Part IV.

MISCELLANEOUS DISCOURSES.

I.

THE SPIRIT OF MORMONISM; A SLANDER REFUTED.

Introductory.

People judged by their laws.

The calling of Sidney Rigdon.

A few days with the Prophet--Prayerfulness.

Woman's place in Mormonism.

God's Herald of the Resurrection and Human Brotherhood--Woman.

Unjust criticism answered.

By their works they shall be judged.

II.

ERRONEOUS IMPRESSIONS ABOUT THE LATTER-DAY SAINTS--SOME THINGS THEY DO

NOT BELIEVE.

Catholic belief.

Faith in the Godhead.

Erroneous reports.

Revelation quoted.

Belief in revelation.

Inspired utterances.

Revealed word.

God's word is Truth.

Testimony borne.

III.

THE THINGS OF GOD GREATER THAN MAN'S CONCEPTION OF THEM.

Divine things misjudged.

Marvelous work and a wonder.

The New Jerusalem.

Restoration of Israel.

Lost tribes in the north.

Israel now gathering.

Purposes of God will not fail.

IV.

MORMONISM AS A BODY OF DOCTRINE.

Introductory.

Mormon view of the universe.

Philosophy of Mormonism.

Source of moral evil.

The place and mission of Christ in Mormon doctrine.

V.

PEACE.

The blessedness of peace.

The God of Battles.

Justice the basis of peace.

VI.

THE MYSTERIOUS HARMONIES OF THE GREAT REPUBLIC.

Introduction.

The miracle of American achievements.

The inspiration of the founders of the American Constitution.

The unique things in American government.

Part I.

Origin of the Book of Mormon.

SCHROEDER-ROBERTS DEBATE.

Published with the consent and by courtesy of the National American

Society,

David I. Nelke, President.

FOREWORD.

The following debate on the "Origin of the Book of Mormon," came about

in the following manner: The writer saw in the _Salt Lake Tribune_ two

numbers of Mr. Schroeder's article and observing the general trend

of the argument felt that a prompt reply should appear in the same

publication, that it might be read by the same people who would read

Mr. Schroeder's article. A letter was accordingly addressed to the

_Tribune,_ to ascertain if that paper would publish a reply to Mr.

Schroeder. The Editor answered that the _Tribune_ was reproducing the

article from the _American Historical Magazine,_ published in New York,

and that perhaps its publishers would be pleased to receive a reply to

Mr. Schroeder. If the publishers of the _Historical Magazine_ accepted

such an article, the _Tribune_ would then be willing to reproduce it,

if the _Deseret News,_ the Mormon Church organ, would agree to publish

Mr. Schroeder's article.

This suggested a too complicated arrangement to suit the writer, hence

he dropped the matter with the _Tribune,_ and took it up with the

publishers of the _American Historical Magazine,_ who gave place to his

answer to Mr. Schroeder in current numbers of that publication, 1908-9.

And the writer has heard nothing from the _Tribune_ or Mr. Schroeder

since.

At the conclusion of the article on the "Origin of the Book of Mormon,"

the _Historical Magazine Company,_ Mr. David I. Nelke, President,

announced their willingness to publish in _Americana,_--which in the

meantime had succeeded the _American Historical Magazine_ a detailed

history of the "Mormon Church," if the writer would prepare it.

The History has been running in _Americana_ now for more than two and

a half years, and will continue until the History of the Church is

completed up to date.

* * * * * *

And now a word as to the origin of the Book of Mormon before presenting

the discussion. It will be an advantage to the reader if he has before

him Joseph Smith's account of the origin of the Book of Mormon. For our

present purpose the account the Prophet gives in his statement to Mr.

John Wentworth, of Chicago, of the origin of the Book of Mormon is,

on account of its brevity and comprehensiveness, most suitable. After

detailing the events of his first vision, received in the Spring of

1820, and the intervening three years, the Prophet comes to the Book of

Mormon part of his narrative:

THE APPEARING OF MORONI.

"On the evening of the 21st of September, A. D. 1823, while I was

praying unto God and endeavoring to exercise faith in the precious

promises of scripture, on a sudden a light like that of day, only

of a far purer and more glorious appearance and brightness, burst

into the room,--indeed the first sight was as though the house was

filled with consuming fire; the appearance producing a shock that

affected the whole body; in a moment a personage stood before me

surrounded with a glory yet greater than that with which I was

already surrounded. This messenger proclaimed himself to be an

angel of God, sent to bring the joyful tidings that the covenant

which God made with ancient Israel was at hand to be fulfilled;

that the preparatory work for the second coming of the Messiah was

speedily to commence; that the time was at hand for the gospel in

all its fulness to be preached in power unto all nations, that a

people might be prepared for the Millennial reign. I was informed

that I was chosen to be an instrument in the hands of God to bring

about some of His purposes in this glorious dispensation.

