ROLLS OF HONOR
The first honors of Abolitionism unquestionably belong to the
organizers of the first societies formed for its promotion. The first
of these in the order of time was the New England Anti-Slavery
Society, which came into being on the first day of January, 1832.
William Lloyd Garrison was chief promoter and master spirit. It
consisted at the outset of twelve men, and that was not the only
evidence of its apostolic mission. It was to be the forerunner in an
ever-memorable revolution. The names of the twelve subscribers to its
declaration of views and aims will always have a place in American
history. They were William Lloyd Garrison, Oliver Johnson, William J.
Snelling, John E. Fuller, Moses Thatcher, Stillman E. Newcomb, Arnold
Buffum, John B. Hall, Joshua Coffin, Isaac Knapp, Henry K. Stockton,
and Benjamin C. Bacon.
As a suggestion from, if not an offshoot of, the New England
organization, came the National Anti-Slavery Society, which was
organized in Philadelphia in 1834. It was intended that the meeting of
its promoters should be held in New York, but so intense was the
feeling against the Abolitionists in that city that no suitable room
could there be found, and the "conspirators," as they were called by
their enemies, were compelled to seek for accommodation and protection
among the Philadelphia Quakers.
In that circumstance there was considerable significance. Two great
declarations of independence have issued from Philadelphia. One was
for political freedom; the other was for personal freedom. One was for
the benefit of its authors as well as of others. The other one was
wholly unselfish. Which had the loftier motive?
Ten States were represented in the Philadelphia meeting, which,
considering the difficulties incident to travel at that time, was a
very creditable showing. One man rode six hundred miles on horseback
to attend it.
The following is the list of those in attendance, who became
subscribers to the declaration that was promulgated:
_Maine_
David Thurston, Nathan Winslow, Joseph Southwick, James F. Otis, Isaac
Winslow.
_New Hampshire_
David Campbell.
_Massachusetts_
Daniel Southmayd, Effingham C. Capron, Amos Phelps, John G. Whittier,
Horace P. Wakefield, James Barbadoes, David T. Kimball, Jr., Daniel E.
Jewitt, John R. Campbell, Nathaniel Southard, Arnold Buffum, William
Lloyd Garrison.
_Rhode Island_
John Prentice, George W. Benson.
_Connecticut_
Samuel J. May, Alpheus Kingsley, Edwin A. Stillman, Simeon Joselyn,
Robert B. Hall.
_New York_
Beriah Green, Lewis Tappan, John Rankin, William Green, Jr., Abram T.
Cox, William Goodell, Elizur Wright, Jr., Charles W. Denison, John
Frost.
_New Jersey_
Jonathan Parkhurst, Chalkly Gillinghamm, John McCullough, James White.
_Pennsylvania_
Evan Lewis, Edwin A. Altee, Robert Purviss, James McCrummill, Thomas
Shipley, Bartholomew Fussell, David Jones, Enoch Mace, John McKim,
Anson Vickers, Joseph Loughead, Edward P. Altee, Thomas Whitson, John
R. Sleeper, John Sharp, Jr., James Mott.
_Ohio_
Milton Sutliff, Levi Sutliff, John M. Sterling.
* * * * *
The writer finds it quite impossible to carry out the idea with which
this chapter was begun, which was to furnish a catalogue embracing all
active Anti-Slavery workers who were Abolitionists. Space does not
permit. He will therefore condense by giving a portion of the list,
the selections being dictated partly by claims of superior merit, and
partly by accident.
As representative men and women of the East--chiefly of New England
and New York--he gives the following:
David Lee Child, of Boston, for some time editor of the _National
Anti-Slavery Advocate_. He was the husband of Lydia Maria Child, who
wrote the first bound volume published in this country in condemnation
of the enslavement of "those people called Africans"; Samuel E.
