CAP. IX.

It is not to be doubted, but at the first, and so long as the

posteritie of Iaphet onelie reigned in this Iland, that the true

[Sidenote: Samothes.]

knowledge and forme of religion brought in by Samothes, and published

with his lawes in the second of his arriuall, was exercised among the

Britans. And although peraduenture in proces of time, either through

curiositie, or negligence (the onelie corruptors of true pietie and

godlinesse) it might a little decaie, yet when it was at the woorst,

it farre excéeded the best of that which afterward came in with Albion

and his Chemminites, as may be gathered by view of the superstitious

rites, which Cham and his successours did plant in other countries,

yet to be found in authors.

What other learning Magus the sonne of Samothes taught after his

fathers death, when he also came to the kingdome, beside this which

concerned the true honoring of God, I cannot easilie say, but that it

should be naturall philosophie, and astrologie (whereby his disciples

gathered a kind of foreknowledge of things to come) the verie vse of

the word Magus (or Magusæus) among the Persians dooth yéeld no

vncerteine testimonie.

[Sidenote: Sarron.]

In like maner, it should seeme that Sarron sonne vnto the said Magus,

diligentlie followed the steps of his father, and thereto beside his

owne practise of teaching, opened schooles of learning in sundrie

places, both among the Celts and Britans, whereby such as were his

auditors, grew to be called Sarronides, notwithstanding, that as well

the Sarronides as the Magi, and Druiydes, were generallie called

[Sidenote: Samothei.]

[Sidenote: Semnothei.]

Samothei, or Semnothei, of Samothes still among the Grecians, as

Aristotle in his De magia dooth confesse; and furthermore calling them

Galles, he addeth therevnto, that they first brought the knowledge of

letters and good learning vnto the Gréekes.

[Sidenote: Druiyus.]

Druiyus the son of Sarron (as a scholer of his fathers owne teaching)

séemed to be exquisit in all things, that perteined vnto the diuine

and humane knowledge: and therefore I may safelie pronounce, that he

excelled not onlie in the skill of philosophie and the quadriuials,

but also in the true Theologie, whereby the right seruice of God was

kept and preserued in puritie. He wrote moreouer sundrie precepts and

rules of religious doctrine, which among the Celts were reserued verie

religiouslie, and had in great estimation of such as sought vnto them.

[Sidenote: Corruptors of religion.]

How and in what order this prince left the state of religion, I meane

touching publike orders in administration of particular rites and

ceremonies, as yet I doo not read: howbeit this is most certeine, that

after he died, the puritie of his doctrine began somewhat to decaie.

For such is mans nature, that it will not suffer any good thing long

to remaine as it is left, but (either by addition or subtraction of

this or that, to or from the same) so to chop and change withall from

time to time, that in the end there is nothing of more difficultie,

for such as doo come after them, than to find out the puritie of the

originall, and restore the same againe vnto the former perfection.

[Sidenote: _Cæsar._]

In the beginning this Druiyus did preach vnto his hearers, that the

soule of man is immortall, that God is omnipotent, mercifull as a

father in shewing fauor vnto the godlie, and iust as an vpright iudge

in punishing the wicked; that the secrets of mans hart are not

vnknowne, and onelie knowne to him; and that as the world and all that

is therein had their beginning by him, at his owne will, so shall all

things likewise haue an end, when he shall see his time. He taught

[Sidenote: _Strabo. li._ 4.]

[Sidenote: _Socion. lib. success._]

them also with more facilitie, how to obserue the courses of the

heauens and motions of the planets by arithmeticall industrie, to find

[Sidenote: _Cicero diuinat._ 1.]

out the true quantities of the celestiall bodies by geometricall

demonstration, and thereto the compasse of the earth, and hidden

natures of things contained in the same by philosophicall

contemplation. But alas, this integritie continued not long among his

successors, for vnto the immortalitie of the soule, they added, that

after death it went into another bodie, (of which translation Ouid

saith;

Morte carent animæ, sempérque priore relicta

Sede, nouis domibus viuunt habitántque receptæ.)

The second or succedent, being alwaies either more noble, or more vile

than the former, as the partie deserued by his merits, whilest he

liued here vpon earth. And therefore it is said by Plato and other,

that Orpheus after his death had his soule thrust into the bodie of a

swanne, that of Agamemnon conueied into an egle, of Aiax into a lion,

of Atlas into a certeine wrestler, of Thersites into an ape, of

Deiphobus into Pythagoras, and Empedocles dieng a child, after sundrie

changes into a man, whereof he himselfe saith;

Ipse ego námq; fui puer olim, deinde puella,

Arbustum & volucris, mutus quóq; in æquore piscis.

[Sidenote: _Plinius, lib._ 16. _cap. ultimo._]

For said they (of whom Pythagoras also had, and taught this errour) if

the soule apperteined at the first to a king, and he in this estate

did not leade his life worthie his calling, it should after his

[Sidenote: Metempsuchôsis.]

decease be shut vp in the bodie of a slaue, begger, cocke, owle, dog,

ape, horsse, asse, worme, or monster, there to remaine as in a place

of purgation and punishment, for a certeine period of time. Beside

this, it should peraduenture susteine often translation from one bodie

vnto another, according to the quantitie and qualitie of his dooings

here on earth, till it should finallie be purified, and restored

againe to an other humane bodie, wherein if it behaued it selfe more

orderlie than at the first: after the next death, it should be

preferred, either to the bodie of a king againe, or other great

estate. And thus they made a perpetuall circulation or reuolution of

our soules, much like vnto the continuall motion of the heauens, which

neuer stand still, nor long yeeld one representation and figure. For

this cause also, as Diodorus saith, they vsed to cast certeine letters

into the fire, wherein the dead were burned, to be deliuered vnto

their deceased fréends, whereby they might vnderstand of the estate of

such as trauelled here on earth in their purgations (as the Moscouits

doo write vnto S. Nicholas to be a speach-man for him that is buried,

in whose hand they bind a letter, and send him with a new paire of

shooes on his feet into the graue) and to the end that after their

next death they should deale with them accordinglie, and as their

merits required. They brought in also the worshipping of manie gods,

and their seuerall euen to this daie sacrifices: they honoured

[Sidenote: Oke honored whereon mistle did grow,

and so doo our sorcerers thinking some spirits

to deale about ye same, for hidden treasure.]

likewise the oke, whereon the mistle groweth, and dailie deuised

infinit other toies (for errour is neuer assured of hir owne dooings)

whereof neither Samothes, nor Sarron, Magus, nor Druiyus did leaue

them anie prescription.

These things are partlie touched by Cicero, Strabo, Plinie, Sotion,

Laertius, Theophrast, Aristotle, and partlie also by Cæsar, Mela, Val.

Max. lib. 2. and other authors of later time, who for the most part

doo confesse, that the cheefe schoole of the Druiydes was holden here

in Britaine, where that religion (saith Plinie) was so hotlie

professed and followed, "Vt dedisse Persis videri possit," lib. 30.

cap. 1. and whither the Druiydes also themselues, that dwelt among the

Galles, would often resort to come by the more skill, and sure

vnderstanding of the mysteries of that doctrine. And as the Galles

receiued their religion from the Britons, so we likewise had from them

[Sidenote: Logike and Rhetorike out of Gallia.]

some vse of Logike & Rhetorike, such as it was which our lawiers

practised in their plees and common causes. For although the Greeks

were not vnknowne vnto vs, nor we to them, euen from the verie comming

of Brute, yet by reason of distance betwéene our countries, we had no

great familiaritie and common accesse one vnto another, till the time

of Gurguntius, after whose entrance manie of that nation trauelled

hither in more securitie, as diuers of our countriemen did vnto them

without all danger, to be offered vp in sacrifice to their gods. That

we had the maner of our plees also out of France, Iuuenal is a

witnesse, who saith;

Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos.

Howbeit as they taught vs Logike and Rhetorike, so we had also some

Sophistrie from them; but in the worst sense: for from France is all

kind of forgerie, corruption of maners, and craftie behauiour not so

soone as often transported into England. And albeit the Druiydes were

thus honored and of so great authoritie in Britaine, yet were there

great numbers of them also in the Iles of Wight, Anglesey, and the

Orchades, in which they held open schooles of their profession, aloofe

as it were from the resort of people, wherein they studied and learned

their songs by heart. Howbeit the cheefe college of all I say,

remained still in Albion, whither the Druiydes of other nations also

(beside the Galles) would of custome repaire, when soeuer anie

controuersie among them in matters of religion did happen to be

mooued. At such times also the rest were called out of the former

Ilands, whereby it appeareth that in such cases they had their synods

and publike meetings, and therevnto it grew finallie into custome, and

after that a prouerbe, euen in variances falling out among the

princes, great men, and common sorts of people liuing in these weast

parts of Europe, to yeeld to be tried by Britaine and hir thrée

Ilands, bicause they honoured hir préests (the Druiydes) as the

Athenians did their Areopagites.

[Sidenote: Estimation of the Druiydes or Druiysh preests.]

Furthermore, in Britaine, and among the Galles, and to say the truth,

generallie in all places where the Druiysh religion was frequented,

such was the estimation of the préests of this profession, that there

was little or nothing doone without their skilfull aduise, no not in

ciuil causes, perteining to the regiment of the common-wealth and

countrie. They had the charge also of all sacrifices, publike and

priuate, they interpreted oracles, preached of religion, and were

neuer without great numbers of yoong men that heard them with

diligence, as they taught from time to time.

[Sidenote: Immunitie of the cleargie greater vnder idolatrie

than vnder the gospell.]