THE BOOK OF MORMON.

"I was also informed concerning the aboriginal inhabitants of this

country and shown who they were, and whence they came; a brief

sketch of their origin, progress, civilization, laws, governments;

of their righteousness and iniquity, and the blessings of God

being finally withdrawn from them as a people, was made known to

me; I was also told where were deposited some plates on which were

engraven an abridgment of the records of the ancient prophets that

had existed on this continent. The angel appeared to me three times

the same night and unfolded the same things. After having received

many visits from the angels of God unfolding the majesty and glory

of the events that should transpire in the last days, on the

morning of the 22d of September, A.D. 1827, the angel of the Lord

delivered the records into my hands.

DESCRIPTION OF THE NEPHITE RECORD.

"These records were engraven on plates which had the appearance

of gold; each plate was six inches wide and eight inches long,

and not quite so thick as common tin. They were filled with

engravings, in Egyptian characters, and bound together in a volume

as the leaves of a book, with three rings running through the

whole. The volume was something near six inches in thickness, a

part of which was sealed. The characters on the unsealed part were

small, and beautifully engraved. The whole book exhibited many

marks of antiquity in its construction and much skill in the art

of engraving. With the records was found a curious instrument,

which the ancients called 'Urim and Thummim,' which consisted

of two transparent stones set in the rim of a bow fastened to

a breastplate. Through the medium of the Urim and Thummim I

translated the record by the gift and power of God.

"In this important and interesting book the history of ancient

America is unfolded, from its first settlement by a colony that

came from the Tower of Babel, at the confusion of languages, to

the beginning of the fifth century of the Christian era. We are

informed by these records that America in ancient times had been

inhabited by two distinct races of people. The first was called

Jaredites and came directly from the Tower of Babel. The second

race came directly from the City of Jerusalem, about six hundred

years before Christ. They were principally Israelites, of the

descendants of Joseph. The Jaredites were destroyed about the time

that the Israelites came from Jerusalem, who succeeded them in the

inheritance of the country. The principal nation of the second race

fell in battle towards the close of the fourth century [A.D.].

The remnant are the Indians that now inhabit this country. This

book also tells us that our Savior made His appearance upon this

continent after His resurrection; that He planted the gospel here

in all its fulness, and richness, and power, and blessing; that

they had apostles, prophets, pastors, teachers, and evangelists;

the same order, the same priesthood, the same ordinances,

gifts, powers, and blessings, as were enjoyed on the Eastern

continent; that the people were cut off in consequence of their

transgressions; that the last of their prophets who existed among

them was commanded to write an abridgment of their prophecies,

history, etc., and to hide it up in the earth, and that it should

come forth and be united with the Bible for the accomplishment of

the purposes of God in the last days."

The book issued from the press sometime in the month of March, 1830. [A]

[Footnote A: For a more detailed account of the origin of the Book of

Mormon, see the writer's work, "New Witnesses for God," Vol. II, chs.

iv and viii.]

From the first appearance of Joseph Smith's account of the origin

of the Book of Mormon, there was felt the need of a counter theory

of origin. The first to respond to this "felt" need was Alexander

Campbell, founder of the "Disciples" or "Christian" Church. He

assigned the book's origin straight to Joseph Smith, whom he accused

of conscious fraud in "foisting it upon the public as a revelation."

This in 1831. Then came the Spaulding theory of origin by Hurlburt,

Howe, _et al.,_ 1834; for which Mr. Campbell repudiated his first

theory of the Joseph Smith authorship. In 1899 Lily Dougall in "The

Mormon Prophet," advanced her theory of the Prophet's "self delusion,"

"by the automatic freaks of a vigorous but undisciplined brain." This

was supplemented in 1902 by Mr. I. Woodbridge Riley's theory of "pure

hallucination, honestly mistaken for inspired vision; with partly

conscious and partly unconscious hypnotic powers over others." [B]

[Footnote B: Both the Dougall and Riley theories are considered in Vol.

I. of _Defense of the Faith and the Saints_, pp. 42-62; and the older

theories of the origin in _New Witness for God_, Vol. III, chas. xliv,

xlv.]

Mr. Schroeder, however, will have none of these later theories; and

although the finding of the Rev. Mr. Spauldings' "Manuscript Found,"

by Professor Fairchild of Oberlin College, in 1884--details of which

are given in the debate gave a serious set back to that theory, Mr.