Sewell, another Bostonian and a lawyer who volunteered his services in
cases of fugitive slaves; Ellis Gray Lowell, another Boston lawyer of
eminence; Amos Augustus Phelps, a preacher and lecturer, for whose
arrest the slaveholders of New Orleans offered a reward of ten
thousand dollars; Parker Pillsbury, another preacher and lecturer, who
at twenty years of age was the driver of an express wagon, and with no
literary education, but who, in order that he might better plead the
cause of the slave, went to school and became a noted orator; Theodore
Weld, who married Angelina Grimke, the South Carolina Abolitionist,
and who as an Anti-Slavery advocate was excelled, if he was excelled,
only by Henry Ward Beecher and Wendell Phillips; Henry Brewster
Stanton, a very vigorous Anti-Slavery editor and the husband of
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the champion of women's rights; Theodore
Parker, the great Boston divine; O.B. Frothingham, another famous
preacher; Thomas Wentworth Higginson, the writer; Samuel Johnson,
C.L. Redmond, James Monroe, A.T. Foss, William Wells Brown, Henry C.
Wright, G.D. Hudson, Sallie Holley, Anna E. Dickinson, Aaron M.
Powell, George Brodburn, Lucy Stone, Edwin Thompson, Nathaniel W.
Whitney, Sumner Lincoln, James Boyle, Giles B. Stebbins, Thomas T.
Stone, George M. Putnam, Joseph A. Howland, Susan B. Anthony, Frances
E. Watkins, Loring Moody, Adin Ballou, W.H. Fish, Daniel Foster, A.J.
Conover, James N. Buffum, Charles C. Burleigh, William Goodell, Joshua
Leavitt, Charles M. Denison, Isaac Hopper, Abraham L. Cox.
To the above should be added the names of Alvin Stewart of New York,
who issued the call for the convention that projected the Liberty
party, and of John Kendrick, who executed the first will including a
bequest in aid of the Abolition cause.
And here must not be omitted the name of John P. Hale, of New
Hampshire, who was a candidate for the Presidency on the Liberty party
ticket, and also a conspicuous member of the U.S. Senate.
Going westward, we come to Ohio, which became, early in the movement,
the dominating center of Abolitionist influence. Salmon P. Chase was
there. James G. Birney, after being forced out of Kentucky, was there.
Ex-United States Senator Thomas Morris, a candidate for the
Vice-Presidency on the Liberty party ticket, was there. Leicester King
and Samuel Lewis, Abolition candidates for the governorship of the
State, were there. Joshua R. Giddings and United States Senator Ben.
Wade were there.
One great advantage the Ohio Abolitionists enjoyed was that they were
harmonious and united. In the East that was not the case. There was a
bitter feud between the Garrisonians, who relied on moral suasion, and
the advocates of political action. All Ohio Abolitionists were ready
and eager to employ the ballot.
There is another name, in speaking of Ohio, that must not be omitted.
Dr. Townsend was the man who made Salmon P. Chase a United States
Senator, and at a time when the Abolition voting strength in
Ohio was a meager fraction in comparison with that of the old
parties--numbering not over one in twenty. It happened to be a time
when the old parties--the Whigs and the Democrats--had so nearly an
equal representation in the State Legislature that Townsend, who was a
State Senator, and two co-operating members, held a balance of power.
Both parties were exceedingly anxious to control the Legislature, as
that body, under the State constitution then in force, had the
distribution of a great deal of patronage. The consideration for the
deciding vote demanded by Townsend and his associates was the election
of Chase to the Senate. They and the Democrats made the deal.
Naturally enough, the Whigs expressed great indignation until it was
shown that they had offered to enter into very much the same
arrangement.
Some years before the events just spoken of, Townsend had been a
medical student in Cincinnati. One day he stepped into the courthouse,
where a fugitive-slave case was being tried. There he listened to an
argument from Salmon P. Chase, the negro's defender, that made an
Abolitionist of him. The senatorial incident naturally followed.
There was another Ohioan--not an individual this time, but an
institution--that will always hold a high place in the annals of
Abolitionism. Oberlin College was a power in the land. It had a corps
of very able professors who were, without exception, active
Anti-Slavery workers. They regarded themselves as public instructors
as well as private teachers. There was scarcely a township in Ohio
that they did not visit, either personally or through their disciples.
They were as ready to talk in country schoolhouses as in their own
college halls. Of course, they were violently opposed. Mobs broke up
their meetings very frequently, but that only made them more
persistent. Their teachings were viciously misrepresented. They were
accused of favoring the intermarriage of the races, and parents were
warned, if they sent their children to Oberlin, to look out for
colored sons-in-law and daughters-in-law. For such slanders, however,
the men and women of Oberlin--for both sexes were admitted to faculty
and classes--seemed to care no more than they did for pro-slavery
mobs.
