20th. This was the largest yet held. Six clergymen were present,
namely, John and Charles Wesley, Charles Manning, Richard Thomas
Bateman, Henry Piers, and Vincent Perronet; also Howel Harris; and nine
preachers, John Jones, Thomas Maxfield, Jonathan Reeves, John Nelson,
John Bennet, John Downes, Robert Swindells, John Maddern, and Thomas
Crouch, the last mentioned being a local preacher only.[631]
Two doctrines were discussed at the conference of 1747; first, whether
a Divine assurance of the forgiveness of sins is an essential part
of justifying faith; and secondly, whether entire sanctification is
attainable in the present life. It was inquired, “Is justifying faith
a Divine assurance that Christ loved _me_, and gave Himself for _me_?”
Answer: “We believe it is.”[632] This was unguarded language, and John
Wesley soon felt it so. A month later, he seems to have examined the
subject more closely, and wrote to his brother Charles as follows:—
“Yesterday I was thinking on a _desideratum_ among us, a
_genesis problematica_ on justifying faith. A skeleton of it, I
have roughly set down.
“Is justifying faith a sense of pardon? _Negatur._
“By justifying faith, I mean, that faith, which whosoever hath
not is under the wrath and curse of God. By a sense of pardon,
I mean, a distinct, explicit assurance, that my sins are
forgiven.
“I allow (1) That there is such an explicit assurance. (2) That
it is the common privilege of real Christians. (3) That it
is the proper Christian faith, which purifies the heart, and
overcomes the world.
“But I cannot allow, that justifying faith is such an
assurance, or necessarily connected therewith.
“Because, if justifying faith necessarily implies such an
explicit assurance of pardon, then every one who has it not,
and every one so long as he has it not, is under the wrath and
curse of God. But this is a supposition contrary to Scripture
and to experience (Isa. l. 10, and Acts x. 34).
“Again, the assertion, that justifying faith is a sense of
pardon, is contrary to reason; it is flatly absurd. For how can
a sense of our having received pardon be the condition of our
receiving it?
“If you object, ‘We know fifteen hundred persons who have
this assurance.’ Perhaps so, but this does not prove that
they were not justified till they received it. 2. ‘We have
been exceedingly blessed in preaching this doctrine.’ We have
been blessed in preaching the great truths of the gospel;
although we tacked to them, in the simplicity of our hearts,
a proposition which was not true. 3. ‘But does not our Church
give this account of justifying faith?’ I am sure she does of
saving or Christian faith; I think she does of justifying faith
too. But to the law and testimony. All men may err: but the
word of the Lord shall stand for ever.”[633]
This seems to clash with Wesley’s previously expressed sentiments, and,
in 1809, there was a somewhat bitter controversy on the subject between
the Rev. Melville Horne and the Rev. Edward Hare and others. Suffice it
to say here, that the definition of faith in the Church of England’s
homily on salvation, which Wesley had been wont to quote, was rather
a definition of the _habitual_ faith of a justified man, than of the
_act_ by which a sinner is first justified and saved.[634] Wesley held
this corrected view to the end of life.
As it respects the second question raised at the conference of 1747,
it was allowed—(1) That many of those who have died in the faith were
not made “perfect in love” till a little before death; (2) that the
term “sanctified” is continually applied by St. Paul to all that are
justified, but that, by this term _alone_, he rarely, if ever, means
saved from all sin, and consequently, it is improper to use it in such
a sense without adding the word “wholly” or “entirely”; and (3) that
the inspired writers very rarely speak either of, or to those who
are wholly sanctified, and that therefore it behoves us, in public
at least, rarely to speak, in full and explicit terms, concerning
entire sanctification. Having conceded such points (which may sound
strangely in the ears of some at the present day), the Conference
proceeds to show most conclusively, from numerous texts of Scripture,
that believers ought to expect to be saved from all sin, previous to
death; but exhorts such as have attained to this state of grace not to
speak of it to those who know not God, nor indeed to any without some
particular reason, without some particular good in view, and even then
to have an especial care to avoid all appearance of boasting, and to
speak more loudly and convincingly by their lives, than they can do by
their tongues.
The remainder of the conference sittings were principally occupied
in determining miscellaneous matters. The right of private judgment
was enforced. All agreed to read, before the next conference, all the
tracts which had been published by Wesley, and to mark every passage
which they considered to be wrong or dubious. It was ruled, that the
Methodists were not schismatics, any more than they were rebels or
murderers. It was agreed that they had been too limited in their field
preaching; and that they had paid “respect to persons,” by devoting
more of their time to the rich than to the poor, by not speaking to
them so plain as to the others, and by admitting them into the society
and bands, though they had never received remission of sins, nor met
in any band at all. Precautions were to be employed in keeping from
the Lord’s table unworthy communicants, first, by exercising more care
in admitting members into the society, and secondly, by giving notes
to none but those who applied for them on the days appointed in each
quarter. Wesley’s “assistants” were now twenty-two in number. The names
of thirty-eight local preachers are given, including a number, who, to
some extent, were already labouring as itinerants.
Who can fail to admire the simple, honest earnestness of these early
conclaves of godly Methodists?—men, without preconceived ideas,
desiring above all things to ascertain what is truth, and to adopt
the most useful plans in spreading it? “In our first conference,” say
they, “it was agreed to examine every point from the foundation. Have
we not been somewhat fearful in doing this? What were we afraid of?
Of overturning our first principles? Whoever was afraid of this, it
was a vain fear. For if they are true, they will bear the strictest
examination. If they are false, the sooner they are overturned the
better. Let us all pray for a willingness to receive light; an
invariable desire to know of every doctrine, whether it be of God.” Men
animated by such a principle were sure to have happy meetings, and were
not likely to go far astray.
On the Sunday after the conference ended, Wesley set out for Cornwall.
It was the eve of a parliamentary election, and, at Exeter, while his
clothes were being dried, he wrote “A Word to a Freeholder;” and,
at St. Ives, so successfully warned the Methodists against bribery,
that, though sorely tempted, “not one of them would even eat or drink
at the expense of the candidate for whom they voted.” At Plymouth, a
lieutenant with his retinue of soldiers, drummers, and a mob, came to
make disturbance. At St. Agnes, the rabble threw dirt and clods; and
Mr. Shepherd’s horse, taking fright, leaped over a man who was stooping
down, the poor fellow screaming most lustily, but escaping unhurt.
Here another man, learning that Wesley was about to preach, said, “If
he does, I’ll stone him,” and forthwith began to fill his pockets with
the needful missiles. He reached the spot. Wesley took his text, “He
that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at her.”
The man’s courage failed him, stone after stone stealthily dropped
from his well filled pockets, and he went away with the impression
that the preacher was something wonderful.[635] At Sithney, Wesley met
the stewards of all the Cornish societies, and found that there were
eighteen exhorters in the county; that three of these had no gifts
at all for the work, neither natural nor supernatural; that a fourth
had neither gifts nor grace, but was a dull, empty, self conceited
man; and that a fifth had considerable gifts, but had evidently made
shipwreck of the grace of God. These, therefore, he set aside, and
advised the societies not to hear them. The remaining thirteen were
to preach when there was no preacher in their own or the neighbouring
societies, provided that they would take no step without the advice of
those who had more experience than themselves. At Newlyn, where Peter
Jaco had been recently converted,[636] some poor wretches of Penzance
began cursing and swearing, and thrust Wesley down the bank on which
he was preaching. At Port Isaac, the mob hallooed and shouted, but
none except the captain lifted up his hand to strike. At Camelford, a
large train attended him, but only one stone struck him. At Terdinny,
the parson affirmed publicly in his church, that Wesley’s errand was
to obtain a hundred pounds, which must be raised directly. These were
the unpleasantnesses of his journey; but, upon the whole, his visit
was happy and successful; and, almost in every place, he found the
good work prospering, as the following letter to his friend Ebenezer
Blackwell shows:—
“ST. IVES, _July 10, 1747_.
“DEAR SIR,—A great and effectual door is opened now, almost in
every corner of this country. There is such a change within
these two years as has hardly been seen in any other part of
England. Wherever we went, we used to carry our lives in our
hands; and now there is not a dog to wag his tongue. Several
ministers are clearly convinced of the truth; few are bitter;
most seem to stand neuter. Some of the gentlemen (so called)
are almost the only opposers now; drinking, revelling, cursing,
swearing gentlemen, who neither will enter into the kingdom of
heaven themselves, nor suffer any others, if they can hinder
it. The most violent Jacobites among these are continually
crying out that we are bringing the Pretender; and some of
these worthy men bear his majesty’s commission, as justices of
the peace.
“I am, dear sir,
“Your affectionate servant,
“JOHN WESLEY.”[637]
Wesley got back to Bristol on August 1, and, three days afterwards, set
out for Ireland.