Touching their persons also they were exempt from all temporall

seruices, impositions, tributes, and exercises of the wars: which

immunitie caused the greater companies of scholers to flocke vnto them

from all places, & to learne their trades. Of these likewise, some

remained with them seuen, eight, ten, or twelue years, still learning

the secrets of those unwritten mysteries by heart, which were to be

had amongst them, and commonlie pronounced in verse. And this policie,

as I take it, they vsed onelie to preserue their religion from

contempt, whereinto it might easilie haue fallen, if any books thereof

had happened into the hands of the common sort. It helped also not a

little in the exercise of their memories, wherevnto bookes are vtter

enimies, insomuch as he that was skilfull in the Druiysh religion,

would not let readilie to rehearse manie hundreds of verses togither,

and not to faile in one tittle, in the whole processe of this his

laborious repetition. But as they dealt in this order for matters of

their religion, so in ciuill affairs, historicall treatises, and

setting downe of lawes, they vsed like order and letters almost with

the Grecians. Whereby it is easie to be séene, that they reteined this

kind of writing from Druiyus (the originall founder of their religion)

and that this Iland hath not béene void of letters and learned men,

euen sith it was first inhabited. I would ad some thing in particular

also of their apparell, but sith the dealing withall is nothing

profitable to the reader, I passe it ouer, signifieng neuerthelesse,

that it was distinguished by sundrie deuises from that of the common

sort, and of such estimation among the people, that whosoeuer ware the

Druiysh weed, might walke where he would without any harme or

annoiance. This honour was giuen also vnto the préests in Rome,

insomuch that when Volusius was exiled by the Triumuirate, and saw

himselfe in such danger, as that he could not escape the hardest, he

gat the wéed of a preest upon his backe, and begged his almes therein,

euen in the high waies as he trauelled, and so escaped the danger and

the furie of his aduersaries: but to proceed with other things.

[Sidenote: Bardus.]

After the death of Druiyus, Bardus his sonne, and fift king of the

Celts, succéeded not onelie ouer the said kingdome, but also in his

fathers vertues, whereby it is verie likelie, that the winding and

wrapping vp of the said religion, after the afore remembred sort into

verse, was first deuised by him, for he was an excellent poet, and no

lesse indued with a singular skill in the practise and speculation of

musicke, of which two many suppose him to be the verie author and

[Sidenote: _Gen._ 4. 21.]

beginner, although vniustlie, sith both poetrie and song were in vse

before the flood, as was also the harpe and pipe, which Iubal

inuented, and could neuer be performed without great skill in musicke.

But to procéed, as the cheefe estimation of the Druiydes remained in

the end among the Britons onelie, for their knowledge in religion, so

did the fame of the Bardes (which were so called of this Bardus for

their excellent skill in musicke, poetrie, and the heroicall kind of

song, which at the first conteined onelie the high mysteries and

secret points of their religion. There was little difference also

[Sidenote: The Bards degenerate.]

betwéene them and the Druiydes, till they so farre degenerated from

their first institution, that they became to be minstrels at feasts,

droonken meetings, and abhominable sacrifices of the idols: where they

sang most commonlie no diuinitie as before, but the puissant acts of

valiant princes, and fabulous narrations of the adulteries of the

gods. Certes in my time this fond vsage, and thereto the verie name of

the Bardes, are not yet extinguished among the Britons of Wales, where

they call their poets and musicians Barthes, as they doo also in

Ireland: which Sulpitius also writing to Lucane remembreth, where he

saith that the word Bardus is meere Celtike, and signifieth a singer.

Howbeit the Romans iudging all nations beside themselues to be but

rude and barbarous, and thereto misliking vtterlie the rough musicke

of the Bardes, entred so farre into the contemptuous mockage of their

melodie, that they ascribed the word Bardus vnto their fooles and

idiots, whereas contrariwise the Scythians and such as dwell within

the northweast part of Europe, did vse the same word in verie

honourable maner, calling their best poets and heroicall singers,

Singebardos; their couragious singers and capiteins that delited in

musicke, Albardos, Dagobardos, Rodtbardos, & one lame musician Lambard

aboue all other, of whose skilfull ditties Germanie is not

vnfurnished, as I heare vnto this daie. In Quizqueia or new Spaine, an

Iland of the Indies, they call such men Boitios, their rimes Arcitos,

and in steed of harps they sing vnto timbrels made of shels such

sonnets and ditties as either perteine vnto religion, prophane loue,

commendation of ancestrie, and inflammation of the mind vnto Mars,

whereby there appeareth to be small difference betwéene their Boitios

and our Bardes. Finallie of our sort, Lucane in his first booke

writeth thus, among other like saiengs well toward the latter end;

[Sidenote: _Lucani. li._ 1.]

Vos quóq; qui fortes animas, bellóq; peremptas

Laudibus in longum vates dimittitis æuum,

Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi.

Et vos barbaricos ritus, morémque sinistrum

Sacrorum Druiydæ, positis recepistis ab armis.

Solis nosse Deos, & c[oe]li numina vobis,

Aut solis nescire datum: nemora alta remotis

Incolitis lucis. Vobis authoribus, vmbræ

Non tacitas Erebi sedes, Ditisque profundi

Pallida regna petunt, regit idem spiritus artus

Orbe alio. Longæ canitis si cognita, vitæ

Mors media est, certe populi, quos despicit arctos,

F[oe]lices errore suo, quos ille timorum

Maximus haud vrget leti metus: inde ruendi

In ferrum mens prona viris, animæque capaces

Mortis: & ignauum est redituræ parcere vitæ.

Thus we sée as in a glasse the state of religion, for a time, after

the first inhabitation of this Iland: but how long it continued in

such soundnesse, as the originall authors left it, in good sooth I

cannot say, yet this is most certeine, that after a time, when Albion

arriued here, the religion earst imbraced fell into great decaie. For

whereas Iaphet & Samothes with their children taught nothing else than

such doctrine as they had learned of Noah: Cham the great grandfather

of this our Albion, and his disciples vtterlie renouncing to follow

their steps, gaue their minds wholie to seduce and lead their hearers

headlong vnto all error. Whereby his posteritie not onelie corrupted

this our Iland, with most filthie trades and practises; but also all

mankind, generallie where they became, with vicious life, and most

[Sidenote: What doctrine Cham and his disciples taught.]

vngodlie conuersation. For from Cham and his successours procéeded at

the first all sorcerie, witchcraft, and the execution of vnlawful

lust, without respect of sex, age, consanguinitie, or kind: as

branches from an odious and abhominable root, or streames deriued from

a most filthie and horrible stinking puddle. Howbeit, &

notwithstanding all these his manifold lewdnesses, such was the follie

of his Ægyptians (where he first reigned and taught) that whilest he

liued they alone had him in great estimation (whereas other nations

contemned and abhorred him for his wickednesse, calling him

[Sidenote: Chemesenua.]

Chemesenua, that is, the impudent, infamous and wicked Cham) and not

[Sidenote: Chem Min.]

[Sidenote: Cham made a god.]

onelie builded a citie vnto him which they called Chem Min, but also

after his death reputed him for a god, calling the highest of the

seuen planets after his name, as they did the next beneath it after

Osyris his sonne, whom they likewise honored vnder the name of

Iupiter.

[Sidenote: Translation of mortall men into heauen how it began.]

Certes it was a custome begonne in Ægypt of old time, and generallie

in vse almost in euerie place in processe of time (when any of their

famous worthie princes died) to ascribe some forme or other of the

stars vnto his person, to the end his name might neuer weare out of

memorie. And this they called their translation in heauen, so that he

which had any starres or forme of starres dedicated vnto him, was

properlie said to haue a seat among the gods. A toie much like to the

catalog of Romish saints, (although the one was written in the

celestiall or immateriall orbes, the other in sheeps skins, and verie

brickle paper) but yet so estéemed, that euerie prince would oft

hazard and attempt the vttermost aduentures, thereby to win such fame

in his life, that after his death he might by merit haue such place in

heauen, among the shining starres. Howbeit, euerie of those that were

called gods, could not obteine that benefit, for then should there not

haue béene stars enow in heauen to haue serued all their turnes,

wherfore another place was in time imagined, where they reigned that

were of a second calling, as the Semones who were gods by grace and

[Sidenote: _Cyril, aduersus Iul. lib. 6. sect. 8._]

fauour of the people. "Semones dici voluerunt (saith Fulgentius In

vocibus antiquis) quos c[oe]lo nec dignos ascriberent, ob meriti

paupertatem; sicut Priapus Hyppo. Vortumnus, &c. nec terrenos eos

deputare vellent per gratiæ venerationem," as also a third place that

is to say an earth, where those gods dwelled which were noble men,

officers, good gouernours and lawgiuers to the people, and yet not

thought worthie to be of the second or first companie, which was a

iollie diuision.

Thus we sée in generall maner, how idolatrie, honoring of the starres,

and brood of inferiour gods were hatched at the first, which follies

in processe of time came also into Britaine, as did the names of

Saturne & Iupiter, &c: as shall appeare hereafter. And here sith I

haue alreadie somewhat digressed from my matter, I will go yet a

little farder, and shew foorth the originall vse of the word Saturne,

Iupiter, Hercules, &c: whereby your Honor shall sée a little more into

the errours of the Gentils, and not onelie that, but one point also

[Sidenote: Which were Saturni, Ioues, Iunones, and Hercules.]

properlie called of the root of all the confusion that is to be found

among the ancient histories. Certes it was vsed for a few yéeres after

the partition of the earth (which was made by Noah, in the 133. yeere

after the floud) that the beginners of such kingdoms as were then

erected should be called Saturni, whereby it came to passe that

Nimbrote was the Saturne of Babylon: Cham of Ægypt: and so foorth

other of sundrie other countries. Their eldest sonnes also that

succeeded them, were called Ioues; and their nephewes or sonnes

sonnes, which reigned in the third place Hercules, by which meanes it

followed that euerie kingdome had a Saturne, Iupiter and Hercules of

hir owne, and not from anie other.