There is another name which, although it belongs exclusively neither
to the East nor to the West, to the North nor to the South, should not
be omitted from a record like this. Doctor Gamaliel Bailey resided in
the District of Columbia, and issued the _National Era_ from
Washington city.
Although a journal of small folio measurement and issued but once a
week, it was for a considerable time the most influential organ of the
Abolitionists. Its circulation was large and its management very
able. Of course, it took no little courage and judgment to conduct
such a publication in the very center of slaveholding influence, and
more than once it barely escaped destruction by mobs.
If there was nothing else to his credit there was one thing
accomplished by the _Era's_ owner that entitles him to lasting
remembrance. He was the introducer, if not the real producer, of
_Uncle Tom's Cabin._ It first appeared in the _Era_ in serial numbers.
It is perfectly safe to say that no other newspaper in the country, of
any standing, would have touched it. Without Dr. Bailey's
encouragement the work would not have been written. This was admitted
by Mrs. Stowe.
Up to this point the people whose names have been mentioned in these
pages have, to a certain extent, been public characters and leaders.
They were generals, and colonels, and captains, and orderly sergeants,
in the army of emancipation. There were, also, privates in the ranks
whose services richly deserve to be commemorated, showing, as they do,
the character of the works they performed. The writer cannot resist
the temptation to refer to two of them in particular, although,
doubtless, there were many others of equal merit. A reason for the
preference he shows in this case, that will not be misunderstood, is
the fact that one of the men was his uncle and the other his father.
James Kedzie and John Hume were plain country farmers residing in
southwestern Ohio, neither very rich nor very poor. They were natives
of Scotland, and stating that fact is almost equivalent to saying
they were Abolitionists. None of the Scotch of the writer's personal
knowledge, at the period referred to, were otherwise than strongly
Anti-Slavery. There are said to be exceptions to all rules, and there
was one in this instance. He was a kinsman of the author, and a "braw"
young Scotchman who came over to this country with the expectation of
picking up a fortune in short order. Finding the North too slow, he
went South. There he met a lady who owned a valuable plantation well
stocked with healthy negroes. He married the woman, and became
something of a local nabob, with the reputation of great severity as a
master. One day, with his own hand, he inflicted a cruel flogging on a
slave who had the name of a "bad nigger." That night, when the master
was playing chess with a neighbor by candlelight on the ground floor
of his dwelling, all the windows being open, the negro crept up with a
loaded gun and shot him dead.
The sad affair was regretfully commented on by the dead man's
relatives, who, I remember, referred to his untimely ending as "his
judgment," and as a punishment he had brought upon "himself."
My uncle and father did not conceal their unpopular views. They openly
voted the Abolition ticket. In eight years, beginning with their two
ballots, they raised the third party vote in their immediate vicinity
to eight, and they boasted of the progress they had made.
They did not make public addresses, but they faithfully listened to
those made by others in support of the cause. They attended all
Abolition meetings that were within reach. They took the _National
Era_. Not only that, but they got up clubs for it. The first club I
recollect my father's securing consisted of half a dozen subscribers,
for one half of which he paid. The next year's was double in size, and
so was my father's contribution. There was no fund for the promotion
of the Abolitionist cause, for which they were called upon, to which
they did not cheerfully pay according to their means.
All Abolition lecturers and colporteurs were gratuitously entertained,
although their presence was sometimes a cause of abuse, and even of
danger. There were other travelers who sometimes applied for help.
Their faces were of dusky hue, and their great whitish eyes were like
those of hunted beasts of the forest. They went on their way
strengthened and rejoicing--always in the direction of the North Star.
The men are dead, but Slavery is dead also, partly through their
labors and sacrifices. Their unpretentious, patient, earnest lives
were not in vain. They contributed to the final triumph of Freedom's
holy cause.