Poor Ireland! Even then, Ireland was England’s greatest difficulty.
A hundred years had elapsed since the bloody rebellion of 1641; and
more than half a century had passed since King William’s victory at
the battle of the Boyne. Irish parliaments, during the reign of Anne,
and the first and second Georges, had riveted and extended the penal
laws against papists. Ireland was in a state of torpid tranquillity—a
slumbering volcano, stirred only by apprehensions of internal
commotion, or by the agitation of partisan quarrels between the rival
factions of court and country. The massacre of 1641, and the sanguinary
persecution in the reign of the bigoted James II., were still fresh
in the recollection of Protestants, and heightened their animosity to
the utmost; while, on the other hand, discomfitures and disasters,
penal laws and legalized oppression, rendered the hatred of the papists
virulent beyond example. Irritating and maddening circumstances
fomented, on both sides, the most rancorous malignity: protestantism
was triumphant, and an imperious papacy in a degrading bondage.
In England, Moravianism was the pioneer of Methodism; and so it was in
Ireland. In 1745, an English soldier in Dublin formed a small society
of pious people, and began to preach to them. Just at this juncture,
Benjamin La Trobe, a young student in connection with the Baptists,
having finished his studies at the university of Glasgow, came to
Dublin, and became the leader of the little band, gathered together by
the soldier’s exertions, thirty of whom already belonged to different
religious churches. In the same year, John Cennick withdrew himself
from Whitefield’s connexion, and transferred all the societies that he
had been the means of forming, to the care of the Moravians, while
he himself became a Moravian minister. At the request of the society,
organised by the soldier, and now presided over by Benjamin La Trobe,
John Cennick came to Dublin in June, 1746, and began to preach in
a chapel in Skinner’s Alley, which the society had hired from the
Baptists. The place was soon crowded with hearers, and the society
increased to about five hundred members.
Soon after this, Cennick had to attend a Moravian synod in Germany.
During his absence, Thomas Williams, one of Wesley’s itinerants, came
to Dublin. Williams was a man of attractive appearance, pleasing
manners, and good address. Holmes, in his “History of the United
Brethren,” says that Williams prevailed on several members of the
society to leave the Moravians and join the Methodists, and we
have no authority to deny the statement. It may be true, or it may
be otherwise. Certain it is, that, by some means, Williams formed
a separate society, and in a few weeks wrote to Wesley,[638] who
determined to visit Ireland without delay. The results of this were
vastly important. Forty-two times Wesley crossed the Irish Channel,
and spent, in his different visits, at least half-a-dozen years of
his laborious life in the emerald isle. Ireland yielded him some of
the most eminent of his coadjutors—Thomas Walsh, Adam Clarke, Henry
Moore, and others; and Irishmen were ordained by Providence to found
Methodism, or to aid in founding it, in the North American British
provinces, in the West Indies, in Africa, in India, and in Australia.
Wesley landed in Dublin Bay on Sunday morning, August 9. His host
was Mr. Lunell, a banker,[639] who afterwards gave £400 towards the
erection of the Methodist chapel in Whitefriar Street.[640]
On the day of his landing, Wesley preached, in St. Mary’s church, to
“as gay and senseless a congregation as he ever saw.” Next morning he
met Thomas Williams’s society at five; and at six preached in the large
room, which was not large enough to contain the congregation. He then
went to Mr. R——, the curate of St. Mary’s, who “professed abundance
of goodwill,” and commended Wesley’s sermon; but “expressed the most
rooted prejudice against lay preachers, or preaching out of a church;
and said, ‘the Archbishop of Dublin was resolved to suffer no such
irregularities in his diocese.’”
The day after, Wesley waited on the archbishop; spent above two hours
in conversation with his grace; and answered abundance of objections.
Meanwhile, Wesley and John Trembath (who was with him) continued
preaching in a chapel, originally designed for a Lutheran church, which
would accommodate about four hundred people. This was in Marlborough
Street,[641] and was crowded with poor and rich, and ministers of every
denomination. Wesley devoted every morning to an explanation of the
rules of the Methodist societies, and preached twice a day to many more
than the meeting-house would hold. Four days after his arrival, he
wrote as follows, to his friend Mr. Ebenezer Blackwell:—
“I have found a home in this strange land. I am at Mr. Lunell’s
just as at the Foundery; only, that I have not such attendance
here; for I meet the people at another part of the town. For
natural sweetness of temper, for courtesy and hospitality,
I have never seen any people like the Irish. Indeed, all I
converse with are only English transplanted into another soil;
and they are much mended by the removal, having left all their
roughness and surliness behind them. They receive the word of
God with all gladness and readiness of mind. The danger is,
that it should not take deep root, that it should be as seed
falling on stony ground.
Mr. Lunell and his family desire their best respects to Mrs.
Blackwell and you. His daughter can rejoice in God her Saviour.
They propose to spend the winter in England.”[642]
Saturday, August 15, Wesley arranged to see, at Mr. Lunell’s, all who
wished to speak with him. He writes: “I found scarce any Irish among
them. At least ninety-nine in a hundred of the native Irish remain in
the religion of their forefathers. The Protestants, whether in Dublin
or elsewhere, are almost all transplanted lately from England. Nor is
it any wonder, that those who are born papists generally live and die
such, when the protestants can find no better ways to convert them than
penal laws and acts of parliament.”
He ascertained, by personal examination, that the Dublin society,
formed by Williams, consisted of about two hundred and eighty members,
“many of whom appeared to be strong in faith.” Mr. La Trobe, the
Moravian preacher, took alarm; read to his congregation the “Short View
of the Difference between the Moravians,” etc.; and gave utterance to
“bitter words”; but this did service to the Methodists rather than
otherwise.
After spending exactly a fortnight in Dublin, Wesley returned to
England, and was succeeded by his brother Charles, who arrived on
September 9, with Charles Perronet as his companion.
During the fortnight which had elapsed since Wesley left, a mob had
broken into the Marlborough Street chapel, and destroyed all before
them; goods of a considerable value had been stolen; the pulpit and
benches had been burnt openly in the street, and several of the
Methodists beaten with shillalahs. Charles found that a new nickname
had been given to the poor Methodists. John Cennick, in his zeal
against popish idolatry, had said, “I curse and blaspheme all the
gods in heaven, but the Babe that lay in Mary’s lap, the Babe that
lay in swaddling clouts”; and, because of that, the populace called
him “swaddling John,” and the Methodists “Swaddlers.” The Methodists
were now without a meeting-house, and Charles Wesley, at the peril
of his life, regularly preached on Oxmanton Green; but, within a
month, he bought a house near Dolphin’s Barn, the whole ground floor
of which was a weaver’s workshop.[643] He writes on October 10, to
Mr. Blackwell:—“At my first coming here, we were so persecuted, that
no one in Dublin would venture to let us a house or a room; but now
their hearts are turned, and we have the offer of several convenient
places.”[644] And, in another letter, to his brother, dated October 9,
he remarks, that he must either buy the house near Dolphin’s Barn, or
get some other lodgings, or take his flight. “_Here_ I can stay no
longer. A family of squalling children, a landlady just ready to lie
in, a maid who has no time to do the least thing for us, are some of
our inconveniences. Our two rooms for four people allow no opportunity
for four people. Charles Perronet and I groan for elbow room in our
press-bed; our diet is answerable to our lodgings; we have no one to
mend our clothes and stockings, and no money to buy more.”[645] Under
such circumstances, the weaver’s shop was turned into a preaching
house, and the rooms above it used as the Dublin home of the two
Wesleys and their itinerants. Charles Wesley opened the “New House” on
October 25, “by preaching to a great multitude within and without”;
and, though he preached not fewer than five times during the day, and
also attended a three hours’ service at St. Patrick’s, he “was as
fresh” at night as he was when he commenced his labour in the morning.
The Dublin society contributed upwards of £70 towards the expenses;
Charles Wesley remained more than six months as their devoted minister;
and Methodism in Ireland was fairly started.[646] Wesley also gave the
Irish Methodists a hymn-book of 336 pages, entitled “Hymns and Sacred
Poems. Dublin: printed in the year 1747.” The hymns were 246 in number,
and embodied much of the Methodist history of the past eight years;
but, with this brief notice, we must leave them.
On his return to England, at the end of August, Wesley made his way
from Holyhead to Bristol, preaching in streets, in churchyards, on
tombstones, in meadows, in castle yards, and wherever he had a chance.
At Cardiff, he found the society filled with vain janglings, by J.
Prosser, “an honest, well meaning man; but no more qualified, either by
nature or grace, to expound Scripture, than to read lectures in logic
or algebra.”
