THE INTERESTS VERSUS MARY RANDALL
If John Boland was shaken by the interview with his son, there was no
evidence of it in his bearing when he appeared at the offices of the
Electric Trust the following morning. As he took his accustomed place at
his desk he looked tired, but he wore what La Salle street knew as his
fighting face.
Boland had scarcely established himself for the day when he discovered
that his decision to remain in Chicago had been anticipated by those who
knew him well in affairs. A dozen messages were waiting for him. The
forces opposed to Mary Randall and her reforms looked to him for
leadership.
As soon as the details of the raid on the Cafe Sinister had become
definitely known, there had been a quick general movement on the part of
the leaders of the Levee to get together. They met in secret places to
deplore the taking off of Anson, to form alliances against their common
enemy. From these meetings went appeals for protection to the forces
higher up.
Aid was invoked of the great financial interests involved, directly and
indirectly, in the traffic in souls. Political overlords of the city sent
word that the protection demanded should not be wanting. Within twelve
hours they had effected an organization whose ramifications extended into
wholly unexpected places. Then, having formed the machine, they turned
with one accord to John Boland to guide it.
His acceptance of this leadership was unavoidable, even if he had wished
to avoid it. To reject it would have been treason to the forces which had
fought side by side with him in many a former and desperate campaign. To
give Boland credit, his courage was equal to the task he had no wish to
avoid. He knew the situation was dangerous, but he was a fighter born.
Having made up his mind to give battle, Boland addressed himself to the
task of outlining his campaign. He was too shrewd, too thoroughly
familiar with all the elements making up Chicago, to underestimate his
enemy. He knew that Mary Randall was appealing passionately to a public
morality which hated the vice system with a wholehearted hatred. He knew,
too, that when the light of truth fell upon his followers they would
scurry to shelter. His first step was to exclude from his offices every
employe of whose loyalty he could not be completely certain. He had his
bitter lesson on that score, certainly, he told himself.
By telephone and by private messenger he proceeded to summon his chief
allies to a conference. These men arrived within an hour. One was a
United States Senator, two were bankers of impeccable reputation. One was
a political boss whose authority was a by-word in one of the great
parties, another a philanthropist whose spectacular gratuities to public
institutions came from huge dividends made for him by underpaid employes,
and with him a clergyman managed by this philanthropist and the bankers
and a newspaper publisher whose little soul had been often bought and
sold, so that certain of his profession were wont to say one could see
thumb-marks of Mammon on him as he passed by.
Boland did not invite Grogan to this meeting. He intended at first to ask
him, but his friend had shown too much sympathy of late with sentiment in
life.
John Boland's council of war was in session for five hours. Every phase
of the situation was taken up and discussed with thoroughness
characteristic of these leaders of men, with thoroughness, too, that
showed full familiarity with all the conditions of commercialized vice in
Chicago. The evasions and bombast wherewith these citizens were
accustomed to adorn their public addresses before vice commission
inquiries were strangely lacking. They spoke among themselves plainly and
without pretenses.
Towards the close of this conference John Boland offered his plan of
action:
"Gentlemen," he addressed the others from the head of his directors'
table in his inner office. "We all agree that what we have most to fear
is publicity. In fact, if these reformers had no publicity they would be
without weapons. As you are aware, the extent to which we can control the
newspapers is limited. If news comes to them in the regular way they are
bound to print it, so if we are to avoid disastrous publicity we must
stop it at its source.
"At this moment the 'news' of the situation centers about Druce and those
of his employes who are now in jail. We can't prevent his being indicted,
we can't prevent his case coming to trial, if we allow him to remain in
jail.
"My friends, I need not tell you that such a trial would fill the
newspapers with what they call 'exposures' of vice conditions that would
be calamitous. You all agree with me that vice is a terrible thing. We
know--none better, as our discussions have indicated--how great this evil
is in our city. But there is something more menacing than vice,--namely,
an ill-controlled and hysterical anti-vice crusade, rushing on and
intoxicating itself with its own sensations, and shaking the business
fabric of the city.
"Think of the want that will come to the poor in Chicago if confidence in
our leading business men should be seriously shaken! It is our duty as
pillars--if I may say so--of Chicago's financial structure to avoid, to
prevent, public trials of vice cases.
"How are we to go about suppressing the excitement of a trial of Martin
Druce? Various expedients suggest themselves to us all. Is not the most
feasible to have Druce released on bail?"
"Yes, to any amount!" called two voices.
"I believe the matter can be arranged," replied John Boland, graciously.
"Indeed, I have taken the liberty to discuss that phase of the situation
with Judge Grundell. He is of opinion that Druce can be freed. My own
attorneys have given the subject some consideration also. As I understand
it, Druce is booked for murder--"
"Is murder a bailable offense in Chicago?"
"Ordinarily, no. But in this case it can be shown that there were
extenuating circumstances. We can make a showing of facts to demonstrate
that the killing of Carter Anson was purely accidental."
"Druce was only trying to shoot Mary Randall, as I heard it," said a grim
voice.
"H'm! Suppose we say instead that Druce thought some one was creating a
disturbance in his place of business, became excited and fired. The
bullet hit Anson. Our opponents are not expecting, probably, any move by
us towards the release of Druce on bail. It is unlikely that they will
resist the application. In any event, I have already taken up the matter
with the judge.
"With Druce freed and resting in safe seclusion, I consider it advisable
to place him in possession of facilities that will enable him to remain
at liberty for an indefinite period--until this excitement has blown
over, you understand."
"We can send him out to China on business," said one.
"Exactly. My attorney has a young man who will see that he is rightly
started on his journey, avoiding all publicity. The cases of his employes
will come on for trial; but with Druce out of the way, it will be
extremely difficult for our opponents to obtain any convictions. Thus
this whole sensation will fall flat and the reform crusaders will find
themselves discredited before the public."
Applause welcomed John Boland's summing up of the situation and his
formulation of a practical plan. Members of the conference rose smiling
cheerfully, shook hands all around and made it plain that each was ready
to pay, pay, pay. The door had not closed behind them before John Boland
set in motion the machinery which was to set Martin Druce free.