APPENDIX
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION
January 1, 1863.--Whereas, on the 22d day of September, 1862, a
proclamation was issued by the President of the United States,
containing, among other things, the following, to wit:
That on the 1st day of January, 1863, all persons held as slaves
within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof
shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then,
thenceforward and forever free, and the Executive government of the
United States, including the naval and military authority thereof,
will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do
no act or acts to repress such persons or any of them in any efforts
they may make for their actual freedom.
That the Executive will on the first day of January aforesaid, by
proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in
which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion
against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people
thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented in the
Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto at elections,
wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such States have
participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing
testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the
people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-chief of the Army
and Navy of the United States, in time of actual armed rebellion
against the authority and government of the United States, and as a
fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do on
this first day of January, 1863, and in accordance with my purpose so
to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days
from the day first above mentioned, order and designate as the States
and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively are this
day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit:
Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the Parishes of St. Bernard,
Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension,
Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans,
including the City of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida,
Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the
forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the
counties of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York,
Princess Ann, and Norfolk and Portsmouth) and which excepted parts are
for the present left precisely as if this proclamation were not
issued.
And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order
and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated
States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, free, and
that the Executive government of the United States, including the
military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain
the freedom of such persons.
And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain
from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense; and I recommend
to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for
reasonable wages.
And I further declare and make known that such persons, of suitable
condition, will be received into the armed service of the United
States, to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and
to man vessels of all sorts in said service.
And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice,
warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the
considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty
God.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this first day of January, 1863, and of
the independence of the United States the Eighty-seventh.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
By the President:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
BORDER SLAVE-STATE MESSAGE
Amendment to the National Constitution recommended by President
Lincoln in his Message to Congress of December I, 1862.
_Resolved_ by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled: that the following articles
be proposed to the Legislatures (or conventions) of the several States
as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all or any of
which Articles, when ratified by three fourths of the said
Legislatures (or conventions) to be valid as parts of the said
Constitution, namely:
Article.--Every State wherein Slavery now exists, which shall abolish
the same therein, at any time or times before the 1st day of January
in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred, shall receive
compensation from the United States as follows, to wit:
(Then follows a provision to issue bonds of the United States
Government, which shall be delivered to the States in amounts
sufficient to compensate the owners of slaves within their
jurisdictions for the loss of their slave property.)
Article.--All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the
chances of the war, at any time before the end of the rebellion, shall
be forever free; but all owners of such, who shall not have been
disloyal, shall be compensated for them at the same rates as is
provided for States adopting abolishment of slavery, but in such way
that no slave shall be twice accounted for.
Article.--Congress may appropriate money and otherwise provide for
colonizing free colored persons, with their own consent, at any place
or places without the United States.
"PRAYER OF TWENTY MILLIONS"
On the 19th of August, 1862, Horace Greeley, under the above heading,
addressed a letter to the President, which appeared over his signature
in the New York _Tribune_ of that date. The conclusion of Mr.
Greeley's epistle was as follows:
"On the face of this wide earth, Mr. President, there is not one
disinterested, determined, intelligent champion of the Union cause who
does not feel that all attempts to put down the rebellion, and at the
same time uphold its inciting cause, are preposterous and futile--that
the rebellion, if crushed out to-morrow, would be renewed within a
year if Slavery were left in full vigor--that army officers who
remain to this day devoted to Slavery can at best be but halfway loyal
to the Union--and that every hour of deference to Slavery is an hour
of added and deepened peril to the Union. I appeal to the testimony of
your embassadors in Europe. Ask them to tell you candidly whether the
seeming subserviency of your policy to the slaveholding,
slavery-upholding interest is not the perplexity, the despair of
statesmen of all parties, and be admonished by the general answer."
INDEX
Abolitionism, and Republicanism, 8, 9;
end of, 150-156.
Abolitionist movement, v.
Abolitionists, hysterical praise of, 1;
and dissolution of the Union, 1, 2;
effect, 2;
struggles, 3;
and political expediency, 5;
convention at Pittsburgh, 7;
third-party, 7;
vote of, 7;
founders of Republican party, 8;
pro-slavery mobbing, 9;
voting strength, 9;
organization, 10;
lecturers, 11;
stump orators, 11;
newspapers, 11;
preparatory work, 12;
hostility to Union, 13;
disloyalty, 13;
treason, 13;
place in history, 15;
Quakers, 16;
physical courage, 16;
unselfishness of, 16;
motives, 18;
persecution of, 20;
feelings against, 22;
hopefulness of, 26;
first presidential ticket, 28;
prejudice against, 30;
abuse by "gentlemen," 32;
women, 38;
preliminary victory of, 47;
denunciation of early, 49;
leaders, 186-198.