Hurrying up to London, which he reached on September 11, he recommenced
his ministry in Moorfields, and declares, that, excepting that at
West Street, he knew no congregation in London so serious as this.
He made brief visits to Shoreham, Newington, and Lewisham, where he
employed himself in writing. He examined the London classes, “and
every person severally, touching that bane of religion, evil speaking.”
He witnessed some happy deaths; among others that of Mrs. Witham, “an
eminent pattern of calm boldness for the truth; of simplicity and godly
sincerity; of zeal for God, and for all good works; and of self denial
in every kind.” He advised his preachers, and wrote to one of them as
follows:—“In public preaching, speak not one word against opinions of
any kind. We are not to fight against notions, but sins. Least of all
should I advise you once to open your lips against predestination. It
would do more mischief than you are aware of. Keep to our one point,
present inward salvation by faith, by the Divine evidence of sins
forgiven.”[647]
Having spent eleven weeks in London and its vicinity, he set out, on
November 30, for Bristol, calling at Salisbury on his way. Five weeks
before, Westley Hall, the base husband of his sister Martha, had
infamously deserted his wife and family. The following is an _extract_
from a letter published in the _Gentleman’s Magazine_.[648] Some parts
of the letter are so grossly filthy that it would be a pollution to
insert them.
“SALISBURY, _October 30, 1747_.
“There have been, for some years past, a considerable number
of Methodists in this city, who were at first collected, and
have since continued under the guidance of Mr. Hall, as their
minister. This man, by an uncommon appearance of sanctity,
joined with indefatigable labour in field and house preaching,
drew multitudes of the meaner sort, both of Dissenters and
the Established Church, to attend him. And, though he has
continually advanced the grossest absurdities, both in his
preaching and writings, yet he has so bewitched his followers,
that his words had greater weight with them than the words of
Christ and His apostles.
“Many sober and judicious persons have often expressed their
fears, that the nocturnal meetings held at his house were
scenes of debauchery; for, now and then, a bastard child was
brought into the world by some of his female devotees.... Last
Wednesday, he took formal leave of his corrupted flock, and had
the impudence to justify his infamous conduct from the case
of Elkanah (1 Sam. i. 1, 2), which he largely expounded. On
Friday morning he set out for London, having first stripped his
wife (a virtuous woman by whom he has had several children) of
all her childbed linen, and whatever he could readily convert
into money, leaving her in the deepest distress. The fire of
jealousy has broken out in many families, where _wives_ or
_daughters_ were his followers.”
Wesley reached the desolate home of his poor sister on December 1, and
wrote:—
“From the concurring accounts of many witnesses, who spoke no
more than they personally knew, I now learned as much as is
hitherto brought to light concerning the fall of poor Mr. Hall.
Twelve years ago, he was, without question, filled with faith
and the love of God. He was a pattern of humility, meekness,
seriousness, and above all, of self denial; so that in all
England I knew not his fellow. It were easy to point out the
several steps, whereby he fell from his steadfastness; even
till he fell into a course of adultery, yea, and avowed it in
the face of the sun!”
Wesley spent two days with his unhappy sister, and then says: “I
took my leave of this uncomfortable place, and set out for Bristol.”
Two months later, he returned to Salisbury to see the poor miserable
wretch; but he was refused admittance, and his sister also was shut out
of doors.
Nothing now remains, except to notice Wesley’s publications during
1747. The Dublin hymn-book has been mentioned. The others were the
following:—
1. “A Word to a Protestant.” 12mo, 16 pages.
2. “A Word to a Freeholder.” 12mo, four pages. This, as already stated,
was written at Exeter, while halting on a journey, and on the eve of a
parliamentary election.
3. “A Letter to the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of London;
occasioned by his lordship’s late charge to his clergy.” 12mo, 32
pages. Wesley replies to the bishop’s accusations, and concludes thus:—
“Our one aim is, to proselyte sinners to repentance. If this be
not done, we will stand condemned; not as well meaning fools,
but as devils incarnate; but if it be, then, my lord, neither
you nor any man beside, can oppose and fortify people against
us, without being found even to fight against God. There are,
in and near Moorfields, ten thousand poor souls, for whom
Christ died, rushing headlong into hell. Is Dr. Bulkeley, the
parochial minister, both willing and able to stop them? If so,
let it be done, and I have no place in these parts. I go, and
call other sinners to repentance. But if, after all that he
has done, and all he can do, they are still in the broad way
to destruction, let me see if God will put a word even in my
mouth. My lord, the time is short. I am past the noon of life.
Your lordship is old and full of days, having passed the usual
age of man.[649] It cannot therefore be long before we shall
both stand naked before God. Will you then rejoice in your
success in opposing our doctrine? The Lord God grant it may not
be said in that hour, ‘These have perished in their iniquity;
but their blood I require at thy hands.’—I am, your lordship’s
dutiful son and servant,
“JOHN WESLEY.”
Appended to the letter is a magnificent hymn, of nine twelve lined
stanzas, expressive of a calm and firm determination still to
persevere, at all hazards, in preaching the gospel of his great
Master.[650]
4. “Lessons for Children.” Part II., 12mo, 108 pages. The lessons are
fifty-four in number, and consist of Scripture selections, from the
time of the Israelites passing over Jordan to the reign of Hezekiah.
5. “Primitive Physic; or an easy and natural Method of curing most
Diseases.” 12mo, 119 pages. The publication of this remarkable book
arose out of the great success of Wesley’s dispensary, opened in 1746.
At the time of his death, it had reached its twenty-third edition.[651]
It has often been ridiculed; but perhaps unwisely. The Rev. Samuel
Romilly Hall remarks:—“A medical gentleman of Leeds, reputed as
eminently intelligent and skilful in his profession, has declared
to me, that the unfriendly criticisms, so freely given on Wesley’s
‘Primitive Physic,’ are altogether unwarrantable. He affirms, that,
judged of in comparison with other non-professional works of the same
class, and of the same date, the ‘Primitive Physic’ is incomparably
superior to anything that he knows.”[652]
Besides, those who laugh at Wesley’s “Primitive Physic” ought to
remember:—(1) At no remote period from Wesley’s day, it was not unusual
for Christian ministers to practise medicine. (2) Wesley says, “For six
and twenty years, I had made anatomy and physic the diversion of my
leisure hours.” (3) Wesley was not a quack. “I took,” says he, “into my
assistance an apothecary, and an experienced surgeon.”
It is a remarkable incident, that the medical profession, so generally
impatient of medical empirics, allowed Wesley’s work to circulate for
nearly thirty years before any of their honourable fraternity deigned
to notice or denounce it. In 1776, an octavo pamphlet of 83 pages
was published with the following title:—“An Examination of the Rev.
Mr. John Wesley’s Primitive Physic; showing that a great number of
the prescriptions therein contained are founded on ignorance of the
medical art, and of the power and operations of medicine; and, that
it is a publication calculated to do essential injury to the health
of those persons who may place confidence in it. By W. Hawes, M.D.”
Of the medical merits of this production we have no ability to judge.
In many instances, it is in the highest degree ironical; though its
author affirms, he was totally unknown to Wesley, and had no personal
animosity against him. Dr. Hawes was unquestionably a man of great
eminence in his profession; but he is chiefly known as the founder of
the Humane Society, thirty of whose managers and directors attended his
funeral in 1808.
Before closing the present chapter of Wesley’s history, it must be
added, that, about the same time that his “Primitive Physic” was
given to the public, he also issued a small pamphlet, at the price of
twopence, entitled “Receipts for the Use of the Poor”; but as these
were extracted from the former publication no further notice is needed.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] These statistics have been compiled by the author, who has
carefully examined the plans of all the English circuits for the year
1864.
[2] Horace Mann’s “Census.”
[3] _Methodist Magazine_, 1856, p. 335.
[4] Stevens’ “Centenary of American Methodism.”
[5] To prevent confusion, the reader is reminded that in 1751 the old
English calendar was set aside, and that introduced by Pope Gregory
XIII., in 1582, substituted in its place. This was done by act of
Parliament for the purpose of harmonizing the computation of time
in England with that of the rest of Europe. In consequence of this
alteration, the anniversary of Wesley’s birth, since 1752, has been,
not the 17th, but the 28th of June.
[6] See Crowther’s “Portraiture of Methodism.”
[7] Clarke’s “Wesley Family,” vol. ii., p. 321.
[8] Benson’s “Apology,” p. 1.
[9] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 92.
[10] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 116.
[11] The following is a memorandum in Wesley’s own handwriting:—“Joan.
Westley ad nominat. ducis de Bucks admiss. in fundat. Carthus. 28 Jan.
1713–14.—— ad Univ. 24 June, 1720.”
[12] A Letter to the Rev. T. Coke, LL.D., and Mr. H. Moore, by “An Old
Member of Society.”
