THE FIELD OF THE CLOTH OF GOLD
1518-1520
The object of Wolsey's foreign policy had been attained by the universal
peace of 1518. England had been set up as the mediator in the politics
of Europe. The old claims of the empire and the papacy had passed away
in the conflict of national and dynastic interests, in which papacy and
empire were alike involved. England, by virtue of its insular position,
was practically outside the objects of immediate ambition which
distracted its Continental neighbours; but England's commercial
interests made her desirous of influence, and Henry VIII. was bent upon
being an important personage. It was Wolsey's object to gratify the king
at the least expense to the country, and so long as the king could be
exalted by peaceful means, the good of England was certainly promoted at
the same time. The position of England as the pacifier of Europe was one
well qualified to develop a national consciousness of great duties to
perform; and it may be doubted if a country is ever great unless it has
a clear consciousness of some great mission.
Wolsey's policy had been skilful, and the results which he had obtained
were glorious; but it was difficult to maintain the position which he
had won. It was one thing to proclaim a peace; it was another to
contrive that peace should be kept. One important question was looming
in the distance when Wolsey's peace was signed,--the succession to the
empire on Maximilian's death. Unfortunately this question came rapidly
forward for decision, as Maximilian died suddenly on 12th January 1519,
and the politicians of Europe waited breathlessly to see who would be
chosen as his successor.
The election to the empire rested with the seven electors, the chief
princes of Germany; but if they had been minded on this occasion to
exercise freely their right, it would have been difficult for them to do
so. The empire had for a century been with the house of Austria, and
Maximilian had schemed eagerly that it should pass to his grandson
Charles. It is true that Charles was already King of Spain, Lord of the
Netherlands, and King of Naples and Sicily, so that it seemed dangerous
to increase still further his great dominions. But Charles urged his
claim, and his great rival, Francis I. of France, entered the lists
against him. Strange as it may seem that a French king should aspire to
rule over Germany, Francis I. could urge that he was almost as closely
connected with Germany as was Charles, whose interests were bound up
with those of Spain and the Netherlands. In the face of these two
competitors, it was hard for the electors to find a candidate of a
humbler sort who would venture to draw upon himself the wrath of their
disappointment. Moreover, the task of ruling Germany was not such as to
attract a small prince. The Turks were threatening its borders, and a
strong man was needed to deal with many pressing problems of its
government. The electors, however, were scarcely guilty of any patriotic
considerations; they quietly put up their votes for auction between
Francis and Charles, and deferred a choice as long as they could.
Both competitors turned for help to their allies, the Pope and the King
of England, who found themselves greatly perplexed. Leo X. did not wish
to see French influence increased, as France was a dangerous neighbour
in Italy; nor did he wish to see the empire and the kingdom of Naples
both held by the same man, for that was against the immemorial policy of
the Papacy. So Leo intrigued and prevaricated to such an extent that it
is almost impossible to determine what he was aiming at. He managed,
however, to throw hindrances in Wolsey's path, though we cannot be sure
that he intended to do so.
Wolsey's plan of action was clear, though it was not dignified. He
wished to preserve England's mediating attitude and give offence to no
one; consequently, he secretly promised his help both to Charles and
Francis, and tried to arrange that each should be ignorant of his
promises to the other. All went well till Leo, in his diplomatic
divagations, commissioned his legate to suggest to Henry VIII. that it
might be possible, after all, to find some third candidate for the
empire, and that he was ready to try and put off the election for that
purpose, if Henry agreed. Henry seems to have considered this as a hint
from the Pope to become a candidate himself. He remembered that
Maximilian had offered to resign the empire in his favour, but he forgot
the sufficient reasons which had led him to dismiss the proposal as
fantastic and absurd. His vanity was rather tickled with the notion of
rivalling Charles and Francis, and he thought that if the Pope were on
his side, his chances would be as good as theirs.
We can only guess at Wolsey's dismay when his master laid this project
before him. Whatever Wolsey thought, he knew that it was useless to
offer any opposition. However much he might be able to influence the
king's opinions in the making, he knew that he must execute them when
they were made. If Henry had made up his mind to become a candidate for
the empire, a candidate he must be. All that could be done was to
prevent his determination from being hopelessly disastrous. So Wolsey
pointed out that great as were the advantages to be obtained by gaining
the empire, there were dangers in being an unsuccessful candidate. It
was necessary first to make sure of the Pope, and then to prosecute
Henry's candidature by fair and honourable means. Francis was spending
money lavishly to win supporters to his side; and Charles was
reluctantly compelled to follow his example lest he should be outbid. It
would be unwise for Henry to squander his money and simply raise the
market price of the votes. Let him make it clear to the greedy Germans
that they would not see the colour of England's money till the English
king had been really elected.