Adams, John Quincy, 21, 41;
attempted expulsion of, from Congress, 69-71;
speech in his own defense in Congress, 89.
Altee, Edward P., 203.
Altee, Edwin A., 203.
"Amalgamation," 35.
Anderson "Bill," 165.
Andrew, Governor, of Massachusetts, Peleg's _Life of_, 179.
Anthony, Susan B., 102, 205.
Anti-Slavery, causes, 2;
matter excluded from United States mails, 4;
formation of party, 13;
pioneers, 49-58;
lecturers, 76-78;
orators, 88-93;
women, 100-107;
mobs, 108-112;
in Haverhill, 108;
in Nantucket, 109;
martyrs, 113-120;
sentiment, in England, 130.
Anti-Slavery societies, organization, 26;
in New England, 72, 74, 75, 130, 201;
National, 76, 79, 87, 201.
Anti-Unionist, 13.
* * * * *
Bacon, Benjamin C., 201.
Bailey, Dr. Gamaliel, 100, 207.
Ballou, Adin, 205.
Barbadoes, James, 202.
Bates, Judge, 161.
Beecher, Henry Ward, 90, 142, 148;
speech in England, 90-93;
and Lincoln, 92.
Bell, 152.
Benson, George W., 203.
Benton, Thomas H., 154.
Birney, Jas. G., 2, 5, 42, 56-58, 205.
"Black laws" 35;
in Ohio, 35.
Black Republic of Texas, 135.
Blair, Gen. Prank P., 158, 186-191;
and Missouri emancipationists, 161;
and Missouri Abolitionists, 188;
appearance of, 189;
fearlessness, 189;
quarrel with Frémont, 189;
and capture of Camp Jackson, 189-191;
threats against, 190.
Blair, Montgomery, 158, 161.
Bonner, Hon. Benjamin R., 155.
Border-ruffianism, 153.
Border Slave-State message, text of, 213-214.
Boyle, James, 205.
Bradley, John, 135.
Breckenridge, 152;
factions, 11.
Breckenridge, Judge Samuel M., 175.
Brodburn, George, 205.
Brown, B. Gratz, 155.
Brown, John, 45, 113.
Brown, William Wells, 205.
Buchanan, James 153.
Buffum, Arnold, 201, 203.
Buffum, James N., 205.
Bull Run, 192.
Burleigh, Charles C., 205.
Buxton, Sir Thomas, 132.
* * * * *
Camp Jackson (St. Louis), 183;
"affair" at, 186-188;
effect of capture, 191-194.
Campbell, David, 202.
Campbell, John R., 202.
Capron, Effingham C., 202.
Carlisle, Earl of, 18.
Chapman, Mrs. Henry, 33.
"Charcoals," Missouri, 159;
delegation to President, 162, 166;
fight for "Free Missouri," 162;
appeal to President for protection, 166-168.
Chase, Salmon P., 10, 13, 14, 59-61, 148, 205;
financial policy, 60;
espousal of Abolitionism, 61;
and "third party," 64;
election to United States Senate, 206.
Child, David Lee, 204.
Child, Lydia Maria, 204.
Chittenden, L.E., 134.
Churchill's _Crisis_, 157.
Civil War, 11;
due to Abolitionists, 12.
Clay, Henry, 2, 6.
"Claybanks," 159;
exclusion from National Convention, 169.
Coffin, Joshua, 201.
Coffin, Levi, 197-198;
"President of 'The Underground Railroad,'" 197.
Colonization, 128-135;
Society, 128;
and England, 130-132;
Lincoln's opinion, 133;
experiments, 133-134.
Colonizationists, pretended friendship for negroes, 130.
Compromise of 1850, 6.
Conover, A.J., 205.
Cotton-gin, invention of, 31.
Cox, Abram L., 203, 205.