[13] Andrew Tooke was only usher of the school during Wesley’s
residence. The master was Dr. Thomas Walker. Tooke succeeded to the
mastership at Walker’s death, in 1728. (See Carlisle’s “Concise
Description of the Endowed Schools in England.”)
[14] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 92.
[15] Letters published by Priestley.
[16] Original letters in _Wesleyan Times_, 1866.
[17] Manuscript letter.
[18] _Methodist Magazine_, 1784, p. 606.
[19] See “Life and Times of Rev. S. Wesley,” p. 251.
[20] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 117.
[21] A story is told by the Rev. John Reynolds, in his “Anecdotes
of Wesley,” p. 8, to the effect that Wesley was deeply moved while
at Oxford, by an odd interview which he had with the porter of his
college. This man late one evening went to the young collegian’s room,
and said he wished to talk with him. After a little pleasantry, Wesley
told him to go home and get another coat. The porter replied, “This
is the only coat I have in the world, and I thank God for it.” Wesley
said, “Go home, and get your supper.” The man responded, “I have had
nothing to-day but a drink of water, and I thank God for that.” Wesley
remarked, “It is late, and you will be locked out, and then what will
you have to thank God for?” “I will thank Him,” replied the porter,
“that I have the dry stones to lie upon.” “John,” said Wesley, “you
thank God when you have nothing to wear, nothing to eat, and no bed
to lie upon. What else do you thank Him for?” “I thank Him,” returned
the poor fellow, “that He has given me life and being; and a heart to
love Him, and a desire to serve Him.” Reynolds says this was related
by Wesley himself, and that the interview made a lasting impression on
Wesley’s mind, and convinced him there was something in religion to
which he was as yet a stranger.
[22] _Wesleyan Times_, Jan. 29, 1866.
[23] Wesley’s Works, vol. iii., p. 382.
[24] Wesley’s Works, vol i., p. 341.
[25] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol i., p. 118.
[26] “Life and Times of S. Wesley,” p. 390.
[27] Only a part of this letter has been heretofore published.
[28] _Methodist Magazine_, 1845, p. 359.
[29] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 93.
[30] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 8.
[31] Ibid. vol. vi., p. 425.
[32] A mistake for 1725.
[33] Wesley’s Works, vol. iii. p. 202, and vol. xi., p. 351.
[34] Wesley’s Works, vol. xi., p. 351.
[35] See “Life and Times of S. Wesley,” p. 394.
[36] See letter dated July 18, 1725, in _Wesleyan Times_ of April 23,
1866.
[37] Mrs. Wesley here seems to use the word “repentance” in the sense
of regeneration.
[38] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 129.
[39] “Life and Times of S. Wesley,” p. 395.
[40] Wesley’s Works, vol. vii., p. 176.
[41] Wesley’s Works, vol. iii., p. 420.
[42] _Methodist Magazine_, 1797, p. 425.
[43] Lincoln College consisted of a rector, twelve fellows, two
chaplains, etc. The students numbered about fifty. The Bishop of
Lincoln was visitor. The room occupied by Wesley is still designated
“Wesley’s room,” and a vine creeping round its window is called
“Wesley’s vine.”
[44] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 136.
[45] Dr. Morley was rector of Lincoln College. He was elected July
18th, 1719, and died at his rectory of Scotton, near Gainsborough, June
12th, 1731. He used great influence in procuring Wesley his fellowship.
[46] “Life and Times of S. Wesley,” p. 399.
[47] Letters published by Priestley, p. 2.
[48] Ibid. p. 8.
[49] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 403.
[50] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 141.
[51] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 407.
[52] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 9.
[53] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 334.
[54] See _Wesleyan Times_, Feb. 26, 1866.
[55] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 93.
[56] Wesley’s Works, vol. vii., p. 284.
[57] It is a remarkable fact that Law’s “Serious Call” produced a
similar effect on Dr. Johnson. “When at Oxford,” says Johnson, “I took
it up expecting to find it a dull book, and perhaps to laugh at it.
But I found Law quite an over-match for me; and this was the first
occasion of my thinking in earnest of religion after I became capable
of religious inquiry.”
[58] Ibid., vol. xi., p. 352.
[59] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 108.
[60] Ibid. vol. x., p. 387, and vol. xiii., p. 387.
[61] Wesley’s Works, vol. vi., p. 447.
[62] Ibid. vol. xii., p. 10.
[63] _Methodist Magazine_, 1798, p. 505.
[64] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 450.
[65] Ibid. vol. iii., p. 340.
[66] “Poems, by S. Wesley.”
[67] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 413.
[68] _North British Review_, 1847.
[69] Rawlinson’s Continuation of Wood’s “Athenæ Oxoniensis.”
[70] Wesley’s Works, vol. vii., p. 402.
[71] Ibid. vol. ix., p. 124.
[72] Ibid. vol. viii., p. 334.
[73] For want of space, the writer, with great reluctance, has been
compelled to omit a long biographical chapter respecting these first
Oxford Methodists. If life be spared, however, the details, in an
expanded form, may be published hereafter. Such a book would serve as a
companion volume to the present publication.
[74] Wesley’s Works, vol. vii., p. 402.
[75] _Methodist Magazine_, 1832, p. 793.
[76] The notes of their proceedings, in Wesley’s handwriting, still
exist, in a small 18mo volume, possessed by the family of the late Rev.
Dr. Adam Clarke. (See Catalogue of Dr. Clarke’s MSS., p. 93.)
[77] _Methodist Magazine_, 1798, p. 118, etc.
[78] Wesley’s Works, vol. vii., p. 20.
[79] Wesley’s Works, vol. vii., p. 34.
[80] Ibid. vol. vii., p. 65.
[81] Ibid. vol. xi., p. 352.
[82] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 82.
[83] Ibid. vol. xi., p. 498.
[84] Ibid. vol. xiii., p. 288; also, _Methodist Magazine_, 1781, p. 319.
[85] Wesley’s Works, vol. vii., p. 193.
[86] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., pp. 334, 487.
[87] Benson’s “Apology,” p. 25.
[88] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 169.
[89] Original letter in _Wesleyan Times_, May 12, 1866.
[90] See “Autobiography of Mrs. Delany.”
[91] Ibid. vol. i., p. 40.
[92] See original letter, _Wesleyan Times_, May 28, 1866.
[93] “Autobiography of Mrs. Delany,” vol. i., p. 269.
[94] _Methodist Magazine_, 1863, p. 134, etc.
[95] “Autobiography of Mrs. Delany,” vol. i., p. 343.
[96] Ibid. p. 410.
[97] Jackson’s Life of C. Wesley, vol. i., p. 11.
[98] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., pp. 6, 11.
[99] _Methodist Magazine_, 1850, p. 1064.
[100] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 94.
[101] _Methodist Magazine_, 1787, p. 229, etc.
[102] Ibid. 1844, p. 818.
[103] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 12.
[104] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 288.
[105] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., pp. 190, 191.
[106] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 194.
[107] The text was Romans ii. 29; and the title of the sermon, “The
Circumcision of the Heart.”
[108] Wesley’s Works, vol. iii., 202.
[109] Wesley’s Works, vol. v., p. 190.
[110] _Methodist Magazine_, 1798, p. 607.
[111] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 204.
[112] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 7.
[113] Ibid. vol. xii., p. 14.
[114] See original letter in _Wesleyan Times_, Oct. 1, 1866.
[115] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 288; and Brown’s “Memoirs of
Hervey,” p. 2.
[116] _Wesleyan Times_, April 8, 1861.
[117] _Methodist Magazine_, 1848, p. 892.
[118] “Life and Times of S. Wesley,” p. 441.
[119] Priestley’s Letters, p. 44.
[120] Ibid. p. 48.
[121] Priestley’s Letters, p. 21.
[122] Priestley’s Letters, p. 17.
[123] _Wesleyan Times_, Jan. 14, 1866.
[124] Priestley’s Letters, p. 16.
[125] Benson’s “Apology,” pp. 30–32.
[126] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 208.
[127] Priestley’s Letters, p. 18.
[128] Priestley’s Letters, p. 20.
[129] Ibid. p. 43.
[130] Ibid. p. 45.
[131] Ibid. p. 47.
[132] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 23.
[133] Whitefield’s Life, 1756, p. 25.
[134] The writer is perfectly aware that Wesley states (Wesley’s
Works, vol. xiii., p. 386) that he continued in his purpose to live
and die at Oxford till Dr. Burton pressed him to go to Georgia. This
is a fair objection; but the reader will do well to remember that
the above statement was made by Wesley in the year 1785; and that it
is only reasonable to suppose that Wesley, at the moment, forgot his
correspondence with Broughton fifty years previous.
[135] Wesley’s Works, vol xiii., p. 288.