Schroeder deems the Spaulding theory of the origin of the Book of

Mormon the only tenable counter theory advanced, and assuming the

existence of another Spaulding manuscript _not found,_ and not likely

to be found, he proceeds with his argument; to which I make answer,

with what success the reader must judge.

B. H. ROBERTS.

Salt Lake City, October, 1911.

THE ORIGIN OF THE BOOK OF MORMON.

BY THEODORE SCHROEDER

I.

Every complete, critical discussion of the divine origin of the Book

of Mormon naturally divides itself into three parts:--first, an

examination as to the sufficiency of the evidence adduced in support

of its miraculous and divine origin; second, an examination of the

internal evidences of its origin, [1] such as its verbiage, its alleged

history, chronology, archaeology, etc.; third, an accounting for its

existence by purely human agency and upon a rational basis, remembering

that Joseph Smith, the nominal founder and first prophet of Mormonism,

was probably too ignorant to have produced the whole volume unaided.

Under the last head, two theories have been advocated by non-Mormons.

By one of these, conscious fraud has been imputed to Smith, and by the

other, psychic mysteries have been explored [2] in an effort to supplant

the conscious fraud by an unconscious self-deception.

[Footnote 1: Valuable contributions to this study are Lamb's "Golden

Bible" and a pamphlet by Lamoni Call classifying two thousand

corrections in the inspired grammar of the first edition of the Book of

Mormon.]

[Footnote 2: The best effort along this line is Riley's "The Founder of

Mormonism." To me the conclusions are very unsatisfactory, because so

many material considerations were overlooked by that author.]

In 1834, four years after its first appearance, an effort was made to

show that the Book of Mormon was a plagiarism from an unpublished novel

of Solomon Spaulding. For a long time this seemed the accepted theory

of all non-Mormons. In the past fifteen years, apparently following

in the lead of President Fairchild of Oberlin College, [3] all but

two of the numerous writers upon the subject have asserted that the

theory of the Spaulding manuscript origin of the Book of Mormon must be

abandoned, and Mormons assert that only fools and knaves still profess

belief in it. [4] With these last conclusions I am compelled to disagree.

[Footnote 3: President Fairchild, in the New York _Observer_ for

February 5, 1885, that being immediately after his discovery of the

Oberlin Manuscript, says: "The theory of the origin of the Book of

Mormon in the traditional manuscript of Solomon Spaulding will probably

have to be relinquished. * * * Mr. Rice, myself, and others compared it

with the Book of Mormon, and could detect no resemblance between the

two in general or detail. * * * Some other explanation of the origin

of the Book of Mormon must be found, if an explanation is required."

(Reproduced in Whitney's "History of Utah," 56. Talmage's "Articles of

Faith," 278.)

Ten years later Mr. Fairchild is not so brash in assuming the Oberlin

Manuscript to be the only Spaulding Manuscript, and he certifies

only that the Oberlin Manuscript "is not the original of the Book

of Mormon." (Letter dated Oct. 17, 1895, published in vol. lx.,

_Millennial Star,_ p. 697, Nov. 3, 1898. Talmage's "Articles of Faith,"

279.)

_Fairchild's Latest Statement._--In 1900 President Fairchild wrote the

Rev. J. D. Nutting as follows:

"With regard to the manuscript of Mr. Spaulding now in the library of

Oberlin College, I have never stated, and know of no one who can state,

that it is the only manuscript which Spaulding wrote, or that it is

certainly the one which has been supposed to be the original of the

Book of Mormon. The discovery of this MS. does not prove that there may

not have been another, which became the basis of the Book of Mormon.

The use which has been made of statements emanating from me as implying

the contrary of the above is entirely unwarranted.

"JAMES H. FAIRCHILD"]

[Footnote 4: The _Deseret News_ editorially says this on July 19, 1900:

"The discovery of the manuscript written by Mr. Spaulding, and its

deposit in the library at Oberlin College, O., * * * has so completely

demolished the theory once relied upon by superficial minds that the

Book of Mormon was concocted from that manuscript, that it has been

entirely abandoned by all opponents of Mormonism except the densely

ignorant or unscrupulously dishonest."

And this on May 14, 1901:

"It is only the densely ignorant, the totally depraved and clergymen of

different denominations afflicted with anti-Mormon rabies who still use

the Spaulding story to account for the origin of the Book of Mormon."]

In setting forth my convictions and the reasons for them, I have

undertaken nothing entirely new, but have only assigned myself the task

of establishing as an historical fact what is now an abandoned and

almost forgotten theory. This will be done by marshaling in its support

a more complete array of the old evidences than has been heretofore

made and the addition of new circumstantial evidence not heretofore

used in this connection.