In like sort they had such another order among their daughters, whom

they married as yet commonlie vnto their brethren (God himselfe

permitting the same vnto them for a time) as before the floud, to the

end the earth might be thoroughlie replenished, and the sooner

furnished with inhabitants in euerie part therof. The sister therefore

[Sidenote: Isis, Io and Iuno all one.]

and wife of euerie Saturne was called Rhea, but of Iupiter, Iuno,

Isis, or Io. Beyond these also there was no latter Harold that would

indeuour to deriue the petigree of any prince, or potentate, but

supposed his dutie to be sufficientlie performed, when he had brought

it orderlie vnto some Saturne or other, wherat he might cease, and

shut vp all his trauell. They had likewise this opinion grounded

amongst them, that heauen & earth were onlie parents vnto Saturne and

[Sidenote: C[oe]lum or C[oe]lus.]

[Sidenote: Ogyges.]

[Sidenote: Sol.]

[Sidenote: Pater deorum.]

Rhea, not knowing out of doubt, what they themselues did meane, sith

these denominations, Heauen, Ogyges, the Sunne, Pater Deorum, and such

[Sidenote: * Tydea.]

[Sidenote: Vesta.]

[Sidenote: Terra.]

[Sidenote: Luna.]

[Sidenote: Aretia.]

[Sidenote: Deorum mater.]

like, were onelie ascribed vnto Noah: as [*]Terra, (the Earth) Vesta,

Aretia, the Moone, Mater deorum, and other the like were vnto Tydea

his wife. So that hereby we sée, how Saturne is reputed in euerie

nation for their oldest god, or first prince, Iupiter for the next,

and Hercules for the third. And therefore sith these names were

dispersed in the beginning ouer all, it is no maruell that there is

such confusion in ancient histories, and the dooings of one of them so

mixed with those of another, that it is now impossible to distinguish

them in sunder. This haue I spoken, to the end that all men may see

what gods the Pagans honored, & thereby what religion the posteritie

of Cham did bring ouer into Britaine. For vntill their comming, it is

not likelie that anie grosse idolatrie or superstition did enter in

among vs, as deifieng of mortall men, honoring of the starres, and

erection of huge images, beside sorcerie, witchcraft, and such like,

whereof the Chemminites are worthilie called the autors. Neither were

[Sidenote: Fr[=o] whence Brute did learne his religion.]

these errors anie thing amended, by the comming in of Brute, who no

doubt added such deuises vnto the same, as he and his companie had

learned before in Græcia, from whence also he brought Helenus the

sonne of Priamus, (a man of excéeding age) & made him his préest and

bishop thorough out the new conquest, that he had atchieued in

Britaine.

After Brute, idolatrie and superstition still increased more and more

among vs, insomuch that beside the Druiysh and Bardike ceremonies, and

those also that came in with Albion and Brute himselfe: our

countriemen either brought hither from abroad, or dailie inuented at

home new religion and rites, whereby it came to passe that in the

[Sidenote: Dis or Samothes made a god.]

stead of the onelie and immortall God (of whom Samothes and his

posteritie did preach in times past) now they honored the said

Samothes himselfe vnder the name of Dis and Saturne: also Iupiter,

Mars, Minerua, Mercurie, Apollo, Diana; and finallie Hercules, vnto

whome they dedicated the gates and porches of their temples, entrances

into their regions, cities, townes and houses, with their limits and

bounds (as the papists did the gates of their cities and ports vnto

Botulph & Giles) bicause fortitude and wisedome are the cheefe

vpholders and bearers vp of common-wealths and kingdoms, both which

they ascribed to Hercules (forgetting God) and diuers other idols

[Sidenote: _Mela. Diodorus, Strab._ 4. _Plin. Cæsar._ 5.]

whose names I now remember not. In lieu moreouer of sheepe and oxen,

they offred mankind also vnto some of them, killing their offendors,

prisoners, and oft such strangers as came from farre vnto them, by

shutting vp great numbers of them togither in huge images made of

wicker, réed, haie, or other light matter: and then setting all on

fire togither, they not onelie consumed the miserable creatures to

ashes (sometimes adding other beasts vnto them) but also reputed it to

be the most acceptable sacrifice that could be made vnto their idols.

From whence they had this horrible custome, trulie I cannot tell, but

that it was common to most nations, not onlie to consume their

strangers, captiues, &c; but also their owne children with fire, in

such maner of sacrifice: beside the text of the Bible, the prophane

histories doo generallie leaue it euident, as a thing either of

custome or of particular necessitie, of which later Virgil saith;

Sanguine placastis ventos & virgine cæsa, &c.

As Silius dooth of the first, where he telleth of the vsuall maner of

the Carthaginenses, saieng after this maner;

Vrna reducebat miserandos annua casus, &c.

But to procéed with our owne gods and idols, more pertinent to my

purpose than the rehersall of forreine demeanours: I find that huge

temples in like sort were builded vnto them, so that in the time of

Lucius, when the light of saluation began stronglie to shine in

[Sidenote: _Ptol. Lucensis._]

Britaine, thorough the preaching of the gospell, the christians

discouered 25. Flamines or idol-churches beside three Archflamines,

whose préests were then as our Archbishops are now, in that they had

superior charge of all the rest, the other being reputed as

inferiours, and subiect to their iurisdiction in cases of religion,

and superstitious ceremonies.

[Sidenote: Monstrous proportions of idols.]

Of the quantities of their idols I speake not, sith it is inough to

saie, that they were monstrous, and that each nation contended which

should honour the greater blocks, and yet all pretending to haue the

iust heigth of the god or goddesse whom they did represent. Apollo

Capitolinus that stood at Rome, was thirtie cubits high at the least;

Tarentinus Iupiter of 40.; the idoll of the sonne in the Rhodes, of 70

(whose toe few men could fadam;) Tuscanus Apollo that stood in the

librarie of the temple of Augustus, of 50. foot; another made vnder

Nero of 110. foot; but one in France passed all, which Zenoduris made

vnto Mercurie at Aruernum in ten years space, of 400. foot. Wherby it

appeareth, that as they were void of moderation in number of gods, so

without measure were they also in their proportions, and happie was he

which might haue the greatest idoll, and lay most cost thereon.

Hitherto yee haue heard of the time, wherein idolatrie reigned and

blinded the harts of such as dwelled in this Iland. Now let vs sée the

successe of the gospell, after the death and passion of Iesus Christ

our sauiour. And euen here would I begin with an allegation of

[Sidenote: _Theodoret._]

Theodoret, wherevpon some repose great assurance (conceiuing yet more

[Sidenote: _Sophronius._]

hope therein by the words of Sophronius) that Paule the Apostle should

preach the word of saluation here, after his deliuerie out of

captiuitie, which fell as I doo read in the 57. of Christ. But sith I

cannot verifie the same by the words of Theodoret, to be spoken more

of Paule than Peter, or the rest, I will passe ouer this coniecture

(so far as it is grounded vpon Theodoret) and deale with other

authorities, whereof we haue more certeintie. First of all therfore

let vs see what Fortunatus hath written of Pauls comming into

Britaine, and afterward what is to be found of other by-writers in

other points of more assurance. Certes for the presence of Paule I

read thus much:

Quid sacer ille simul Paulus tuba gentibus ampla,

Per mare per terras Christi præconia fundens,

Europam & Asiam, Lybiam, sale dogmata complens,

Arctos, meridies, hic plenus vesper & ortus,

Transit & Oceanum, vel qua facit insula portum,

Quásq; Britannus habet terras atque vltima Thule, &c.

[Sidenote: Iosephus.]

That one Iosephus preached here in England, in the time of the

Apostles, his sepulchre yet in Aualon, now called Glessenburg or

Glastenburie, an epitaph affixed therevnto is proofe sufficient.

Howbeit, sith these things are not of competent force to persuade all

men, I will ad in few, what I haue read elsewhere of his arriuall

here. First of all therefore you shall note that he came ouer into

Britaine, about the 64. after Christ, when the persecution began vnder

Nero, at which time Philip and diuers of the godlie being in France

(whether he came with other christians, after they had sowed the word

of God in Scythia, by the space of 9. yeares) seuered themselues in

sunder, to make the better shift for their owne safegard, and yet not

otherwise than by their flight, the gospell might haue due

[Sidenote: _Philip. Freculphus. To._ 2., _lib._ 2. _cap._ 4.]

[Sidenote: _Nennius. Nicephorus lib._ 2. _cap._ 40.]

[Sidenote: _Isidorus lib. de vita & obit. dict. patrum._]

[Sidenote: _W. Malmes. de antiq. Glasconici monast._]

furtherance. Hereby then it came to passe, that the said Philip vpon

good deliberation did send Iosephus ouer, and with him Simon Zelotes

to preach vnto the Britons, and minister the sacraments there

according to the rites of the churches of Asia and Greece, from whence

they came not long before vnto the countrie of the Galles. Which was

saith Malmesburie 103. before Faganus and Dinaw did set foorth the

gospell amongst them. Of the c[=o]ming of Zelotes you may read more in

the second booke of Niceph. Cal. where he writeth thereof in this

maner: "Operæpretium etiam fuerit Simonem Cana Galileæ ortum, qui

propter flagrantem in magistrum suum ardorem, summámq; euangelicæ rei

per omnia curam Zelotes cognominatus est hîc referre, accepit enim is

c[oe]litùs adueniente spiritu sancto, Aegyptium Cyrenem & Africam,

deinde Mauritaniam & Lybiam omnem euangelium deprædicans percurrit,

eandemque doctrinam etiam ad occidentalem Oceanum insulásque

Britannicas perfert." And this is the effect in a little roome, of

that which I haue read at large in sundrie writers, beside these two

here alledged, although it may well be gathered that diuers Britains

were conuerted to the faith, before this sixtie foure of Christ.