[136] Whitefield’s Life, 1756.
[137] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 446.
[138] _Methodist Magazine_, 1798, p. 439.
[139] “Memoirs of Hutton.” This is not the place to pursue James
Hutton’s history. Suffice it to say, that he became one of the
principal Moravians in England; and that it was by his exertions
_mainly_ that the Moravian missions in North America were taken under
government protection. He was often contemptuously spoken of as
“the deaf old Moravian”: but he was a scholar and a gentleman; had
intercourse with persons of the highest rank; and was a frequent and
almost familiar visitor of George III. and his Queen Charlotte. For
many years, his difficulty of hearing was such that he could converse
only by the use of an ear trumpet; but his face was always lit up with
intellect, and his life was spent in doing good. He died in 1795.
[140] _Wesley Banner_, 1852, p. 351.
[141] _Evening Post_, Oct. 14, 1735.
[142] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1733, p. 384.
[143] “Account of the Sufferings of the Persecuted Protestants in the
Archbishoprick of Saltzburg.” London: 1733.
[144] Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, p. 77.
[145] _Methodist Magazine_, 1844, p. 920.
[146] “Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia.” London: 1733.
[147] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 35.
[148] Priestley’s Letters, p. 56.
[149] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 16, and vol. viii., p. 471.
[150] Ingham manuscripts.
[151] Manuscripts.
[152] Francis Moore, who sailed in the _Simmonds_, became keeper of the
stores in Georgia, and in 1744 published an account of his voyage; and
relates, as its principal incidents, that a boy fell overboard, but was
rescued by a rope; in the Downs, a servant was set on shore because he
had the itch; the passengers had prayers twice a day; Wesley and his
friends expounded the Scriptures and catechized the children, and ate
at Oglethorpe’s table; the Germans sung psalms, and served God in their
own way; and the only person punished during the voyage was a boy for
stealing turnips.
[153] Ingham’s Journal.
[154] Ibid.
[155] Ingham’s Journal.
[156] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 256.
[157] Ibid. p. 259.
[158] Ingham’s Journal.
[159] The _Old Whig_, June 17, 1736.
[160] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1736.
[161] “New Voyage to Georgia,” 2nd edit., 1737.
[162] “A Voyage to Georgia,” by F. Moore. London: 1744.
[163] Ingham’s Journal.
[164] James Hutton’s Memoirs, p. 22.
[165] _Methodist Magazine_, 1797, p. 371.
[166] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 289.
[167] Ibid. vol. xii., p. 15.
[168] Ingham’s Journal.
[169] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 293
[170] Ingham’s Journal.
[171] Rev. C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 5.
[172] Thomas and Beata Hawkins sailed to Georgia in the same ship as
Wesley (Clarke’s “Wesley Family,” vol. ii., p. 177). Hawkins was a
surgeon. His wife was a virago, who well-nigh murdered two constables
at Frederica, by breaking a brace of bottles on their heads (_Methodist
Magazine_, abridg. edit., 1862, p. 500).
[173] Wesley’s Works vol. xii., p. 39.
[174] Original letter in _Wesleyan Times_, Jan. 30, 1865.
[175] _Methodist Magazine_, 1848, p. 1102.
[176] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 160.
[177] Manuscript letter.
[178] Priestley’s Letters, p. 63.
[179] _Methodist Magazine_, 1863, p. 731.
[180] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1737, p. 575.
[181] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 39.
[182] _Methodist Magazine_, 1842, p. 657.
[183] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 44.
[184] Ibid. vol. xi., p. 455.
[185] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1792, p. 24.
[186] _Methodist Magazine_, 1808, p. 490.
[187] Ibid. 1798, p. 358.
[188] Ibid. 1855, p. 426.
[189] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 324.
[190] _Methodist Magazine_, 1844, p. 922.
[191] These facts concerning Causton are taken from “A True and
Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia,” published in 1741, by a
number of colonists living on the spot, and all of whom were unfriendly
to Wesley.
[192] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1792, p. 23.
[193] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol ii., p. 15.
[194] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol i., p. 312.
[195] “The Progress of Methodism in Bristol.” 1743.
[196] “A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia.” 1741.
[197] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1792, p. 23.
[198] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 320.
[199] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 118.
[200] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol. ii., p. 30.
[201] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 320.
[202] Wesley’s Works, vol. ii., p. 154.
[203] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1792, p. 24; and Wesley’s unpublished
journal.
[204] Ibid.
[205] Moore’s life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 326.
[206] Wesley’s unpublished journal.
[207] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 327.
[208] Wesley’s unpublished journal.
[209] Wesley’s unpublished journal.
[210] Ibid.
[211] “The Progress of Methodism in Bristol.” 1743.
[212] Wesley’s unpublished journal.
[213] Wesley’s unpublished journal.
[214] Wesley’s unpublished journal.
[215] Wesley’s unpublished journal.
[216] Ibid.
[217] Ibid.
[218] “A Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia. By W. Stephens, Esq.”
8vo: 2 vols.
[219] Ibid.
[220] “Journal of Proceedings in Georgia.” 8vo: 2 vols.
[221] It is a remarkable fact that, though Savannah is the chief city
in the state of Georgia, Methodism hardly has an existence in it.
Wesley left it in 1737; and three years after, Whitefield founded
his Savannah Orphan House, which has long since crumbled into ruins.
Nothing more was done until 1790, when Hope Hull was sent to Savannah
and preached a few times in a chairmaker’s shop, but met with more mob
violence than spiritual success. Ten years later, John Garvin tried to
collect a society; but the attempt was a failure. The South Carolina
Conference, held in 1806, appointed Samuel Dunwody, and he succeeded in
forming the first Methodist society in Savannah since the breaking up
of that formed by Wesley seventy years previously. Dunwody’s society
consisted of twelve members, five of them white and seven coloured.
After hard toiling a chapel was erected in Savannah in 1812, and was
opened by Bishop Asbury; but, to the present day, the opposition to
Methodism is most decided, and the Methodist society and congregation
are extremely poor and meagre. (See Dr. Dixon’s “Methodism in America,”
p. 282.)
[222] It is right to add that Mr. Stephens, the trustees’ secretary,
who, upon the whole, evinces a friendly spirit towards Wesley, gives a
somewhat scurvy character of Wesley’s companions. One of them, Coates,
a constable, had been one of the principal fomenters of mischief,
a busy fellow, going from house to house with idle stories to fill
people’s heads with jealousies, and distinguishing himself by a most
inveterate opposition to all the rules of government. He was greatly in
debt, and had never improved one foot of land since his arrival in the
province. Gough, a tithingman, was an idle fellow, pert and impudent
in his behaviour, always kicking against the civil power, and making
it his business to inflame sedition. He also was in debt; and left
behind him a wife and child, who scarce grieved at his departure, for
he used to beat them more than feed them. Campbell, a barber, was an
insignificant loose fellow, fit for any leader that would make a tool
of him, and whose only motive for going off was to escape his creditors.
There can be little doubt that this is true; but it by no means follows
that these vagabonds were Wesley’s _friends_. They seem to have been
_fugitives_ as well as he. Misfortune makes a man acquainted with
strange bedfellows; still, leaving in such company was an ugly fact,
and was used to Wesley’s disadvantage. Mr. Stephens writes: “As I
was always ready and willing, in conversation or otherwise, to make
allowance for Mr. Wesley’s failings in policy, and was careful not
to run hastily into a belief of all I heard against him, I was now
asked, in a sneering way, what my sentiments were of him? ‘_Noscitur ex
sociis_’ was the common byword; and all I had to say was that he must
stand or fall by himself, when his cause came before the trustees.”
[223] See Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 76; and Errata to vol. xxvi. of
his collected works, published in 1774.
[224] Wesley’s Works, vol. vii., p. 190.
[225] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 320.
[226] Whitefield’s Journal.
[227] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 347.
[228] Whitefield’s journal and letters.
[229] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1738.
[230] Wesley’s Works, vol. v., p. 18.
[231] Wesley’s Works, vol. v., p. 18.
[232] See original letter, _Methodist Magazine_, 1846, p. 1089.
[233] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 22.
[234] Ibid. vol vii., p. 189.
[235] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 95.
[236] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., pp. 86, 96.
[237] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 86; and C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i.,
p. 85.
[238] Priestley’s Letters, p. 65.
[239] _Methodist Magazine_, 1821, p. 439.
[240] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 95.
[241] Hutton’s Memoirs, p. 27.
[242] _Methodist Magazine_, 1854, p. 687.
[243] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1738, p. 608.
[244] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 344.
[245] _Methodist Magazine_, 1797, p. 149.
[246] From a “Memorial of William Law, by Christopher Walton,” printed
for private circulation in 1854.
[247] C. Wesley’s Journal; and Priestley’s Letters.