It will be shown that Solomon Spaulding was much interested in American

antiquities; that he wrote a novel entitled the "Manuscript Found," in

which he attempted to account for the existence of the American Indian

by giving him an Israelitish origin; that the first incomplete outline

of this story, with many features peculiar to itself and the Book of

Mormon, is now in the library of Oberlin College, and that while the

story as rewritten was in the hands of a prospective publisher, it

was stolen from the office under circumstances which caused Sidney

Rigdon, of early Mormon fame, to be suspected as the thief; that

later Rigdon, on two occasions, exhibited a similar manuscript which

in one instance he declared had been written by Spaulding and left

with a printer for publication. It will be shown further that Rigdon

had opportunity to steal the manuscript and that he foreknew the

forthcoming and the contents of the Book of Mormon; that through Parley

P. Pratt, later one of the first Mormon apostles, a plain and certain

connection is traced between Sidney Rigdon and Joseph Smith, and that

they were friends between 1827 and 1830. To all this will be added very

conclusive evidence of the identity of the distinguished features of

Spaulding's "Manuscript Found" and the Book of Mormon. These facts,

coupled with Smith's admitted intellectual incapacity for producing the

book unaided, will close the argument upon this branch of the question,

and it is hoped will convince all not in the meshes of Mormonism that

the Book of Mormon is a plagiarism. To those Mormons whose minds are

untainted by mysticism, who have the intelligence to weigh evidence

and the courage to proclaim convictions opposed to accepted church

theories--to such Mormons, though not convinced that the evidence here

reviewed amounts to a demonstration, it must be that this essay will

yet furnish even to them a more believable and more probable theory of

the origin of the Book of Mormon than the one which involves a belief

in undemonstrable miracles as well as matters entirely outside of all

other experience of sane humans. Certainly the theory here advanced

requires for its belief the acceptance of less of improbable assumption

than does any other explanation offered. With this statement of what

it is expected to accomplish we may proceed to review the evidence in

detail.

SOLOMON SPAULDING AND HIS FIRST MANUSCRIPT.

Solomon Spaulding was born in 1761 at Ashford, Conn., graduated from

Dartmouth in 1785, graduated in theology in 1787, and became an obscure

preacher. The fact that Spaulding had become an infidel, [5] that in

rewriting the first outline of his story he adopted, as he said, "the

old Scripture style" to make it seem more ancient, [6] and the further

fact that he told at least four persons at different times that his

story would some day be accepted as veritable history [7]--all of these,

combined with the peculiar product, tend to show that one motive for

the writing of this supposed novel may have been the author's desire

to burlesque the Bible and furnish a practical demonstration of the

gullibility of the masses.

[Footnote 5: See Addendum to Spaulding Manuscript at Oberlin College

and Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 288.]

[Footnote 6: Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 288.]

[Footnote 7: Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 283, 4, 6, 7.]

While at Dartmouth College, Spaulding had as a classmate the

subsequently famous imposter and criminal, Stephen Burroughs, [8] which

fact furnishes interesting material for reflection as to how far the

subsequent ill fame of Burroughs, coupled with personal acquaintance,

may have operated in Spaulding as a fruitful suggestion inducing this

labor as a means of securing fortune through fraud. If Spaulding

did not see the possibility of a new and profitable religion in his

"Manuscript Found," then he was more short-sighted than was a nephew

of his named King. This nephew told one Hale, a schoolteacher, of his

belief that he could start a new religion out of this novel and make

money thereby, at the same time briefly outlining a plan very similar

to the one long afterward adopted by Smith, Rigdon and Company. If we

can place any confidence in the report of an interview between a Mormon

"elder" and a nephew of Solomon Spaulding, then it would appear that

in the opinion of the latter's brother Solomon Spaulding was not a man

who would be, by conscientious scruples, deterred from practicing such

a fraud, if believed profitable. [10] Be that as it may, Spaulding did

hope by the sale of his literary production to make sufficient money to

enable him to pay his debts. [11]

[Footnote 8: "Memoirs of Stephen Burroughs," p. 26, ed. of 1811, shows

Burroughs to have entered Dartmouth in 1781, which must have been

Spaulding's date of entry, he having graduated in 1785.]

[Footnote 9: "New Light on Mormonism," 261.]

[Footnote 10: xxxv. _Saints' Herald_, 820.]

[Footnote 11: Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 285.]