Howbeit, whereas some write that they liued, and dwelled in Britaine,

it cannot as yet take any absolute hold in my iudgement, but rather

that they were baptised and remained, either in Rome, or else-where.

[Sidenote: Claudia Rufina a British ladie.]

And of this sort I suppose Claudia Rufina the wife of Pudens to be

one, who was a British ladie indeed, and not onelie excellentlie séene

in the Gréeke and Latine toongs, but also with hir husband highlie

[Sidenote: 1. _Tim._ 4.]

commended by S. Paule, as one hauing had conuersation and conference

with them at Rome, from whence he did write his second epistle vnto

Timothie, as I read. Of this ladie moreouer Martial speaketh, in

reioising that his poesies were read also in Britaine, and onelie by

hir meanes, who vsed to cull out the finest & honestest of his

epigrams and send them to hir fréends for tokens, saieng after this

maner, as himselfe dooth set it downe:

Dicitur & nostros cantare Britannia versus.

Furthermore making mention of hir and hir issue, he addeth these

words:

[Sidenote: _Li._ 11. _Epig._ 54.]

Claudia c[oe]ruleis cùm sit Rufina Britannis

Edita, cur Latiæ pectora plebis habet?

Quale decus formæ? Romanam credere matres

Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam.

Dij bene, quod sancto peperit fæcunda marito,

Quot sperat, generos, quótque puella nurus.

Sic placeat superis, vt coniuge gaudeat vno,

Et semper natis gaudeat illa tribus.

The names of hir thrée children were Prudentiana, Praxedes, both

virgins, and Nouatus, who after the death of Pudens their father

(which befell him in Cappadocia) dwelled with their mother in Vmbria,

where they ceased not from time to time to minister vnto the saints.

But to leaue this impertinent discourse, and proceed with my purpose.

I find in the Chronicles of Burton (vnder the yeare of Grace 141. and

time of Hadrian the emperour) that nine scholers or clerkes of Grantha

or Granta (now Cambridge) were baptised in Britaine, and became

preachers of the gospell there, but whether Taurinus bishop or elder

ouer the congregation at Yorke (who as Vincentius saith, was executed

[Sidenote: _Lib._ 10. _cap._ 17.]

[Sidenote: Taurinus.]

about this time for his faith) were one of them or not, as yet I do

not certeinlie find; but rather the contrarie, which is that he was no

Britaine at all, but Episcopus Ebroicensis, for which such as perceiue

not the easie corruption of the word, may soone write Eboracensis as

certeinlie mine author out of whom I alledge this authoritie hath done

before me. For Vincentius saith flat otherwise, and therefore the

Chronologie if it speake of anie Taurinus bishop of Yorke is to be

reformed in that behalfe. Diuers other also imbraced the religion of

Christ verie zealouslie before these men. Howbeit, all this

notwithstanding, the glad tidings of the gospell had neuer free and

open passage here, vntill the time of Lucius, in which the verie

enimies of the word became the apparent meanes (contrarie to their

owne minds) to haue it set foorth amongst vs. For when Antoninus the

emperour had giuen out a decrée, that the Druiysh religion should

euerie where be abolished, Lucius the king (whose surname is now

perished) tooke aduise of his councell what was best to be doone, &

wrote in this behalfe. And this did Lucius, bicause he knew it

[*]impossible for man to liue long without any religion at all:

[Sidenote: * This is contrarie to the common talke of our

Atheists who say, Let vs liue here in wealth, credit and

authoritie vpon earth, and let God take heauen and his

religion to himselfe to doo withall what he listeth.]

finallie finding his Nobilitie & subiects vtter enemies to the Romane

deuoti[=o] (for that they made so many gods as they listed, & some to

haue the regiment euen of their dirt & dung) and thervnto being

pricked forwards by such christians as were conuersant about him, to

choose the seruice of the true God that liueth for euer, rather than

the slauish seruitude of any pagan idoll: he fullie resolued with

himselfe in the end, to receiue and imbrace the gospell of Christ.

[Sidenote: Lucius openeth his ears to good counsell,

as one desirous to serue God & not prefer the world.]

He sent also two of his best learned and greatest philosophers to

Rome, vnto Eleutherus then bishop there in the 177. of Christ, not to

promise any subiection to his sea, which then was not required, but to

say with such as were pricked in mind, Acts. 2. verse. 37. "Quid

faciemus viri fratres?" I meane that they were sent to be perfectlie

instructed, and with farther commission, to make earnest request vnto

him and the congregation there, that a competent number of preachers

might be sent ouer from thence, by whose diligent aduise and trauell,

the foundation of the gospell might surelie be laid ouer all the

portion of the Ile, which conteined his kingdome, according to his

mind.

[Sidenote: The purpose of Lucius opened vnto the

congregation at Rome by Eleutherus.]

When Eleutherus vnderstood these things, he reioiced not a little for

the great goodnesse, which the Lord had shewed vpon this our Ile and

countrie. Afterwards calling the brethren togither, they agréed to

ordeine, euen those two for bishops, whom Lucius as you haue heard,

had directed ouer vnto them. Finallie after they had thoroughlie

catechized them, making generall praier vnto God and earnest

supplication for the good successe of these men, they sent them home

againe with no small charge, that they should be diligent in their

function, and carefull ouer the flocke committed to their custodie.

The first of these was called Eluanus Aualonius, a man borne in the

Ile of Aualon, and brought up there vnder those godlie pastours and

their disciples, whom Philip sent ouer at the first for the conuersion

of the Britons. The other hight Medguinus, and was thereto surnamed

Belga, bicause he was of the towne of Welles, which then was called

Belga. This man was trained vp also in one schoole with Eluanus, both

of them being ornaments to their horie ages, and men of such grauitie

and godlinesse, that Eleutherus supposed none more worthie to support

this charge, than they: after whose comming home also, it was not long

[Sidenote: A zealous prince maketh feruent subiects.]

yer Lucius and all his houshold with diuers of the Nobilitie were

baptised, beside infinit numbers of the common people, which dailie

resorted vnto them, and voluntarilie renounced all their idolatrie and

paganisme.

In the meane time, Eleutherus vnderstanding the successe of these

learned doctours, and supposing with himselfe, that they two onlie

could not suffice to support so great a charge as should concerne the

conuersion of the whole Iland; he directed ouer vnto them in the yeare

[Sidenote: Faganus.]

[Sidenote: Dinauus.]

[Sidenote: Aaron.]

insuing Faganus, Dinaw (or Dinauus) Aaron, and diuerse other godlie

preachers, as fellow-labourers to trauell with them in the vineyard of

[Sidenote: _Radulphus de la noir aliàs Niger._]

the Lord. These men therefore after their comming hither, consulted

with the other, and foorthwith wholie consented to make a diuision of

[Sidenote: 3. Cheefe Bishops in Britaine.]

this Iland amongst themselues, appointing what parcell each preacher

should take, that with the more profit and ease of the people, and

somewhat lesse trauell also for themselues, the doctrine of the

Gospell might be preached and receiued. In this distribution, they

ordeined that there should be one congregation at London, where they

[Sidenote: Theonus.]

[Sidenote: Theodosius.]

[Sidenote: London.]

[Sidenote: Yorke.]

[Sidenote: Caerlheon.]

placed Theonus as chéefe elder and bishop, for that present time,

worthilie called Theonus. 1. for there was another of that name who

fled into Wales with Thadiocus of Yorke, at the first comming of the

Saxons; and also Guthelmus, who went (as I read) into Armorica, there

to craue aid against the Scots and Vandals that plagued this Ile, from

the Twede vnto the Humber. After this Theonus also Eluanus succéeded,

who conuerted manie of the Druiydes, and builded the first librarie

neere vnto the bishops palace. The said Lucius also placed another at

Yorke, whither they appointed Theodosius: and the third at Caerlheon

vpon the riuer Vske, builded sometimes by Belinus, and called

Glamorgantia, but now Chester (in which three cities there had before

time beene thrée Archflamines erected vnto Apollo, Mars, and Minerua,

but now raced to the ground, and three other churches builded in their

steeds by Lucius) to the end that the countries round about might haue

indifferent accesse vnto those places, and therewithall vnderstand for

certeintie, whither to resort for resolution, if after their

conuersion they should happen to doubt of any thing. In like sort also

the rest of the idoll-temples standing in other places were either

ouerthrowne, or conuerted into churches for christian congregations to

assemble in, as our writers doo remember. In the report whereof giue

me leaue gentle reader, of London my natiue citie to speake a little:

for although it may and dooth seeme impertinent to my purpose, yet it

shall not be much, and therefore I will soone make an end. There is a

controuersie moued among our historiographers, whether the church that

Lucius builded at London stood at Westminster, or in Cornehill. For

there is some cause, why the metropolitane church should be thought to

stand where S. Peters now doth, by the space of 400. & od yéeres

before it was remoued to Canturburie by Austine the monke, if a man

should leane to one side without anie conference of the asseuerations

of the other. But herin (as I take it) there lurketh some scruple, for

beside that S. Peters church stood in the east end of the citie, and

that of Apollo in the west, the word Cornehill (a denomination giuen

of late to speake of to one street) may easilie be mistaken for

Thorney. For as the word Thorney proceedeth from the Saxons, who

called the west end of the citie by that name, where Westminster now

standeth, bicause of the wildnesse and bushinesse of the soile; so I

doo not read of anie stréete in London called Cornehill before the

conquest of the Normans. Wherfore I hold with them, which make

Westminster to be the place where Lucius builded his church vpon the

ruines of that Flamine 264. yeeres, as Malmesburie saith, before the

comming of the Saxons, and 411. before the arriuall of Augustine. Read

also his appendix in lib. 4. Pontif. where he noteth the time of the

Saxons, in the 449. of Grace, and of Augustine in the 596. of Christ;

which is a manifest accompt, though some copies haue 499. for the one,

but not without manifest corruption and error.