[248] Priestley’s Letters.
[249] This letter was written after Wesley’s visit to Germany, which
will be noticed shortly.
[250] Priestley’s Letters, p. 83.
[251] Priestley’s Letters, p. 88.
[252] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol. ii., p. 108.
[253] Ibid. p. 109.
[254] Ibid. p. 111.
[255] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol. ii., p. 112.
[256] Wesley’s Works, vol. v., p. 107.
[257] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 106.
[258] Holmes’s History.
[259] Priestley’s Letters, p. 82.
[260] Hutton’s Memoirs.
[261] Holmes’s History, etc.
[262] _Methodist Magazine_, 1856, p. 1028.
[263] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 51.
[264] Ibid. vol. xii., p. 50.
[265] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 365.
[266] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 133.
[267] Warburton’s Life, p. 523.
[268] Rules of Band Societies, 4th edit., 1744.
[269] _Methodist Magazine_, 1863, p. 794.
[270] See _Wesleyan Times_, Dec. 2, 1861.
[271] Since writing the above, we have met with one of Wesley’s letters
in Rawlinson’s Continuation of Wood’s “Athenæ Oxoniensis,” in which he
states that he published “A Collection of Psalms and Hymns,” in 1736.
Is this date an error?
[272] The _Weekly Miscellany_ for February 10, 1739, and in subsequent
numbers, states that there was considerable chicanery practised in
securing Whitefield the pulpit of St. Margaret’s. It was pretended
that a friendly society desired him to preach for the benefit of their
funds; but the treasurer of the society, and four of its six trustees,
signed and published a document contradicting this assertion. Of the
two remaining, one was from home at the time, and the other was a Mr.
Bennett, who assisted the crowd in pushing Whitefield into the pulpit.
There can be little doubt that Whitefield was deceived by Bennett, and
that it was a mistake for him to preach at St. Margaret’s when he did.
In the same weekly journal, it is asserted that Charles Wesley had been
guilty of the same illegal act, by taking possession of the pulpit
at Bloomsbury. His friends asked the pulpit for him; the request was
refused; and yet he came into the preacher’s pew; sat next the door;
and, as soon as prayers were over, went into the pulpit and preached,
to the great surprise of the clergyman, who intended to preach himself.
We have no means of either confirming or refuting this.
[273] His congregation, including horses and coaches, covered three
acres (_Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1739).
[274] Whitefield’s Journal.
[275] Ibid.
[276] Whitefield’s Journal.
[277] Ibid.
[278] C. Wesley’s Journal.
[279] This is worth noting. Wesley, in his History of England, vol.
iv., p. 188, tells us that “a severe frost began at Christmas, and
continued till the latter end of February. The Thames was covered with
such a crust of ice that a multitude of people dwelled upon it in
tents, and a great number of booths were erected for the entertainment
of the populace. The navigation was entirely stopped; the fruits of the
earth were destroyed; many persons were chilled to death; the price of
all sorts of provisions rose almost to a dearth; and even water was
sold in the streets of London.”
[280] Whitefield’s Journal.
[281] Whitefield’s Journal.
[282] Whitefield’s Journal.
[283] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 240.
[284] Ibid. vol. viii., p. 109.
[285] Taylor’s “Wesley and Methodism.”
[286] Hutton’s Memoirs, p. 42.
[287] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 292.
[288] Wesley’s Works, vol. xi., p. 472.
[289] In the same year, Trapp preached another sermon, On Religious
Zeal, before the Oxford university, and the judges presiding at
the Oxford assizes. This, at their request, he published, octavo,
thirty-two pages. One extract may suffice. Speaking of the Methodists,
he describes them as “our modern enthusiasts, pretending to be the
only true believers; and by whom the Established Church and clergy had
been outraged with unparalleled virulence and malice, insolence and
contempt.”
[290] _Methodist Magazine_, 1863, p. 908.
[291] See “Life of Whitefield. By an Impartial Hand.” 1739.
[292] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 470.
[293] Doddridge’s Correspondence, vol. iii., p. 381.
[294] Priestley’s Letters, p. 99.
[295] _Methodist Magazine_, 1815, p. 457.
[296] Ibid. 1828, p. 382.
[297] See a full account of them in “The Life and Times of the Rev.
Samuel Wesley, M.A.”
[298] See Priestley’s Letters, p. 102.
[299] _Methodist Magazine_, 1849, p. 165.
[300] Whitefield’s Journal.
[301] _Methodist Magazine_, 1778, p. 179.
[302] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., pp. 314–316.
[303] Priestley’s Letters, p. 107.
[304] “Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine,” p. 293.
[305] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 184.
[306] Ibid.
[307] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 127.
[308] “Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon,” vol. ii., p. 358.
[309] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 236.
[310] _Weekly Miscellany_, Nov. 11, 1738.
[311] Whitefield’s Journal.
[312] Ibid.
[313] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 237.
[314] Ibid. vol. xiii., p. 150.
[315] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol. ii., p. 125.
[316] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 37.
[317] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 245. Wesley evidently thought,
that all are, or ought to be, equal in the house of God. His
arrangements for the Foundery congregation were carried out in the
whole of his London chapels until four years before his death, when,
greatly to his annoyance, the lay authorities at City Road set aside
his policy.
[318] _Watchman_, 1838, p. 401.
[319] Jobson’s “Chapel and School Architecture,” p. 48.
[320] Jackson’s Life of C. Wesley, vol. ii., p. 536.
[321] Life of Silas Told, p. 74.
[322] _Methodist Magazine_, 1787, p. 101.
[323] Cennick’s Autobiography.
[324] Wesley’s Works, vol. vii., p. 264.
[325] Myles’s History, p. 15.
[326] The writer is aware that Wesley says, “Joseph Humphreys was the
first lay preacher that assisted me in England, in the year 1738.”
(Wesley’s Works, vol. iv., p. 473.) But this was before Wesley went to
Bristol, and, doubtless, in connection with the Moravian society in
Fetter Lane.
[327] _Methodist Magazine_, 1822, p. 783.
[328] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 259.
[329] Ibid. vol. vii., p. 404.
[330] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 76.
[331] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol. ii., p. 126.
[332] Whitefield’s Journal.
[333] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 189.
[334] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 213.
[335] Ibid. p. 219.
[336] This is true. Hence the following, taken from a sermon published
by Annesley in 1661:—“There are believers of several growths in the
church of God: fathers, young men, children, and babes; and as, in most
families, there are more babes and children than grown men, so in the
church of God there are more weak, doubting Christians, than strong
ones, grown up to a full assurance. A babe may be born and yet not know
it; so a man may be born again, and not be sure of it. Sometimes they
think they have grounds of hope, that they shall be saved; sometimes
they think they have grounds of fears, that they shall be condemned.
Not knowing which might be most weighty, like a pair of balances, they
are in equipoise.”
[337] Clarke’s “Wesley Family,” vol. ii., p. 119.
[338] Priestley’s Letters, p. 108.
[339] Priestley’s Letters, p. 96.
[340] Wesley’s Works, vol. xi., p. 355.
[341] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 331.
[342] Robert Ramsey did not long escape the hand of justice. About the
Christmas of the year following, he was arrested for another crime,
tried and condemned to die; and on January 14, 1741, with eleven other
malefactors, was executed at Tyburn. While lying under sentence of
death in Newgate prison, he requested Wesley to visit him; and twice
his old master went, but was refused admittance. (_London Magazine_,
1742, p. 47; and Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 331.)
[343] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 251.
[344] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 242.
[345] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 264.
[346] Hutton’s Memoirs, p. 50.
[347] Original letter, published in _Wesleyan Times_.
[348] Hutton’s Memoirs, p. 48.
[349] Hutton’s Memoirs.
[350] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 222.
[351] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 221. Hymn 92, in the Methodist
Hymn-book, is an abridgment of it.
[352] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 222.
[353] See Hutton’s Memoirs.
[354] Jackson’s Life of C. Wesley.
[355] C. Wesley’s Journal.
[356] Wesley’s Works, vol. ii., p. 26.
[357] Ibid. vol. viii., p. 401.
[358] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. ii., p. 167.
[359] Whitefield’s Works, vol. i., p. 224.
[360] Benson’s “Apology,” p. 134.
[361] See Wesley’s Works, vol. x., p. 257; orig. edition.
[362] Whitefield’s Works, vol. i., p. 156.
[363] Ibid. vol. i., p. 182.
[364] Whitefield’s Works, vol. i., p. 185.
[365] Ibid. vol. i., p. 189.
[366] _Weekly History_, No. 13: 1741.
[367] Whitefield’s Works, vol. iv., p. 54.
[368] Ibid. vol. i., p. 205.
[369] Whitefield’s Works, vol. i., p. 212.