So Wolsey sent the most cautious instructions to his agent in Rome to
see if the Pope would take the responsibility of urging Henry to become
a candidate; but Leo was too cautious, and affected not to understand
the hint. Then in May, Pace, who was now the king's secretary, was sent
to Germany to sound the electors with equal care. He was to approach the
electors who were on Francis's side, as though Henry were in favour of
Francis, and was to act similarly to those who were in favour of
Charles; then he was to hint cautiously that it might be well to choose
some one more closely connected with Germany, and if they showed any
acquiescence, was to suggest that Henry was "of the German tongue," and
then was to sing his praises. Probably both Pace and Wolsey knew that it
was too late to do anything serious. Pace reported that the money of
France and Spain was flowing on all sides, and was of opinion that the
empire was "the dearest merchandise that ever was sold," and would prove
"the worst that ever was bought to him that shall obtain it." Yet still
he professed to have hopes, and even asked for money to enter the lists
of corruption. But this was needless, as the election at last proceeded
quickly. The Pope came round to the side of Charles as being the least
of two evils, and Charles was elected on 28th June.
Thus Wolsey succeeded in satisfying his master's demands without
committing England to any breach with either of her allies. Henry VIII.
could scarcely be gratified at the part that he had played, but Wolsey
could convince him that he had tried his best, and that at any rate no
harm had been done. Though Henry's proceedings were known to Francis and
Charles, there was nothing at which they could take offence. Henry had
behaved with duplicity, but that was only to be expected in those days;
he had not pronounced himself strongly against either. The ill-will that
had long been simmering between Charles V. and Francis I. had risen to
the surface, and the long rivalry between the two monarchs was now
declared. Each looked for allies, and the most important ally was
England. Each had hopes of winning over the English king, and Wolsey
wished to keep alive, without satisfying, the hopes of both, and so
establish still more securely the power of England as holding the
balance of the peace of Europe.
Wolsey's conduct in this matter throws much light on his relations to
the king, and the method by which he retained his influence and managed
to carry out his own designs. He appreciated the truth that a statesman
must lead while seeming to follow--a truth which applies equally to all
forms of government. Wolsey was responsible to no one but the king, and
so had a better opportunity than has a statesman who serves a democracy
to obtain permission to carry out a consecutive policy. But, on the
other hand, he was more liable to be thwarted and interrupted in matters
of detail by the interference of a superior. Wolsey's far-seeing policy
was endangered by the king's vanity and obstinacy; he could not ask for
time to justify his own wisdom, but was forced to obey. Yet even then he
would not abandon his own position and set himself to minimise the
inconvenience. It is impossible to know how often Wolsey was at other
times obliged to give way to the king and adopt the second-best course;
but in this case we find clear indications of the process. When he was
driven from his course, he contrived that the deviation should be as
unimportant as possible.
Wolsey's task of maintaining peace by English mediation was beset with
difficulties now that the breach between Francis I. and Charles V. was
clearly made. It was necessary for England to be friendly to both, and
not to be drawn by its friendliness towards either to offend the other.
In the matter of the imperial election English influence had been
somewhat on the side of Charles, and Francis was now the one who needed
propitiation. The treaty with France had provided for a personal
interview between the two kings, and Francis was anxious that it should
take place at once. For this purpose he strove to win the good offices
of Wolsey. He assured him that in case of a papal election he could
command fourteen votes which should be given in his favour. Moreover, he
conferred on him a signal mark of his confidence by nominating him his
plenipotentiary for the arrangements about the forthcoming interview. By
this all difficulties were removed, and Wolsey stood forward before the
eyes of Europe as the accredited representative of the kings of England
and France at the same time. It is no wonder that men marvelled at such
an unheard-of position for an English subject.
But nothing that Francis had to give could turn Wolsey away from his own
path. No sooner did he know that the French interview was agreed upon
than he suggested to Charles that it would be well for him also to have
a meeting with the English king. The proposal was eagerly accepted, and
Wolsey conducted the negotiations about both interviews side by side.
Rarely did two meetings cause such a flow of ink and raise so many
knotty points. At last it was agreed that Charles should visit Henry in
England in an informal way before the French interview took place. It
was difficult to induce the punctilious Spaniards to give way to
Wolsey's requirements. It was a hard thing for one who bore the
high-sounding title of Emperor to agree to visit a King of England on
his own terms. But Wolsey was resolute that everything should be done in
such a way as to give France the least cause of complaint. When the
Spanish envoys objected to his arrangements or proposed alterations, he
brought them to their bearings by saying, "Very well; then do not do it
and begone." They were made to feel their dependence on himself. The
interview was of their seeking, and must be held on terms which he
proposed, or not at all. This, no doubt, was felt to be very haughty
conduct on Wolsey's part; but he had set on foot the scheme of this
double interview, by which Henry was to be glorified and England's
mediatorial position assured. It was his business to see that his plan
succeeded. So he turned a deaf ear to the offers of the Spanish
ambassadors. He was not to be moved by the promise of ecclesiastical
revenues in Spain. Even when the influence of Spain was proffered to
secure his election to the Papacy, he coldly refused.
