. 1, 2.
1042 Al. Jehoiakim. 2 Kings xxiv. 6-18.—Trans.
1043 2 Kings xxiv. 17-20. and xxv. 1-10.
M177 A.M. 3415. Ant. J.C. 589.
1044 Dan. iii.
1045 Ninety feet.—Trans.
1046 Ezek. xxvi. and xxvii. Is. xxiii. 8. Just. l. xviii. c. 3.
1047 Is. xxiii. 12.
1048 Jos. _Ant._ l. x. c. 11 & _con. Ap._ l. i.
1049 Ezek. xxix. 18, 19.
1050 Ibid. 18-20.
1051 Page 84.
_ 1052 Antiq._ l. x. 11.
1053 Dan. iv.
M178 Evil-Merodach. A.M. 3441. Ant. J.C. 563.
1054 2 Kings xxv. 27-30.
1055 Beros. Megasthen.
M179 Neriglissor. A.M. 3444. Ant. J.C. 560.
1056 Cyrop. l. i.
M180 Laborosoarchod. A.M. 3448. Ant. J.C. 556.
M181 Labynitus, or Nabonidus. A.M. 3449. Ant. J.C. 555.
1057 Jer. xxvii. 7.
1058 Herod. l. i. c. 185, &c.
1059 Dan. vii.
1060 Ibid. viii.
1061 Ibid. v.
M182 A.M. 3468. Ant. J.C. 536.
M183 A.M. 3257. Ant. J.C. 747.
1062 Herod. l. i. c. 95.
1063 Rom. xiii. 1, 2.
M184 Dejoces. A.M. 3294. Ant. J.C. 710.
1064 Herod. l. i. c. 96-101.
_ 1065 major ex __ longinquo reverentia_, Tacit.
M185 Pharaortes. A.M. 3347. Ant. J.C. 657.
1066 Herod. c. 102.
1067 He is called so by Eusebius, _Chron. Græc_ and by Geor.
Syncel.—Trans.
1068 Judith, i. 1.
1069 Ἐπωκοδόμησε ἐπὶ Ἐκβατάνοις. Judith, text Gr.
1070 Herod. l. i. c. 102.
1071 The Greek text places these embassies before the battle.—Trans.
M186 Cyaxares I. A.M. 3869. Ant. J.C. 635.
1072 Herod. l. i. c. 103-106.
1073 Herod. l. i. c. 74.
1074 In Herodotus he is called Labynetus.—Trans.
M187 A.M. 3378. Ant. J.C. 626.
1075 Herod. l. i. c. 106.
1076 Nahum iii. 1.
1077 ii. 1, 2.
1078 iii. 2, 3.
1079 ii. 3, 4.
1080 i. 2, 5, 6.
1081 Nahum, iii. 5.
1082 ii. 9, 10.
1083 The author in this place renders it, Her temple is destroyed to the
foundations. But I have chosen to follow our English Bible, though
in the Latin it is _camplum_.—Trans.
1084 ii. 6.
1085 iii. 3.
1086 ii. 11, 12.
1087 This is a noble image of the cruel avarice of the Assyrian kings,
who pillaged and plundered all their neighbouring nations,
especially Judea, and carried away the spoils of them to
Nineveh.—Trans.
1088 Zephan. ii. 13-15.
M188 Astyages. A.M. 3409. Ant. J.C. 595.
1089 Herod. l. i. c. 7-13.
M189 A.M. 2781. Ant. J.C. 1223.
M190 Candaules.
1090 Non contentus voluptatum suarum tacitâ conscientiâ—proisus quasi
silentium damnum pulchritudinis esset. Justin, l. i. c. 7.—Trans.
M191 A.M. 3286. Ant. J.C. 718.
1091 Nostro quidem more cum parentibus puberes filii, cum soceris generi,
non lavantur. Retinenda est igitur hujus generis verecundia,
præsertim naturâ ipsâ magistrâ et duce. Cic. l. i. _de offic._ n.
129.
Nadare se nefas esse credebatur. Val. Max. l. ii. c. 1.—Trans.
1092 Plato _de Rep._ l. ii. p. 359.
1093 Hunc ipsum annulum si habeat sapiens, nihilo plus sibi licere putet
peccare, quàm si non haberet. Honesta enim bonis viris, non occulta
quæruntur. Lib. iii, _de offic._ n. 38.—Trans.
M192 Gyges. A.M. 3286. Ant. J.C. 718.
1094 Herod. l. i. c. 13, 14.
1095 Ibid. l. i. c. 15.
M193 Ardys. A.M. 3334. Ant. J.C. 680.
M194 Sadyattes. A.M. 3373. Ant. J.C. 631.
1096 Herod. l. i. c. 16, 22.
M195 Halyattes. A.M. 3385. Ant. J.C. 619.
1097 Ibid. c. 21, 22.
M196 Crœsus. A.M. 3442. Ant. J.C. 562.
1098 Strab. l. xiii. p. 625. & l. xiv. p. 680.
1099 Herod. l. i. c. 26-28.
1100 Ibid. l. i. c. 29-33. Plut. _in Sol._ p. 93, 94.
1101 Φιλαδελφοὺς καὶ φιλομήτορας διαφερόντως ἄνδρας.—Trans.
1102 The fatigue of drawing the chariot might be the cause of it.—Trans.
1103 Λυπήσας μὲν, οὐ νουθετήσας δὲ τὸν Κροίσον.—Trans.
1104 Ὦ Σόλων (ἔφη) τοῖς βασιλεῦσι δεῖ ὡς ἥκιστα ἤ ὡς ἥδιστα ὁμιλεῖν. Καὶ
ό Σόλων, Μὴ Δί (εἶπεν) ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἥκιστα ἥ ὡς ἄριστα. The jingle of the
words ὡς ἥκιστα ἥ ὡς ἄριστα, which is a beauty in the original,
because it is founded in the sense, cannot be rendered into any
other language.—Trans.
1105 Plenas aures adulationibus aliquando vera vox intret: da consilium
utile. Quæris, quid felici præstare possis? Effice, ne felicitati
suæ credat. Parum in illum contuleris, si illi semel stultam
fiduciam permansuræ semper potentiæ excusseris, docuerisque mobilia
esse quæ dedit casus; ac sæpe inter fortunam maximam et ultimam
nihil interesse. Sen. _de benef._ l. vi. c. 33.—Trans.
1106 Herod. l. i. c. 34-45.
1107 Ibid. 46-50.
1108 Herod. l. i. c. 71.