[370] See “Wesley Poetry,” vol. i., p. 310.
[371] “Life and Times of Howel Harris.”
[372] _Weekly History_, No. 13: 1741.
[373] Whitefield’s Works, vol. i., p. 219.
[374] Ibid. vol. i., p. 225.
[375] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 263.
[376] Whitefield’s Works, vol. iv., p. 72.
[377] _Methodist Magazine_, 1807, p. 6.
[378] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 335.
[379] Nichols’ Literary Anecdotes, vol. ii., p. 541.
[380] _Weekly History_, No. 33: Nov. 21, 1741.
[381] Myles’s History, p. 58.
[382] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 246.
[383] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiv., p. 306; and vol. xi., p. 366.
[384] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1741, p. 608.
[385] Philip’s Life of Whitefield, p. 275.
[386] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 102.
[387] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 481.
[388] Ibid. p. 489.
[389] Wesley’s Works, vol. ii., p. 27.
[390] Life of Dr. Bunting, vol. i., p. 395.
[391] Doddridge’s Correspondence, vol. iv., p. 56.
[392] _Methodist Magazine_, 1798, p. 490.
[393] Whitefield’s Works, vol. i., p. 257.
[394] Benson’s “Apology,” p. 137.
[395] _Weekly Miscellany_, March 14, 1741
[396] Cennick says: “When we were separated, we were in number twelve
men and twelve women.” (“Life of Cennick,” p. 27.)
[397] Wesley’s Works, vol. iv., p. 473.
[398] _Weekly History_, No. 11.
[399] _Weekly History_, No. 4.
[400] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 267.
[401] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 102.
[402] Ibid. p. 147.
[403] Whitefield’s Works, vol. i., p. 257.
[404] Whitefield’s Works, vol. i., p. 261.
[405] Ibid. p. 271.
[406] Ibid. p. 331.
[407] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 401.
[408] Whitefield’s Works, vol. i., p. 331.
[409] “Anecdotes of Wesley, by Rev. J. Reynolds.” Leeds: 1828.
[410] Ibid. p. 13.
[411] Taylor’s “Wesley and Methodism,” p. 44.
[412] Thirty more were expelled at a later period of the year.
[413] Wesley’s Ecclesiastical History, vol. iv., p. 178.
[414] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 53.
[415] Ibid. vol. xiii., pp. 242, 293.
[416] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 247.
[417] C. Wesley’s Journal.
[418] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 85.
[419] _Scots Magazine_, 1741, p. 380.
[420] _Weekly History_, No. 14.
[421] _Weekly History_, No. 15.
[422] Ibid. No. 24.
[423] Hutton’s Memoirs.
[424] Wesley’s Works, vol. vii., p. 431.
[425] “Friendly Remarks,” published in 1772.
[426] His sermon before the university has been mentioned already.
[427] Wesley’s Works, vol. xi., p. 359.
[428] It was hardly honest of Wesley to publish this without a word
of acknowledgment as to its author and origin. We have compared it
with “A Dialogue between the Baptist and Presbyterian; wherein the
Presbyterians are punished, by their own pens, for their cruel and
self-devouring doctrines, making God the ordainer of all the sins of
men and devils, and reprobating the greatest part of mankind without
any help of salvation. By Thomas Grantham, Messenger of the Baptized
Churches in Lincolnshire. London: 1691.” 4to, pages 18; and have no
hesitancy in saying, that Wesley’s Dialogue, abridged and altered, is
taken from that of Grantham.
[429] See “Life and Times of Rev. S. Wesley,” p. 136.
[430] See lives of Wesley, by Whitehead and Moore.
[431] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 102.
[432] _Standard_ newspaper, May 22, 1869.
[433] Whitefield’s Works, vol. i., p. 386.
[434] Ibid. vol. i., p. 438.
[435] Ibid. vol. i., p. 449.
[436] Act of the Associate Presbytery, 1744.
[437] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 152.
[438] Jackson’s Life of C. Wesley.
[439] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 103.
[440] _London Magazine_, 1742, p. 468.
[441] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 292.
[442] Ibid. vol. i., p. 335.
[443] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 243.
[444] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 342.
[445] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol. ii., p. 148.
[446] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol. ii., p. 149. This was not
altogether novel. Nearly a hundred years previously, under the auspices
of Nicholas Pavillon, the Bishop of Alet, in the south of France, there
had sprung up “The Society of Regents,” one of whose meetings was for
exhortation and free spiritual conversation, and in which each person,
who was so inclined, related her experience, or asked advice. See “Life
of Nicholas Pavillon”: 1869.
[447] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 246.
[448] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 247.
[449] “Principles and Career of Wesley,” by Dr. Dobbin.
[450] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 294.
[451] _Methodist Magazine_, 1856, p. 332; and “Life and Times of
Countess of Huntingdon.”
[452] _Methodist Magazine_, 1798, p. 490.
[453] Ibid. 1798, p. 642.
[454] _Methodist Magazine_, 1845, p. 1073.
[455] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 103.
[456] A day or two afterwards Miss Cooper peacefully changed earth for
heaven.
[457] “The Country Parson’s Advice to his Parishioners,” is an octavo
volume of 215 pages, and was first published in 1680. It consists of
two parts:—(1) An exhortation to a religious and virtuous life. (2)
General directions for such a life. The book, as a whole, is well
written, and useful; but the last chapter is exceedingly objectionable.
It unmistakably teaches apostolical succession, confession, priestly
absolution, and other favourite dogmas of the high church party of the
present day.
[458] Doddridge’s Correspondence, vol. iv., p. 86.
[459] _Methodist Magazine_, 1801, p. 531.
[460] _Methodist Magazine_, 1808, p. 138.
[461] Bourne’s and Brand’s histories of Newcastle.
[462] Manuscripts.
[463] _Methodist Magazine_, 1848, p. 91.
[464] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 84.
[465] _Methodist Magazine_, 1778, p. 184.
[466] _Methodist Magazine_, 1778, p. 185.
[467] Ibid. 1846, p. 362.
[468] Jackson’s Life of C. Wesley, vol. i., p. 319.
[469] John Nelson’s Journal.
[470] Brand’s History of Newcastle, vol. ii., p. 424; and _Wesleyan
Times_, 1856, p. 597.
[471] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 294.
[472] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 551.
[473] _Christian Miscellany_, 1858, pp. 97, 164.
[474] Manuscripts.
[475] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 295.
[476] Early in the year 1742, an eightpenny pamphlet was published,
which Wesley never noticed. Its title was, “A Letter to the Rev. Mr.
John Wesley, in vindication of the Doctrines of absolute, unconditional
Election, particular Redemption, special Vocation, and final
Perseverance. Occasioned chiefly by some things in his Dialogue between
a Presbyterian and his Friend; and in his Hymns on God’s Everlasting
Love.”
[477] _Weekly History_, No. 78: Oct. 2, 1742.
[478] Since the above was written, we have met with one of Wesley’s
letters, in Rawlinson’s Continuation of Wood’s “Athenæ Oxoniensis,”
in which he states that he published, “An Abridgment of Mr.
Norris’s Christian Prudence, and Reflections on the Conduct of our
Understanding,” in 1734.
[479] _Methodist Magazine_, 1866, p. 324.
[480] Ibid.
[481] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 306.
[482] Mr. Tucker was vicar of All Saints, Bristol. This pamphlet
(octavo, fifty-one pages) was written at the request of the Archbishop
of Armagh, and was entitled, “A Brief History of the Principles of
Methodism.”
[483] Wesley also published “Hymns and Poems” in 1742; but as his
poetical publications were chiefly written by his brother, they will be
only occasionally noticed hereafter. For full information the reader is
referred to the “Poetical Works of John and Charles Wesley,” in twelve
volumes, octavo, published at the Wesleyan-Methodist Conference Office,
City Road, London.
[484] Southey’s Life of Wesley.
[485] Life and Times of Howel Harris, p. 96, etc.
[486] “Papers on the Rise and Progress of Methodism at Wednesbury.”
London: 1744.
[487] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 295.
[488] Ibid. vol. xii., p. 75.
[489] Papers on Rise, etc., of Methodism at Wednesbury, 1744.
[490] Papers on Rise, etc., of Methodism at Wednesbury, 1744.
[491] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 164.
[492] Papers on Rise, etc., of Methodism at Wednesbury, 1744.
[493] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 162, etc.
[494] Papers on Rise, etc., of Methodism at Wednesbury, 1744.
[495] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 339.
[496] See _Methodist Recorder_, Oct. 5, 1866.
[497] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 340.
[498] Ibid. p. 340.
[499] _Methodist Recorder_, Oct. 12, 1866.
[500] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 204.
[501] Ibid. vol. i., p. 426.