[Sidenote: Britaine the first prouince that receiued

the Gospell generallie.]

Thus became Britaine the first prouince that generallie receiued the

faith, and where the gospell was freelie preached without inhibition

of hir prince. Howbeit, although that Lucius and his princes and great

numbers of his people imbraced the word with gréedinesse, yet was not

the successe thereof either so vniuersall, that all men beleeued at

the first; the securitie so great, as that no persecution was to be

feared from the Romane empire after his decease; or the procéeding of

the king so seuere, as that he inforced any man by publike authoritie

to forsake and relinquish his paganisme: but onelie this fréedome was

enioied, that who so would become a christian in his time, might

without feare of his lawes professe the Gospell, in whose testimonie,

if néed had béene, I doubt not to affirme, but that he would haue shed

[Sidenote: Emerita neece vnto Lucius.]

also his bloud, as did his neece Emerita, who being constant aboue the

common sort of women, refused not after his decease by fire, to yeeld

hir selfe to death, as a swéet smelling sacrifice in the nostrels of

the Lord, beyond the sea in France.

[Sidenote: Lucius sendeth againe to Rome.]

The faith of Christ being thus planted in this Iland in the 177. after

Christ, and Faganus and Dinaw with the rest sent ouer from Rome, in

the 178. as you haue heard: it came to passe in the third yeare of the

Gospell receiued, that Lucius did send againe to Eleutherus the

bishop, requiring that he might haue some breefe epitome of the order

of discipline then vsed in the church. For he well considered, that as

it auaileth litle to plant a costlie vineyard, except it afterward be

cherished, kept in good order, and such things as annoie, dailie

remooued from the same: so after baptisme and entrance into religion,

it profiteth little to beare the name of christians, except we doo

[Sidenote: _Ro._ 3. _ver._ 1.]

walke in the spirit, and haue such things as offend apparentlie,

corrected by seuere discipline. For otherwise it will come to passe,

that the wéedes of vice, and vicious liuing, will so quicklie abound

in vs, that they will in the end choke vp the good séed sowne in our

minds, and either inforce vs to returne vnto our former wickednesse

with déeper securitie than before, or else to become meere Atheists,

which is a great deale woorse.

For this cause therefore did Lucius send to Rome, the second time, for

a copie of such politike orders as were then vsed there, in their

[Sidenote: The wisedome of Eleutherus.]

regiment of the church. But Eleutherus considering with himselfe, how

that all nations are not of like condition, and therefore those

constitutions that are beneficiall to one, may now and then be

preiudiciall to another: and séeing also that beside the word no rites

and orders can long continue, or be so perfect in all points, but that

as time serueth, they will require alteration: he thought it best not

to laie any more vpon the necks of the new conuerts of Britaine as

yet, than Christ and his apostles had alreadie set downe vnto all men.

In returning therefore his messengers, he sent letters by them vnto

Lucius and his Nobilitie, dated in the consulships of Commodus and

Vespronius, wherein he told them that Christ had left sufficient order

in the Scriptures for the gouernment of his church alreadie in his

word, and not for that onlie, but also for the regiment of his whole

[Sidenote: * Though most princes canot heare on that side.]

[*]kingdome, if he would submit himselfe, to yéeld and follow that

rule. The epistle it selfe is partlie extant, and partlie perished,

yet such as it is, and as I haue faithfullie translated it out of

sundrie verie ancient copies, I doo deliuer it here, to the end I will

not defraud the reader of anie thing that may turne to the glorie of

God, and his commoditie, in the historie of our nation.

[Sidenote: Epistle of Eleutherus vnto Lucius.]

"You require of vs the Romane ordinances, and thereto the statutes of

the emperours to be sent ouer vnto you, and which you desire to

practise and put in vre within your realme and kingdome. The Romane

lawes and those of emperours we may eftsoones reprooue, but those of

God can neuer be found fault withall. You haue receiued of late

through Gods mercie in the realme of Britaine the law and faith of

Christ, you haue with you both volumes of the scriptures: out of them

therefore by Gods grace, and the councell of your realme take you a

law, and by that law through Gods sufferance rule your kingdome, for

[Sidenote: _Psal. 24._]

you are Gods vicar in your owne realme, as the roiall prophet saith;

The earth is the Lords and all that is therein, the compasse of the

[Sidenote: _Psal. 45._]

world, and they that dwell therein. Againe, Thou hast loued truth and

hated iniquitie, wherefore God, euen thy God hath annointed thee with

oile of gladnesse aboue thy fellowes. And againe, according to the

[Sidenote: _Psal. 71._]

saieng of the same prophet; Oh God giue thy iudgement vnto the king, &

thy iustice vnto the kings sonne. The kings sons are the christian

people & flocke of the realme, which are vnder your gouernance, and

[Sidenote: * Here wanteth.]

liue & continue in peace within your kingdome. [*] The gospell saith;

As the hen gathereth hir chickens vnder hir wings, so dooth the king

his people. Such as dwell in the kingdome of Britaine are yours, whom

if they be diuided, you ought to gather into concord and vnitie, to

call them to the faith and law of Christ, and to his sacred church: to

chearish and mainteine, to rule also and gouerne them, defending each

of them from such as would doo them wrong, and keeping them from the

malice of such as be their enimies. [*]Wo vnto the nation whose king

is a child, and whose princes rise vp earlie to banket and féed, which

is spoken not of a prince that is within age, but of a prince that is

become a child, through follie, sinne & vnstedfastnesse, of whom the

[Sidenote: _Psal. 55._]

prophet saith; The bloudthirstie and deceitfull men shall not liue

foorth halfe their daies. [*]By féeding I vnderstand gluttonie; by

gluttonie, lust; & by lust all wickednesse & sinne, according to the

saieng of Salomon the king; Wisedome entreth not into a wicked mind,

nor dwelleth with a man that is subiect vnto sinne. A king hath his

name of ruling, and not of the possession of his realme. You shalbe a

king whilest you rule well, but if you doo otherwise, the name of a

king shall not remaine with you, but you shall vtterlie forgo it,

which God forbid. The almightie God grant you so to rule the kingdome

of Britaine, that you may reigne with him for euer, whose vicar (or

vicegerent) you are within your aforesaid kingdome. Who with the Sonne

and the Holie-ghost, &c."

Hitherto out of the epistle that Eleutherus sent vnto Lucius, wherein

manie pretie obseruations are to be collected, if time and place would

serue to stand vpon them. After these daies also the number of such as

were ordeined to saluation, increased dailie more and more, whereby

(as in other places of the world) the word of God had good successe in

Britaine, in time of peace; and in heat of persecution, there were no

[Sidenote: Albane.]

[Sidenote: Amphibalus.]

[Sidenote: Iulius.]

[Sidenote: Aaron.]

small number of martyrs that suffered for the same, of which Albane,

Amphibalus, Iulius, and Aaron, are reputed to be the chiefe, bicause

of their noble parentage, which is a great matter in the sight of

worldlie men.

There are which affirme our Lucius to renounce his kingdome, and

afterward to become first a bishop, then a preacher of the gospell,

and afterward a pope: but to the end such as hold this opinion may

once vnderstand the botome of their errors, I will set downe the

matter at large, whereby they shall sée (if they list to looke) how

far they haue béene deceiued.

[Sidenote: Chlorus had three sons, & a daughter by Helena.]

I find that Chlorus had issue by his second wife, two sonnes,

Dalmatius (who had a sonne called also Dalmatius and slaine by the

souldiors.) Constantius father to Gallus, and Iulian the apostata;

besides foure other whose names as yet I find not. But being at the

first matched with Helena, and before she was put from him by the

roiall power of Dioclesian, he had by hir three sonnes (beside one

daughter named Emerita) of which the name of the first is perished,

the second was called Lucius, & the third Constantine, that afterward

was emperour of Rome, by election of the armies in Britaine. Now it

happened that Lucius, whome the French call Lucion, by means of a

quarell growne betwéene him and his elder brother, did kill his said

brother, either by a fraie or by some other meanes, wherevpon his

father exiled him out of Britaine, and appointed him from thenceforth

to remaine in Aquitane in France. This Lucion brought thus into

worldlie sorow, had now good leasure to meditate vpon heauen, who

before in his prosperitie had peraduenture neuer regard of hell.

[Sidenote: Lucion becommeth a christian.]

[Sidenote: Lucion a bishop.]

Finallie he fell so far into the consideration of his estate, that at

the last he renounced his paganisme, and first became a christian,

then an elder, and last of all a bishop in the church of Christ. He

erected also a place of praier wherein to serue the liuing God, which

after sundrie alterations came in processe of time to be an Abbaie,

and is still called euen to our time after Lucion or Lucius: the first

founder therof, and the originall beginner of anie such house in those

parts.