It has been said that Wolsey was open to bribes, and his seemingly
tortuous policy has been accounted for by the supposition that he
inclined to the side which promised him most. This, however, is an
entire mistake. Wolsey went his own way; but at the same time he did not
disregard his personal profit. He was too great a man to be bribed; but
his greatness entailed magnificence, and magnificence is expensive. He
regarded it as natural that sovereigns who threw work upon his shoulders
should make some recognition of his labours. This was the custom of the
time; and Wolsey was by no means singular in receiving gifts from
foreign kings. The chief lords of Henry's Court received pensions from
the King of France; and the lords of the French Court were similarly
rewarded by Henry. This was merely a complimentary custom, and was open
and avowed. Wolsey received a pension from Francis I., and a further sum
as compensation for the bishopric of Tournai, which he resigned when
Tournai was returned to France. In like manner, Charles V. rewarded him
by a Spanish bishopric; but Wolsey declined the office of bishop, and
preferred to receive a fixed pension secured on the revenues of the see.
This iniquitous arrangement was carried out with the Pope's consent; and
such like arrangements were by no means rare. They were the natural
result of the excessive wealth of the Church, which was diverted to the
royal uses by a series of fictions, more or less barefaced, but all
tending to the weakening of the ecclesiastical organisation. Still the
fact remains that Wolsey thought no shame of receiving pensions from
Francis and Charles alike; but there was nothing secret nor
extraordinary in this. Wolsey regarded it as only obvious that his
statesmanship should be rewarded by those for whom it was exercised; but
the Emperor and the King of France never hoped that by these pensions
they would attach Wolsey to their side. The promise by which they tried
to win him was the promise of the Papacy; and to this Wolsey turned a
deaf ear. "He is seven times more powerful than the Pope," wrote the
Venetian ambassador; and perhaps Wolsey himself at this time was of the
same opinion.
Meanwhile Francis was annoyed when he heard of these dealings with
Charles, and tried to counteract them by pressing for an early date of
his meeting with Henry VIII. It is amazing to find how large a part
domestic events were made to play in these matters of high policy when
occasion needed. Francis urged that he was very anxious for his queen to
be present to welcome Katharine; but she was expecting her confinement,
and if the interview did not take place soon she would be unable to
appear. Wolsey replied with equal concern for family affairs, that the
Emperor was anxious to visit his aunt, whom he had never seen, and Henry
could not be so churlish as to refuse a visit from his wife's relative.
Katharine, on her side, was overjoyed at this renewal of intimacy with
the Spanish Court, to whose interests she was strongly attached, and
tried to prevent the understanding with France, by declaring that she
could not possibly have her dresses ready under three months. In her
dislike of the French alliance Queen Katharine expressed the popular
sentiment. The people had long regarded France as the natural enemy of
England, and were slow to give up their prejudices. The nobles grew more
and more discontented with Wolsey's policy, which they did not care to
understand. They only saw that their expectations of a return to power
were utterly disappointed; Wolsey, backed by officials such as Pace, was
all-powerful, and they were disregarded. Wolsey was working absolutely
single-handed. It is a remarkable proof of his skill that he was able to
draw the king to follow him unhesitatingly, at the sacrifice of his
personal popularity, and in spite of the representations of those who
were immediately around him.
Moreover, Wolsey, in his capacity of representative of the Kings of
England and France, had in his hands the entire management of all
concerning the coming interview. He fixed the place with due regard to
the honour of England, almost on English soil. The English king was not
to lodge outside his own territory of Calais; the spot appointed for the
meeting was on the meadows between Guisnes and Ardres, on the borderland
of the two kingdoms. Wolsey had to decide which of the English nobles
and gentry were to attend the king, and had to assign to each his office
and dignity. The king's retinue amounted to nearly 4000, and the queen's
was somewhat over 1000. A very slight knowledge of human nature will
serve to show how many people Wolsey must necessarily have offended. If
the ranks of his enemies were large before, they must have increased
enormously when his arrangements were made known.