[502] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 173.
[503] _Methodist Magazine_, 1820, p. 538.
[504] Ibid. 1823, p. 204.
[505] Nelson’s Journal.
[506] See the substance of this paper, under the year 1741, pp. 349,
350.
[507] Life of C. Wesley, vol. i., p. 350.
[508] _Weekly History_, June 19, 1742.
[509] Wesley’s Works, vol. ii., p. 28.
[510] Wesley’s Works, vol. vii., p. 117.
[511] Watson’s Life of Wesley, p. 110.
[512] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 254.
[513] Clarke’s “Wesley Family,” vol. ii., p. 267.
[514] C. Wesley’s Journal.
[515] Whitefield’s Works, vol. ii., pp. 33, 35.
[516] “Progress of Methodism in Bristol.” 1743.
[517] Wesley’s Works, vol. x., p. 417.
[518] Wesley’s Works, vol. xi., p. 324.
[519] Ibid. vol. xiii., p. 31.
[520] Ibid. vol. viii., pp. 293, 304.
[521] Everett’s Life of Clarke.
[522] Wesley’s Works, vol. vii., p. 80.
[523] It is a mistake to say, as is done in the edition of Wesley’s
collected works, and in some of the Methodist periodicals, that the
“Earnest Appeal” was written and published in 1744.
[524] _London Magazine_, 1744.
[525] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 354.
[526] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 406.
[527] Smith’s “History of Methodism,” vol. i., p. 227.
[528] Life of Whatcoat, by Fry.
[529] Atmore’s “Methodist Memorial,” p. 411.
[530] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 302.
[531] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 367.
[532] Minutes (edit. 1862), vol. i.
[533] Minutes (edit. 1862), vol. i.
[534] Minutes, published in 1763, 12mo, pp. 30.
[535] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 380.
[536] Wesley’s Works, vol. i., p. 443.
[537] Ibid. vol. xiii., p. 299.
[538] _Methodist Magazine_, 1866, p. 44.
[539] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1744, p. 568.
[540] Wesley’s Works, vol. ii., p. 404.
[541] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i.
[542] Whitefield’s Works, vol. iv., p. 125.
[543] _London Magazine_, 1744, p. 260.
[544] _London Magazine_, 1724, p. 624.
[545] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1744, p. 504.
[546] Nelson’s Journal.
[547] Manuscripts.
[548] See Myles’s History.
[549] Wesley’s Works, vol. vi., p. 464.
[550] _Methodist Magazine_, 1848, p. 976.
[551] Wesley’s Works, vol. vii., p. 72.
[552] Ibid. vol. iii., p. 257.
[553] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 233.
[554] _Methodist Magazine_, 1820, p. 540.
[555] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 396.
[556] C. Wesley’s Life, vol. i., pp. 415, 430.
[557] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 492.
[558] _London Magazine_, 1745, p. 297.
[559] Nichols’ Literary Anecdotes, vol. viii., p. 228.
[560] Nichols’ Literary Anecdotes, vol. ii., p. 541.
[561] Whitefield’s Works, vol. ii., p. 79.
[562] Hutton’s Memoirs, p. 143.
[563] Wesley’s Works, vol. ix., p. 62.
[564] Ibid. vol. x., p. 433.
[565] Hutton’s Memoirs, p. 184.
[566] Cudworth published two replies to Wesley; one in 1745, entitled,
“A Dialogue between a Preacher of inherent righteousness and a
Preacher of God’s righteousness: being an answer to a late Dialogue
between an Antinomian and his friend.” 12mo, 12 pages. Another, in
1746, with the title, “Truth defended and cleared from mistakes and
misrepresentations.” 12mo, 52 pages. In both of these productions,
Cudworth shows great ability, and though his opinions, as there
expressed, are far from orthodox, yet, unless other facts can be
alleged against him, he hardly deserves the hard things which Wesley
said of him.
[567] “Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon,” vol. ii., p. 338.
[568] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 335.
[569] Ibid. vol. xii., p. 245.
[570] An old Methodist, Jenny Meek, who knew Wesley well, told the
writer that the baptism of this energetic sister took place, not in the
popish chapel, but in an adjoining house. Many an hour, when a child,
did I sit listening, with rapt attention, to old Jenny’s Methodist
traditions, and to this I trace, in a great degree, my passion for old
Methodist matters.—L. T.
[571] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 104.
[572] Wesley’s unpublished journal.
[573] Brand’s History of Newcastle, vol. ii., p. 525.
[574] Brand’s History.
[575] Brand’s History.
[576] Ibid.
[577] Minutes (edit. 1862), vol. i.
[578] Wesley’s Works, vol. vi., p. 466.
[579] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 155.
[580] Ibid. vol. xi., p. 320.
[581] Ibid. vol. viii., p. 145.
[582] Wesley’s Works, vol. vii., p. 9.
[583] Whitefield’s Works, vol. ii., p. 83.
[584] _Methodist Magazine_, 1778, p. 418.
[585] C. Wesley’s Journal.
[586] Minutes (edit. 1862), vol. i., p. 36.
[587] Wesley’s Works, vol. iii., p. 42.
[588] Watson’s Works, vol. v., p. 148.
[589] “Life and Times of Howel Harris,” p. 113.
[590] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 409.
[591] _Methodist Magazine_, 1797, p. 252.
[592] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol. ii., p. 206.
[593] _Methodist Magazine_, 1778, p. 419.
[594] Stamp’s “Orphan House.”
[595] Wesley’s unpublished journal.
[596] Ibid. vol. xi., p. 483.
[597] Ibid. vol. x., p. 379.
[598] Ibid. vol. xi., p. 489.
[599] C. Wesley’s Journal.
[600] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 254.
[601] Ibid. vol. viii., p. 495.
[602] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 83.
[603] Ibid. vol. xii., p. 155.
[604] C. Wesley’s Journal, vol. i., p. 414.
[605] Other hymns were published in 1746: as, “Hymns for our Lord’s
Resurrection;” “Hymns for Ascension Day;” “Hymns to the Trinity;”
“Graces before and after Meat;” “Hymns for the Watch-night;” “Hymns for
the Public Thanksgiving Day;” “Funeral Hymns;” and “Hymns on the Great
Festivals;” but it is impossible to determine how many of these were
written by Wesley himself, and how many by his brother.
[606] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1746, p. 223.
[607] Ibid. p. 388.
[608] _London Magazine_, 1746, p. 594.
[609] Whitefield’s Works, vol. ii., p. 128.
[610] The above extracts are all taken from a 12mo volume, published
at the time, and consisting of a collection of letters, entitled “The
Christian History.”
[611] C. Wesley’s Journal.
[612] C. Wesley’s Journal.
[613] Manuscript in British Museum.
[614] See Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 181.
[615] _Methodist Magazine._ 1778, p. 474.
[616] Collection of Letters: Dublin, 1784.
[617] Everett’s “Methodism in Manchester,” p. 58.
[618] Everett’s “Methodism in Manchester.”
[619] _Methodist Magazine_, 1843, pp. 26, 379.
[620] Ibid. 1830, p. 857.
[621] Ibid. 1795, p. 76.
[622] “Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon,” vol. i., p. 62.
[623] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 138.
[624] Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. ii., p. 108.
[625] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 256.
[626] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 257.
[627] Ibid. vol. viii., p. 257.
[628] Ibid. vol. iii., p. 258.
[629] Ibid. vol. viii., p. 257.
[630] Wesley’s Works, vol. viii., p. 258.
[631] Minutes (edit. 1862), p. 38.
[632] Minutes (edit. 1862), p. 15.
[633] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol. ii., p. 235.
[634] Watson’s Life of Wesley, p. 163.
[635] Manuscript.
[636] _Methodist Magazine_, 1850, p. 33.
[637] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 157.
[638] Wesley’s Works, vol. xiii., p. 308.
[639] _Irish Evangelist_, Dec. 1, 1866.
[640] Wesley’s Works, vol. iii., p. 406.
[641] _Irish Evangelist_, Dec. 1, 1866.
[642] Wesley’s Works, vol. xii., p. 157.
[643] Smith’s “Methodism in Ireland,” p. 12.
[644] _Methodist Magazine_, 1848, p. 516.
[645] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 320.
[646] C. Wesley’s Journal.
[647] Whitehead’s Life of Wesley, vol. ii., p. 239.
[648] _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1747, p. 531.
[649] Bishop Gibson died the year after this was written.
[650] Hymns 439 and 440, in the Wesleyan Hymn-Book, are a part of it.
[651] The writer has a copy of the thirteenth edition, published in
1768, with a large number of emendations and new prescriptions, in
Wesley’s own handwriting,—evidently the copy which he himself revised
for a new edition.
[652] Hall’s Lecture on Wesley’s Death-bed.