In this also he and diuers other of his freends continued their times,

in great contemplation and praier, and from hence were translated as

occasion serued, vnto sundrie ecclesiasticall promotions in the time

of Constant. his brother. So that euen by this short narration it is

now easie to sée, that Lucius the king, and Lucius or Lucion the sonne

[Sidenote: _Hermannus Schedelius._]

[Sidenote: _Bruschius cap._ 3.]

of Chlorus, were distinct persons. Herevnto Hermannus Schedelius

addeth also how he went into Rhetia with Emerita his sister, and néere

vnto the citie Augusta conuerted the Curienses vnto the faith of

Christ, and there likewise (being put to death in Castro Martis) lieth

buried in the same towne, where his feast is holden vpon the third

daie of December, as may readilie be confirmed, whereas the bones of

our Lucius were to be séene at Glocester. That Schedelius erreth not

herein also, the ancient monuments of the said Abbaie, whereof he was

the originall beginner, as I said, doo yeeld sufficient testimonie,

beside an hymne made in his commendation, intituled Gaude Lucionum,

[Sidenote: _Festum Lucionis. Iohn Bouchet._]

&c. But for more of this you may resort vnto Bouchet in his first

booke, and fift chapter of the Annales of Aquitane, who neuertheles

maketh the king of Britaine grandfather to this Lucion. The said

[Sidenote: Emerita martyred in Rhetia.]

Schedelius furthermore setteth downe, that his sister was martyred in

Trinecastell, néere vnto the place where the said Lucion dwelled,

whereby it appéereth in like sort, that she was not sister to Lucius

king of Britaine, of which prince Alexander Neccham in his most

excellent treatise De sapientia diuina, setteth downe this Distichon:

Prima Britannorum fidei lux Lucius esse

Fertur, qui rexit m[oe]nia Brute tua.

Neither could Lucion or Lucius be fellow and of kinred vnto Paule the

apostle, as Auentine inferreth, except he meane it of some other

Lucius, as of one whome he nameth Cyrinensis. But then will not the

historie agree with the conuersion of the Rhetians and Vindelicians,

whereof Schedelius and other doo make mention. But as each riuer the

farder it runneth from the head, the more it is increased by small

riuelets, and corrupted with filthie puddels, and stinking gutters,

[Sidenote: Heresie and monastical life brought into

Britaine at one time by _Pelagius_.]

that descend into the same: so the puritie of the gospell, preached

here in Britaine, in processe of time became first of all to be

corrupted with a new order of religion, and most execrable heresie,

both of them being brought in at once by Pelagius, of Wales, who

hauing trauelled through France, Italie, Aegypt, Syria, & the

easterlie regions of the world, was there at the last made an elder or

bishop, by some of the monkes, vnto whose profession he had not long

before wholie addicted himselfe. Finallie returning home againe with

an augmentation of fame and countenance of greater holinesse than he

bare out of the land with him, he did not onelie erect an house of his

[Sidenote: Bangor.]

owne order at Bangor in Wales, vpon the riuer Dee, but also sowed the

pestiferous séed of his hereticall prauities ouer all this Iland,

whereby he seduced great numbers of Britons, teaching them to preferre

their owne merits, before the free mercie of God, in Jesus Christ his

sonne. By this means therefore he brought assurance of saluation into

question, and taught all such as had a diligent respect vnto their

workes to be doubtfull of the same, whereas to such as regard this

latter, there can be no quietnesse of mind, but alwaies an vnstedfast

opinion of themselues, whereby they cannot discerne, neither by

prosperitie nor aduersitie of this life, whether they be worthie loue

or hatred. Neuertheles it behooueth the godlie to repose their hope in

that grace which is freelie granted through Jesu Christ, and to flee

vnto the mercies of God which are offered vnto vs in with and by his

son, to the end that we may at the last find the testimonie of his

spirit working with ours, that we are his chosen children, whereby

commeth peace of conscience to such as doo beléeue.

Thus we sée how new deuises or orders of religion and heresie came in

together. I could shew also what Comets, and strange signes appeared

in Britaine, much about the same time, the like of which with diuers

other haue beene perceiued also from time to time, sithence the death

of Pelagius, at the entrance of anie new kind of religion into this

Ile of Britaine. But I passe them ouer, onelie for that I would not

seeme in my tractation of antiquities, to trouble my reader with the

rehersall of anie new inconueniences.

[Sidenote: Anachorites. Heremites. Cyrillines. Benedictines.]

To procéed therefore with my purpose, after these, there followed in

like sort sundrie other kinds of monasticall life, as Anachorites,

Heremits, Cyrilline and Benedictine monkes, albeit that the

heremeticall profession was onelie allowed of in Britaine, vntill the

comming of Augustine the monke, who brought in the Benedictine sect,

framed after the order of the house which Benedict surnamed Nursinus

did first erect in Monte Cassino, about the 524. of Christ, & was

finallie so well liked of all men, that we had few or (as I suppose)

no blacke monkes in England that were not of his order. In processe of

time how Benedict Biscop also our countrieman restored the said

Benedictine profession greatlie decaied in England, our histories are

verie plentifull, which Biscop went off into Italie, and at one time

for a speciall confirmation of his two monasteries which he had

[Sidenote: Monkes and Heremites onelie allowed of in Britaine.]

builded at other mens costs vnto Paule and Peter vpon the bankes of

the Were, as Beda dooth remember. So fast also did these and other

like humane deuises prosper after his time, that at their suppression

in England and Wales onelie, there were found 440. religious houses at

the least, of which 373. might dispend 200. li. by the yéere at the

least, as appeareth by the record of their suppression, which also

noteth the totall summe of their reuenues to amount vnto 32000.

pounds, their moueables 100000. li. and the number of religious men

[Sidenote: The number of religious houses in England

at their dissolution.]

conteined in the same, to be 10000. which would make a pretie armie,

wherevnto if you adde those 45. of late standing in Scotland, you

shall soone see what numbers of these dens of spirituall robbers were

mainteined here in Britaine. What number of saincts also haue béene

hatched in them I could easilie remember, and beside those 160. which

Capgraue setteth downe, & other likewise remembred in the golden

Legend, and Legendarie of Excester, I might bring a rable out of

Scotland able to furnish vp a calendar, though the yere were twise as

long.

As touching Pelagius the first heretike that euer was bred in this

realme (notablie knowne) and parent of Monachisme, it is certeine,

that before his corruption and fall, he was taken for a man of

singular learning, deepe iudgement, and such a one, as vpon whome for

his great gifts in teaching and strictnesse of life, no small péece of

the hope and expectation of the people did depend. But what is

wisedome of the flesh, without the feare and true knowledge of God?

and what is learning except it be handmaid to veritie and sound

iudgement? Wherefore euen of this man, we may see it verified, that

[Sidenote: Roger Bakon his saieng of the preachers of his

time who were the best lawyers and the worst Diuines.]

one Roger Bakon pronounced long after of the corruption of his time,

when all things were measured by wit and worldlie policie, rather than

by the scriptures or guidance of the spirit; Better it is saith he, to

heare a rude and simple idiot preach the truth, without apparance of

skill and learned eloquence, than a profound clearke to set foorth

error, with great shew of learning, and boast of filed vtterance.

Gerson in like sort hath said fullie asmuch. These follies of Pelagius

were blased abroad about the 400. of Christ, and from thencefoorth how

his number of monkes increased on the one side, and his doctrine on

the other, there is almost no reader that is vnskilfull and ignorant.

This also is certeine, that within the space of 200. yeares and odde,

[Sidenote: More than 2100 monkes in the College or Abbaie of

Bangor in whose territories the parish of Ouerton standeth.]

there were manie more than 2100. monkes gathered togither in his

house, whose trades notwithstanding the errors or their founder, (who

taught such an estimation of merits and bodilie exercise (as Paule

calleth it) that therby he sought not onlie to impugne, but also

preuent grace, which was in deed the originall occasion of the

erection of his house) were yet farre better and more godlie than all

those religious orders, that were inuented of later time, wherein the

professours liued to themselues, their wombs and the licentious

fruition of those parts, that are beneath the bellie. For these

[Sidenote: _Niceph. lib._ II. _cap._ 34.]

laboured continuallie for their owne liuings, at vacant times from

praier (as did Serapions monkes, which were 10000. ouer whome he

himselfe was Abbat) and likewise for the better maintenance of such

learned men as were their appointed preachers. Their liues also were

correspondent to their doctrine, so that herein onelie they seemed

intollerable, in that they had confidence in their déeds, and no

warrant out of the word for their succor & defense, but were such a

plant as the heauenlie father had not planted, and therefore no

maruell, though afterward they were raised by the roots.

But as Pelagius and his adherents had a time to infect the church of

Christ in Britaine, so the liuing God hath had a season also to purge

and cleanse the same, though not by a full reformation of doctrine,

[Sidenote: Germanus, Lupus, Palladius, Patricius.]

sith Germanus, Lupus, Palladius, Patricius, and such like leaning for

the most part vnto the monasticall trades, did not so much condemne

the generall errors of Pelagius one waie, as mainteine the same, or as

euill opinions another. For as Patricke séemed to like well of the

honoring of the dead, so Germanus being in Britaine repaired an old

[Sidenote: _Seuerus Sulpitius in vita Patricij._]

chapell to S. Albane, wherein Lupus also praied, as Palladius vpheld

the strictnesse of life, in monasticall profession to the vttermost of

his power. Wherefore God wrought this purgation of his house at the

first, rather by taking awaie the wicked and pompous schoolemaisters

of errour out of this life: hoping that by such meanes, his people

would haue giuen eare to the godlie that remained. But in processe of

time, when this his mercifull dealing was forgotten and our

countriemen returned to their former disorders, he brought in the

Saxons, who left no idoll vnhonored, no not their filthie Priapus,

vnto whom the women builded temples, and made a beastlie image (Cum

pene intenso, and as if he had beene circumcised) whome they called

Ithypallus, Verpus, and as Goropius Atvatic. pag. 26. addeth, Ters:

calling vpon him in maner at euerie word, yea at the verie fall of a

knife out of their hands, and not counted anie shame vnto the most

ancient and sober matrone of them all. Howbeit when this procéeding of

the Lord could also take no place, and the shéepe of his pasture would

receiue no wholesome fodder, it pleased his maiestie, to let them run

on headlong from one iniquitie to another, in somuch that after the

doctrine of Pelagius, it receiued that of Rome also, brought in by

[Sidenote: Augustine the monke.]