Crandall, Prudence, persecution of, 116-117.
Crandall, Dr. Reuben, 117-118.
_Crisis, The_, 157.
Cross Keys, battle of, 184.
Curtis, Geo. William, 88, 179.
Curtis, Gen. Samuel R., and military control of Missouri, 163-164;
charges against, 163.
* * * * *
Democratic party, division of, 11.
Democrats, 4, 7;
Anti-Nebraska, 9;
of New York, 9.
Denison, Charles M., 203, 205.
Dickinson, Anna E., 205.
Dissolution of Union, petition for, 2.
"Doughface," 4.
Douglas, Stephen A., 12;
dislike of, by slaveholders' factions, 11;
defeated for President, 94-99;
and Abolitionists, 153;
hated by slave-owners, 153.
Douglass, Fred., 112.
Drake, Hon. Charles D., 167.
Dred Scott decision, 45-46;
too late for South's purpose, 47.
Dresser, Amos, whipped, 119.
* * * * *
Emancipation proclamation, 137-138;
due to Abolitionists, 12;
story of, 139;
moral influence of, 146;
Lincoln's reasons for, 146;
ineffective, 148;
text of, 211-213.
Ewing, Gen. Thomas, 194;
repulsion of General Price, 195.
* * * * *
Field, David Dudley, 179.
Fish, W.H., 205.
Fletcher, Thomas C., 155.
Fort Donelson, capture of, 184, 192.
Fort Henry, capture of, 184.
Foss, A.T., 205.
Foster, Daniel, 205.
Foster, Stephen, 39.
"Free-Soil" party, 65.
Frémont, General, 151;
and western command, 184-185;
financial bad management, 184;
defeats Stonewall Jackson, 184;
removal, 185;
freedom proclamation, 185.
Frost, John, 203.
Frothingham, O.B., 204.
Fugitive Slave Law, 5, 121.
Fuller, John E., 201.
Fussell, Bartholomew, 203.
* * * * *
Gamble, Hamilton R., 160;
and emancipation ordinance of, 163;
and military control of Missouri, 163.
Garrison, William Lloyd, 13, 21, 26, 201, 202;
Dragged through streets of Boston, 32;
imprisonment for libel, 54;
reception in England, 131-132;
speech at Exeter Hall, 131.
_Genius of Universal Emancipation, The,_ 51.
Giddings, Joshua R., 2, 6, 205.
Gillinghamm, Chalkly, 203.
Goodell, William, 203, 205.
Grant, General, 44;
And "Charcoals," 172;
Nomination by Missouri Radicals, 174-176;
capture of Fort Donelson, 192.
Greeley, Horace, 142, 148, 178, 179.
Green, Beriah, 203.
Green, William, Jr., 203.
Grimké sisters, 38, 103-106, 204.
* * * * *
Hale, John P., 10, 205.
Hall, John B., 201.
Hall, Robert B., 203.
Hallock's Order Number Three, 141.
Harrison, Wm. Henry, 5.
Hay, John, 136.
Henry, Patrick, Williamsburg speech, 88.
Higginson, Thomas Wentworth, 204.
_Hints toward Emancipation in Missouri_, 158.
Hollie, Sally, 205.
Hopper, Isaac, 205.
How, John, 155.
Howland, Joseph A., 205.
Hudson, Professor, 35, 112, 205.
Hudson, Frederic, 89.
Hume, John, 208-210.
Hutchinsons, the, 141.
* * * * *
Ile a'Vache, 133.
Indiana, introduction of slavery into, 5.
* * * * *
Jackson, Claiborne F., 186;
attempt to make Missouri secede, 186-188;
outwitted by Nathaniel Lyon, 188.
Jackson, Stonewall, defeat of, 184.
Jewitt, Daniel E., 202.
Johnson, Andrew, 171, 180.
Johnson, Oliver, 73, 201.
Johnson, Samuel, 205.
Jones, David, 203.
Joselyn, Simeon, 203.
Julian, Geo. W., _Political Recollections_, 177.
* * * * *
Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 44.
Kedzie, James, 208-210.
Kelly, Abby, 38-39.
Kendrick, John, 205.
Kentucky, 21.
Kimball, David T., Jr., 202.