Still Wolsey was not daunted, and however much every one, from Francis
and Charles, felt aggrieved by his proceedings, all had to obey; and
everything that took place was due to Wolsey's will alone. The interview
with Charles was simple. On 26th May 1520 he landed at Dover, and was
met by Wolsey; next morning Henry rode to meet him and escort him to
Canterbury, which was his headquarters; on the 29th Charles rode to
Sandwich, where he embarked for Flanders. What subjects the two monarchs
discussed we can only dimly guess. Each promised to help the other if
attacked by France, and probably Henry undertook to bring about a
joint-conference of the three sovereigns to discuss their common
interests. The importance of the meeting lay in its display of
friendliness; in the warning which it gave to France that she was not to
count upon the exclusive possession of England's goodwill.
No sooner was the Emperor gone than Henry embarked for Calais, and
arrived at Guisnes on 4th June. We need not describe again the "Field of
the Cloth of Gold," to furnish which the art of the Renaissance was used
to deck mediæval pageantry. It is enough to say that stately palaces of
wood clothed the barren stretch of flat meadows, and that every ornament
which man's imagination could devise was employed to lend splendour to
the scene. No doubt it was barbaric, wasteful, and foolish; but men in
those days loved the sight of magnificence, and the display was as much
for the enjoyment of countless spectators as for the self-glorification
of those who were the main actors. In those days the solace of a poor
man's life was the occasional enjoyment of a stately spectacle; and
after all, splendour gives more pleasure to the lookers-on than to the
personages of the show.
Most splendid among the glittering throng was the figure of Wolsey, who
had to support the dignity of representative of both kings, and spared
no pains to do it to the full. But while the jousts went on, Wolsey was
busy with diplomacy; there were many points relating to a good
understanding between France and England, which he wished to
arrange,--the projected marriage of the Dauphin with Mary of England,
the payment due from France to England on several heads, the relations
between France and Scotland and the like. More important than these was
the reconciliation of Charles with Francis, which Wolsey pressed to the
utmost of his persuasiveness, without, however, reaching any definite
conclusion. Charles was hovering on the Flemish border, ready at a hint
from Wolsey to join the conference; but Wolsey could find no good
reasons for giving it, and when the festivities came to an end on 24th
June, it might be doubted if much substantial good had resulted from the
interview. No doubt the French and English fraternised, and swore
friendship over their cups; but tournaments were not the happiest means
of allaying feelings of rivalry, and the protestations of friendship
were little more than lip-deep. Yet Wolsey cannot be blamed for being
over-sanguine. It was at least a worthy end that he had before him,--the
removal of long-standing hostility, the settlement of old disputes, the
union of two neighbouring nations by the assertion of common aims and
common interests. However we may condemn the methods which Wolsey used,
at least we must admit that his end was in accordance with the most
enlightened views of modern statesmanship.
When Henry had taken leave of Francis, he waited in Calais for the
coming of Charles, whose visit to England was understood to be merely
preliminary to further negotiations. Again Henry held the important
position; he went to meet Charles at Gravelines, where he stayed for a
night, and then escorted Charles as his guest to Calais, where he stayed
from 10th to 14th July. The result of the conference was a formal treaty
of alliance between the two sovereigns, which Charles proposed to
confirm by betrothing himself to Henry's daughter Mary. As she was a
child of four years old, such an undertaking did not bind him to much;
but Mary was already betrothed to the Dauphin, while Charles was also
already betrothed to Charlotte of France, so that the proposal aimed at
a double breach of existing relationships and treaties. Henry listened
to this scheme, which opened up the way for further negotiation, and the
two monarchs parted with protestations of friendship. It was now the
turn of Francis to hang about the place where Henry was holding
conference with his rival, in hopes that he too might be invited to
their discussions. He had to content himself with hearing that Henry
rode a steed which he had presented to him, and that his face did not
look so contented and cheerful as when he was on the meadows of Guisnes.
In due time he received from Henry an account of what had passed between
himself and the Emperor. Henry informed him of Charles's marriage
projects, and of his proposal for an alliance against France, both of
which Henry falsely said that he had rejected with holy horror.
Truly the records of diplomacy are dreary, and the results of all this
display, this ingenious scheming, and this deceit seem ludicrously
small. The upshot, however, was that Wolsey's ideas still remained
dominant, and that the position which he had marked out for England was
still maintained. He had been compelled to change the form of his
policy, but its essence was unchanged. European affairs could no longer
be directed by a universal peace under the guarantee of England; so
Wolsey substituted for it a system of separate alliances with England,
by which England exercised a mediating influence on the policy of the
two monarchs, whose rivalry threatened a breach of European peace. He
informed Francis of the schemes of Charles, that he might show him how
much depended on English mediation. He so conducted matters that Charles
and Francis should both be aware that England could make advantageous
terms with either, that her interests did not tend to one side rather
than the other, that both should be willing to secure her goodwill, and
should shrink from taking any step which would throw her on the side of
his adversary. It was a result worth achieving, though the position was
precarious, and required constant watchfulness to maintain.