Augustine and his monkes, whereby it was to be seene, how they fell

from the truth into heresie, and from one heresie still into another,

till at the last they were drowned altogither in the pits of error

digged vp by Antichrist, wels in deed that hold no water, which

notwithstanding to their followers séemed to be most sound doctrine,

and cisterns of liuing water to such as imbraced the same.

[Sidenote: Augustine.]

This Augustine, after his arriuall, conuerted the Saxons in déed from

paganisme, but as the prouerbe saith, bringing them out of Gods

blessing into the warme sunne, he also imbued them with no lesse

hurtfull superstition, than they did know before: for beside the

onelie name of Christ, and externall contempt of their pristinate

idolatrie, he taught them nothing at all, but rather (I saie) made an

exchange from grosse to subtill treacherie, from open to secret

idolatrie, & from the name of pagans, to the bare title of christians,

thinking this sufficient for their soules health, and the stablishment

of his monachisme, of which kind of profession, the holie scriptures

of God can in no wise like or allow. But what cared he? sith he got

the great fish for which he did cast his hooke, and so great was the

fish that he caught in déed, that within the space of 1000. yeares,

and lesse, it deuoured the fourth part & more of the best soile of the

Iland, which was wholie bestowed vpon his monkes, & other religious

broodes that were hatched since his time, as may hereafter appéere in

the booke following, where I intreate of cities, townes, &c. In the

[Sidenote: Monks of Canturburie plagued.]

meane season what successe his monkes had at Canturburie, how oft they

were spoiled by enimies, their houses burned by casualtie, and

brethren consumed with pestilence, I refer me to Gotcellius, Houeden,

Geruase, and the rest of their owne historiographers. And so sore did

the pestilence rage among them in the time of Celnothus (in whose

daies the preests, clerks and monkes sang their seruice togither in

the quire, that (of I wote not how manie) there remained onelie fiue

aliue, which was a notable token of the furie and wrath of God

conceiued and executed against that malignant generation. It came also

to passe at the last that men vsed to praie for helpe at the said

Augustines tumbe (although afterward Thomas Becket a newer saint did

not a little deface his glorie) among which king Athelstane was one,

whome Elnothus the abbat staied so long in the place, when he came

thither to praie, that his soldiours waiting for his comming, and

supposing the monkes to haue murdered him, began to giue an assault

and set fire vpon the house.

[Sidenote: Meates.]

[Sidenote: Pictes.]

[Sidenote: Caledoniens.]

Whilest these things were thus in hand, in the south part of Albion,

the Meates, Picts, and Caledoniens, which lie beyond the Scotish sea,

receiued also the faith, by preaching of such christian elders as

aduentured thither dailie, who trauelled not without great successe

and increase of perfect godlines in that part of the Ile. Certes this

prosperous attempt passed all mens expectation, for that these nations

were in those daies reputed wild, sauage, and more vnfaithfull and

craftie than well-minded people (as the wild Irish are in my time) and

such were they (to saie the truth) in déed, as neither the sugred

courtesie, nor sharpe swords of the Romans could mollifie or restraine

from their naturall furie, or bring to anie good order. For this cause

also in the end, the Romane emperours did vtterlie cast them off as an

vnprofitable, brutish, & vntameable nation, and by an huge wall

herafter to be described, separated that rude companie from the more

mild and ciuill portion.

[Sidenote: Scotland conuerted to the faith of Christ.]

This conuersion of the north parts fell out in the sixt yeare before

the warres that Seuerus had in those quarters, and 170. after the

death of our sauiour Jesus Christ. From thenceforth also the christian

religion continued still among them, by the diligent care of their

pastors and bishops (after the vse of the churches of the south part

of this Iland) till the Romane shéepheard sought them out, and found

the meanes to pull them vnto him in like sort with his long staffe as

he had done our countriemen, whereby in the end he abolished the rites

of the churches of Asia there also, as Augustine had done alreadie in

England: and in stéed of the same did furnish it vp with those of his

pontificall see, although there was great contention, and no lesse

bloodshed made amongst them, before it could be brought to passe, as

by the histories of both nations yet extant may be séene.

[Sidenote: Paladius.]

In the time of C[oe]lestine bishop of Rome, who sate in the 423. of

Christ, one Paladius a Grecian borne (to whome Cyrill wrote his dialog

De adoratione in spiritu) and sometime disciple to Iohn 24. bishop of

[Sidenote: The first attempt of the bishop of Rome

to bring Scotland vnder his obedience.]

Ierusalem, came ouer from Rome into Britaine, there to suppresse the

Pelagian heresie, which not a little molested the orthodoxes of that

Iland. And hauing doone much good in the extinguishing of the

aforesaid opinion there, he went at the last also into Scotland,

supposing no lesse, but after he had trauelled somwhat in confutation

of the Pelagians in those parts, he should easilie persuade that

crooked nation to admit and receiue the rites of the church of Rome,

as he would faine haue doone beforehand in the south. But as

[Sidenote: Fastidius bishop of London.]

Fastidius Priscus archbishop of London, and his Suffragans resisted

him here; so did the Scotish prelates withstand him there also in this

behalfe: howbeit, bicause of the authoritie of his commission,

grauitie of personage, and the great gift which he had in the veine of

pleasant persuasion (whereby he drew the people after him, as Orpheus

did the stones with his harpe, and Hercules such as heard him by his

toong) they had him not onelie then in great admiration, but their

successors also from time to time, and euen now are contented (and the

rather also for that he came from Rome) to take him for their chéefe

[Sidenote: Paladius accompted for the apostle of the Scots.]

apostle, reckoning from his comming as from the faith receiued, which

was in the 431. yeare of Christ, as the truth of their historie dooth

verie well confirme.

Thus we see what religion hath from time to time beene receiued in

this Iland, & how and when the faith of Christ came first into our

countrie. Howbeit as in processe of time it was ouershadowed, and

corrupted with the dreames and fantasticall imaginations of man, so it

dailie waxed woorse & woorse, till that it pleased God to restore the

preaching of his gospell in our daies, whereby the man of sinne is now

openlie reuealed, and the puritie of the word once againe brought to

light, to the finall ouerthrow of the Romish sathan, and his popish

adherents that honour him daie and night to the vttermost of their

power, yeelding vp their harts as temples for him to dwell in, which

rather ought to be the temples of God and habitations of the

Holy-ghost. But such is their peruerse ignorance (notwithstanding that

Paule hath giuen warning of him alreadie 2. Thes. 2. calling him (as I

said) the man of sinne, and saieng that he sitteth as God in the

temple of God, shewing himselfe in his chalenge of power, as if he

were God, vnder pretense of zeale vnto true religion) that they will

not giue eare vnto the truth, but rather shut their eares and their

eies from hearing and reading of the scriptures, bicause they will not

be drawne out of his snares and bondage.

OF THE MANIFOLD CONUERSIONS AND ALTERATIONS OF THE ESTATE OF THE

COMMON-WEALTH OF BRITAINE, SITHENS THE TIME OF SAMOTHES.

There is a certeine period of kingdomes, of 430. yeares, in which

commonlie they suffer some notable alteration. And as in the aforesaid

season there is set a time of increase and decaie, so we find that

before the execution of Gods purpose dooth come to passe, in changing

the estate of things, sundrie tokens are sent, whereby warning is

giuen, that without repentance he will come and visit our offenses.

This is partlie verified by Ioachimus Camerarius, who in his first

booke De ostentis intreating of the same argument, telleth of a

strange earthquake felt in Delus, which was neuer touched with any

such plague before or after the ouerthrow of the Persians, giuen vnto

them by the Grecians; also of the beard that suddenlie grew out of the

face of the Pedacien prophetesse, so often as the citie was to be

touched with any alteration and change. "Nam (saith he) descriptas

esse diuinitùs ætates quibus idem humanarum rerum status duraret,

quibus finitis, prædici prius quàm existeret nouationem in deterius

euenturam rerum, quæque indies minùs ac minùs numini cordi essent.