King, Leicester, 205.
Kingsley, Alpheus, 203.
Knapp, Isaac, 201.
"Know-Nothings," 9.
* * * * *
Lafayette, 17.
Lane, James H., 194-197;
canvas for U.S. Senator, 196-197;
attitude on slavery, 197.
Lawrence, city of, capture by Quantrell, 165;
butchery of inhabitants, 165.
Leavitt, Joshua, 205.
Lewis, Evan, 203.
Lewis, Samuel, 205.
Liberal party, 2, 3, 7, 8, 65.
_Liberator_, 21;
first issue, 55;
South Carolina and Georgia offers reward for its circulation, 55-56;
excluded from U.S. mails, 56;
office wrecked by mob, 56;
opposed to separate party action, 64.
Lincoln, Abraham, 2, 8, 11, 41;
election of, 11, 48;
Gettysburg speech, 88;
and Douglas, 94-99;
debate of 1858, 94;
and slavery, 96, 97;
preferred by slaveholders, 98;
_Recollections of_, 134-135;
and emancipation, 136-149;
and Missouri Compromise, 139;
message to Minister Dayton of Paris, 140;
proposed constitutional amendment, 144;
special message to Congress, December, 1863, 144;
emancipation policy, 145;
and Abolitionists, 147;
and Free-Soilers, 172;
Congressional sentiment toward, 177;
antagonism to, 177-180;
_Life of_, by I.N. Arnold, 177.
Lincoln, Sumner, 205.
Longhead, Joseph, 203.
Lovejoy, Elijah P., shooting of, 32, 89, 114-115, 161.
Lowell, Ellis Gray, 204.
Lundy, Benjamin, 27, 50-54;
meeting with Garrison, 54.
Lyon, Nathaniel, 188.
* * * * *
McCrummil, James, 203.
McCullough, John, 203.
McKim, John, 203.
Mace, Enoch, 203.
Manumittal, arguments against, 34-35.
Marshall, "Tom," 70.
Massachusetts Legislature and slavery, 105.
May, Samuel J., 203.
May, Rev. S.T., _Recollections_, 108.
Mexican War, 44.
Missouri, 157-185;
Compromise, 6, 12, 139-140;
admission to Union as slave State, 43;
slavery contest, 67;
and the Union, 159-160;
Radicals, 159;
Conservatives, 159;
"Charcoals," 159;
"Claybanks," 159;
military control of, 163-166;
guerrilla bands, 165;
pacification of, 168;
Radicals, opposition to Lincoln, in National Convention, 168-169;
delegation to Lincoln, 169-171;
Germans, attacks on, 181-182;
loyalty of, 182-183. _Missouri Democrat, The_, 157-158;
and Louis Snyder, 158-159;
opposition to Lincoln, 180;
support of Johnson, 180.
Monroe, James, 205.
Moody, Loring, 205.
Morris, Senator, 205.
Mott, Mrs. Lucretia, 38, 102-103.
Mott, James, 203.
* * * * *
_National Anti-Slavery Advocate_, 204.
_National Era, The_, 100, 207-208.
Negroes, prejudice against,
in North, 35;
in Ohio, 36;
stronger in North than in South, 36;
suffrage, 80;
failure as freemen, 80-81.
Newcomb, Stillman E., 201.
Nicolay, J.C., 136.
"Nigger Hill," 26, 73.
"Nigger-pens," 31.
Noyes, 179.
* * * * *
Oberlin College, 207.
O'Connell, Daniel, 131.
Ohio, pro-slavery, 21;
Abolitionists of, 21.
Opdyke, 179.
Ordinance of '87, 5.
Otis, James F., 202.
* * * * *
Parker, Theodore, 204.
Parkhurst, Jonathan, 203.
Pennsylvania Hall, firing of, 30.
"Peonage," 80.
Phelps, Amos, 202, 204.
Philippine Islands, 82-87;
slavery in, 82;
massacres in, 83;
abuses in, 82-84;
spoliation of, 85.
Phillips, Wendell, 142;
speech in Faneuil Hall, 88-89.
Phillips, Mrs., 106-107.
Pillsbury, Parker, 204.
Pleasanton, General, 168.
Pointdexter, 165.