Emittuntur igitur cometæ diuinitus, & reuocantur dum supra nos

conspecti quamdiu placuit Deo inferuntur, &c." Plato referreth such

changes as happen in common-wealths to a certeine diuine force that

resteth hidden in sundrie od numbers, whereof their periods do

consist. True it is that God created all things in number, weight &

measure, & that after an incomprehensible maner vnto our fraile &

humane capacitie. Neuerthelesse, he appointed not these three to haue

the rule of his works, wherefore we must not ascribe these changes to

the force of number with Plato, much lesse then vnto destinie with the

Peripatetiks, but vnto the diuine prouidence and appointment of God,

which onelie may be called destinie as S. Augustine saith, for of

other destinie it is impietie to dreame. Aristotle ascribing all

euents vnto manifest causes precedent, dooth scoffe at Plato and his

numbers in his booke of common-wealths, and bringeth in sundrie causes

of the alteration of the state of things, which we may referre vnto

principals, as iniurie, oppression, ambition, treason, rebellion,

contempt of religion and lawes, and therevnto abundance of wealth in

few, and great necessitie and miserie in manie. But whatsoeuer

Aristotle gesseth at these things by humane reason as at the first

causes, yet we acknowledge other beyond them, as sinne, which being

suffered and come to the full, is cut downe by the iustice of the high

God, the cheefe cause of all, who foreseeing the wickednesse of such

as dwell on earth, dooth constitute such a reuolution of things in

their beginnings, as best standeth with the execution of his purpose,

and correction of our errors. The causes therefore that Aristotle

dooth deliuer, are nothing else but the meanes which God vseth to

bring his purposes to passe; and yet they deserue the name of causes,

in that they preceed those effects which follow them immediatlie. But

in truth other than secondarie or third causes no man can iustlie call

them. Bodinus in his historicall method, cap. 6. making a large

discourse of the conuersions of commonwealths, dooth séeme at the

first to denie the force of number, but after a while he maruelleth

that no Grecian or Latine Academike, hath hitherto made any discourse

of the excellencie of such numbers as apperteine to the estate of

empires and kingdomes by exemplification in any one citie or other.

Hereby he sheweth himselfe vpon the sudden to alter his iudgement, so

[Sidenote: Fatal numbers.]

that he setteth downe certeine numbers as fatall; to wit, sixe vnto

women, and seauen and nine vnto men, which (saith he) haue "Magnam in

tota rerum natura potestatem," meaning as well in common-wealths and

kingdomes from their first erections, as in particular ages of bodies,

for sickenesse, health, change of habitation, wealth, and losse, &c:

and for the confirmation of the same, he setteth downe sundrie

examples of apparent likelihood, either by multiplication of one by

the other, or diuision of greater numbers by either of them, or their

concurrence one with another, calling the aforesaid three his

criticall or iudiciall numbers, whereby he bringeth or rather

restoreth an old kind of arithmancie (fathered on Pythagoras, yet

neuer inuented by him) againe into the world. But we christians, in

respecting of causes, haue to looke vnto the originall and great cause

of all, and therefore we haue not to leane vnto these points in any

wise as causes: for we know and confesse that all things depend vpon

his prouidence, who humbleth and exalteth whom it pleaseth him.

Neuerthelesse, I hope we may without offense examine how these

assertions hold, so long as we vse them rather as Indices than Causas

mutationum. And therefore haue I attempted to practise at this present

the example of Bodinus, first in the alterations of our ciuill estate

passed; and secondlie, of the like in cases of religion; from the

flood generallie, and then after the first comming in of Samothes into

our Ile, thereby somewhat to satisfie my selfe, and recreate the

readers; but still protesting in the meane season that I vtterlie

denie them to be any causes, or of themselues to worke any effect at

all in these things, as Bodinus would seeme to vphold. As for those of

other countries, I referre you to Aristotles politikes, and the eight

of the common-wealth which Plato hath left vnto vs, therby to be

farther resolued, if you be desirous to looke on them. In beginning

therefore with my purpose; First bicause the flood of Noah was

generall, and therefore appertinent vnto all, it shall not be amisse

to begin with that, which was in the yeare 1656. after the creation of

Adam, so that if you diuide the same by nine, you shall find the

quotient to fall out exactlie with the 184. reuolution of the same

number. Secondlie, for so much as the confusion of toongs was the

originall cause of the dispersion of the people ouer the face of the

whole earth, it shall not be amisse also to examine the same. Certes

it fell out in the 133. after the flood: if we diuide therefore the

said 133. by seauen, you shall find the quotient 19. without any ods

remaining. From hence also vnto the comming of Samothes into Britaine,

or rather his lawes giuen vnto the Celts, and with them vnto the

Britons, in the second of his arriuall in this land, we find by exact

supputation 126. yeares, which being parted by nine or seauen sheweth

such a conclusion as maketh much for this purpose. Doubtlesse I am the

more willing to touch the time of his lawes than his entrance, sith

alteration of ordinances is the cheefe and principall token of change

in rule and regiment; although at this present the circumstances hold

not, sith he dispossessed none, neither incroched vpon any. From

Samothes vnto the tyrannie of Albion, are 335. yeares complet, so that

he arriued here in the 335. or 48. septenarie, which also concurreth

with the 590 after the flood. In like sort the regiment of Albion

continued but seauen yeares, and then was the souereingtie of this Ile

restored againe by Hercules vnto the Celts. The next alteration of our

estate openlie knowne, happened by Brute, betweene whose time and

death of Albion there passed full 601. yeares (for he spent much time

after his departure out of Grecia, before he came into Albion) so that

if you accompt him to come hither in the 602. you shall haue 86.

septenaries exactlie. From Brute to the extinction of his posteritie

in Ferrex and Porrex, and pentarchie of Britaine, are 630. yeares, or

70. nouenaries, than the which where shall a man find a more precise

period after this method or prescription, for manie and diuers

considerations. The time of the pentarchie indured likewise 49.

yeares, or seauen septenaries, which being expired Dunwallo brought

all the princes vnder his subiection, and ruled ouer them as monarch

of this Ile. After the pentarchie ended, we find againe, that in the

98. yeare, Brennus rebelled against Beline his brother, wherevpon

insued cruell bloodshed betwéene them. So that here you haue 14.

septenaries, as you haue from those warres ended, which indured a full

yeare & more before Brennus was reconciled to his brother, to the

comming of Cæsar into this Iland (whereat our seruitude and miserable

thraldome to the Romans may worthilie take his entrance) 48. or 336.

yeares, than the which concurrences I know not how a man should

imagine a more exact.

After the comming of Cæsar we haue 54. or sixe nouenaries to Christ,

whose death and passion redoundeth generallie to all that by firme and

sure faith take hold of the same, and applie it vnto their comfort.

From the birth of Christ to our countrie deliuered from the Romane

yoke, are 446. yeares, at which time the Britains chose them a king,

and betooke themselues to his obedience. But neither they nor their

king being then able to hold out the Scots and Picts, which dailie

made hauocke of their countrie; the said Vortiger in the third yeare

of his reigne (which was the 63. septenarie after Christ) did send for

the Saxons, who arriued here in the 449. and 450. yeares of Grace, in

great companies, for our aid and succour, although that in the end

their entrances turned to our vtter decaie and ruine, in that they

made a conquest of the whole Ile, and draue vs out of our liuings.

Hereby we sée therefore how the preparatiue began in the 449. but how

it was finished in the tenth nouenarie, the sequele is too too plaine.

In like sort in the 43. nouenarie or 387. after the comming of the

Saxons, the Danes entred, who miserablie afflicted this Ile by the

space of 182. yeares or 46. septenaries, which being expired, they

established themselues in the kingdome by Canutus. But their time

lasting not long, the Normans followed in the end of the 49. yeare,

and thus you sée how these numbers do hold exactlie vnto the conquest.

The like also we find of the continuance of the Normans or succession

of the Conquerour, which indured but 89. yeares, being extinguished in

Stephen, and that of the Saxons restored in Henrie the second,

although it lacke one whole yeare of ten nouenaries, which is a small

thing, sith vpon diuers occasions the time of the execution of any

accident may be preuented or proroged, as in direction and progression

astronomicall is oftentimes perceiued. From hence to the infamous

excommunication of England in king Iohns daies, wherevpon insued the

resignation of his crownes and dominions to the pope, are eight

septenaries or 56. yeares. Thence againe to the deposition of Richard.

2. and vsurpation of Henrie 4. are 77. yeares or 11. septenaries. From

hence to the conspiracie made against Edward. 2. after which he was

deposed & murdered are 117. yeares, or 13. nouenaries. From hence to

the beginning of the quarell betwéene the houses of Yorke and

Lancaster (wherein foure score and od persons of the blood roiall were

slaine and made awaie first and last, and which warres begunne in the

1448. and the yeare after the death of the Duke of Glocester, whose

murther séemed to make frée passage to the said broile) are 72. yeares

or eight nouenaries. From hence to the translation of the crowne from

the house of Lancaster to that of Yorke, in Edward the 4. are 14.

yeares or two septenaries, and last of all to the vnion of the said

houses in Henrie the eight, is an exact quadrat of seuen multiplied in

it selfe, or 49. yeares, whereof I hope this may in part suffice.

Now as concerning religion, we haue from Christ to the faith first

preached in Britaine (by Iosephus ab Aramathia, and Simon Zelotes) as

some write 70. yeares or 10. septenaries. Thence also to the baptisme

of Lucius, and his nobilitie in the yeare after their conuersion, 12.

nouenaries or 108. yeares. After these the Saxons entred and changed

the state of religion for the most part into paganisme, in the yeare

449. 39. nouenarie, and 273. yeare after Lucius had beene baptised,

which is 39. septenaries, if I be not deceiued. In the 147. or 21.

septenarie, Augustine came, who brought in poperie, which increased

and continued till Wicklif with more boldnesse than anie other began

to preach the gospell, which was Anno. 1361. or 765. yeares after the

comming of Augustine, and yeeld 85. nouenaries exactlie. From hence

[Sidenote: Henrie 8.]

againe to the expulsion of the pope 175. yeares, or 25. septenaries,

[Sidenote: Marie.]

thence to the receiuing of the pope and popish doctrine 21. yeares or

3. septenaries, wherevnto I would ad the time of restoring the gospell

by Quéene Elizabeth, were it not that it wanteth one full yeare of 7.

Whereby we may well gather, that if there be anie hidden mysterie or

thing conteined in these numbers, yet the same extendeth not vnto the

diuine disposition of things, touching the gift of grace and frée

mercie vnto the penitent, vnto which neither number weight nor measure

shall be able to aspire.