"Popular sovereignty," 153.
Powell, Aaron M., 205.
_Prayer of Twenty Millions, The_, 142; text of, 214-215.
Prentice, John, 203.
Presidential campaign of 1844, 7.
Price, General Sterling, 160, 195.
Prohibitionists, 2, 3, 14.
Purviss, Robert, 203.
Putnam, George M., 203.
* * * * *
Quantrell, 165.
* * * * *
Rankin, John, 203.
Raymond, Henry J., _Life of Lincoln,_ 177.
Redmond, C.L., 205.
Republican party, 2, 3, 7, 8;
elements of, 10;
lack of policy, 10;
and election of Lincoln, 11;
existence due to Abolitionists, 12;
and negro rights, 81;
and Philippine Islands, 82;
and Abolitionism, 150-151.
_Republican Party, History of the_, Curtis, 136.
_Rise and Fall of the Slave Power_, 142.
Roosevelt, Theodore, and Abolitionists, 1-14.
Rosecrans, General, 168.
Russell, Earl 137.
* * * * *
Schofield, Gen. John M., and military control of Missouri, 163-164;
charges against, 164;
relieved from command, 168.
Secession, pretext for, 48.
Sewell, Samuel E., 204.
Sharp, John, Jr., 203.
Shipley, Thomas, 203.
Sigel, General, 183.
Slave-owners, mastery of, 32.
Slave power, submission to, 5;
northward march, 13.
Slave production in Northern States, 31.
Slavery, destruction of, 1;
overthrow of, 3;
in ante-bellum days, 20;
and Biblical authority, 22;
a State institution, 27;
condemned by Washington, Jefferson, and Henry, 31;
Northern support, 33-35, 68;
spread of, 42;
introduction into Territories, 43-44;
practical extirpation, 138.
Sleeper, John R., 203.
Smith, Gen. A.J., 168.
Snelling, William J., 201.
Southard, Nathaniel, 202.
South Carolina "black horse," 192.
Southmayd, Daniel, 202.
Southwick, Joseph, 202.
Stanton, Elizabeth Cady, 102, 204.
Stanton, Henry Brewster, 204.
Stebbins, Giles B., 205.
Sterling, John M., 203.
Stevens, Thaddeus, 148, 177.
Stewart, Alvin, 205.
Stillman, Edwin A., 203.
Stockton, Henry K., 201
Stone, Lucy, 205.
Stone, Thomas T., 205.
Stowe, Harriet Beecher 11, 101, 102.
Sumner, Charles, 148, 179.
Sutliff, Levi, 203
Sutliff, Milton, 203.
* * * * *
Tappan, Arthur, 34.
Tappan, Lewis, 34, 203.
Taussig, James, 172.
Taylor, Gen. Z., 6.
Texas, annexation of, 44.
Thatcher, Moses, 201.
Thirteenth Amendment, 138;
vote on, 143-144.
Thompson, Edwin, 205.
_Thoughts on African Colonization_, 129.
Thurston, David, 202.
Toombs, Robert, 13.
Torrey, Charles Turner, 118-119.
Townsend, Dr., 205.
_Uncle Tom's Cabin_, 100, 208.
Underground railroad, 121-127;
confession of John Smith, 121-127.
United States in Far East, 85;
Army increase of, 85;
Navy increase of, 85.
Van Buren, Martin, 4; a
"doughface," 4;
Free Soiler, 5.
Van Zant case, 61.
Vickers, Anson, 203.
Virginia, 21.
* * * * *
Wade, Benjamin F., 44, 179, 205.
Wakefield, Horace P., 202.
Walker, Jonathan, branded, 119.
Washington, Booker, 136.
Watkins, Frances E., 205.
Weld, Theodore W., 103, 204.
Wheeling, Va., slavery traffic in, 50.
Whigs, 2, 5-7, 9.
White, James, 203.
Whitney, Eli, 31.
Whitney, Nathaniel, 205.
Whitson, Thomas, 203.
Whittier, John G., 202.
Wilkes, 179.
Winslow, Isaac, 202.
Winslow, Nathan, 202.
Wise, Henry A., 70.
Wright, Elizur, Jr., 203.
Wright, Henry C., 205.