In 1809 Solomon Spaulding and Henry Lake built and conducted a forge at

Salem (now Conneaut), O., where, in 1812, the former made his second

business failure. [12]

[Footnote 12: "Prophet of Palmyra," 443; Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled,"

279 and 282; "New Light on Mormonism," 13.]

Spaulding, being an invalid, possessed of a good education and habits

of study, naturally took to literary work, which he probably commenced

soon after 1809, [13] and continued until his death in October, 1816.

During this seven years he seems to have written several other

manuscripts [14] besides the two with which we are directly concerned.

[Footnote 13: Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 279; "New Light on

Mormonism," 13-14.]

[Footnote 14: Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 285; "New Light on

Mormonism," 20.]

Necessarily Spaulding's surroundings gave some direction to the course

of his literary efforts. Environed as he was in a country where once

dwelt the mound-builders, and having himself caused one of the mounds

to be opened, with the resulting discovery of bones and relics of a

supposedly prehistoric civilization, [15] like thousands before him,

he was led to speculate upon the character of that civilization and

the origin of those ancient peoples. Josiah Priest, in his "Wonders of

Nature and Providence" (1824), quotes over forty authors, half of whom

are Americans, and all of whom, prior to 1824, advocated an Israelitish

origin of the American Indian. Some of these dated as far back as

Clavigaro, a Catholic priest in the seventeenth century.

[Footnote 15: "New Light on Mormonism," 14.]

In Spaulding's first writing of his manuscript story, he pretended to

find a roll of parchment in a stone box within a cave. In the Latin

language, this contained an account of a party of Roman sea voyagers,

who, in the time of Constantine, were, by storms, drifted ashore on

the American continent. One of their number left this record of their

travels, of Indian wars and customs, which record Spaulding pretends to

have found and to translate. [16] How that resembles a synopsis of the

Book of Mormon!

[Footnote 16: "The Manuscript Found." For Howe's synopsis see

"Mormonism Unveiled," 288. Whitney's "History of Utah," 49-51.]

In 1834, when E. D. Howe had in preparation his book, "Mormonism

Unveiled," wherein the Spaulding story was first exploited, this first

manuscript was given by Spaulding's family to D. P. Hurlburt, the agent

of Howe. The Spaulding family, without having made any examination

whatever of the papers delivered to Hurlburt, seem always to have

believed, [17] though without any evidence, that he received and sold

to the Mormons the rewritten story entitled "Manuscript Found," which

will be more fully discussed hereafter. From Howe this first manuscript

story went into the possession of one L. L. Rice, who bought out Howe's

business, and later, with other effects of Rice's, it was shipped to

Honolulu, and there, in 1884, accidentally discovered by President

James H. Fairchild of Oberlin College. [18] This manuscript is now in

the Oberlin library, and has been published by two of the Mormon sects

as being a refutation of the Spaulding origin of the Book of Mormon. It

can be such refutation only to those who mistake it for another story.

Howe, in 1834, published a fair synopsis of the manuscript now at

Oberlin [19] and submitted the original to the witnesses who testified

to the many points of identity between Spaulding's "Manuscript Found"

and the Book of Mormon. These witnesses then (in 1834) recognized the

manuscript, secured by Hurlburt and now at Oberlin, as being one of

Spaulding's, but not the one which they asserted was similar to the

Book of Mormon. They further said that Spaulding had told them that he

had altered his original plan of writing by going farther back with his

dates and writing in the old Scripture style, in order that his story

might appear more ancient. [20]

[Footnote 17: "New Light on Mormonism," by Mrs. Ellen F. Dickinson.]

[Footnote 18: Publisher's Preface to "The Manuscript Found," p. iv.

_Deseret News_, 1886; Whitney's "History of Utah," p. 49; Talmage's

"Articles of Faith," 278-9.]

[Footnote 19: Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 288; Whitney's "History of

Utah," 49.]

[Footnote 20: Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 288.]

According to many witnesses, the re-written "Manuscript Found" (like

the Book of Mormon) was an attempt at imitating the literary style of

the Bible. So was the manuscript submitted to Patterson, according to

his own statement. [21] No such indications are found in the Oberlin

manuscript, which further evidences that it is not the manuscript of

which the witnesses testified, and which Patterson says was submitted

to him. The Oberlin manuscript also furnishes internal evidences of

an improbability that it was ever submitted to a publisher by any man

as sane and well educated as was Spaulding. The plot of the story is

incomplete, and the manuscript is full of interlineations, alterations,

careless or phonetic spelling, and misused capital letters. These are

all easily explainable consistently with Spaulding's erudition, if

we view the manuscript as a hasty and careless blocking out of his

literary work, but it is not in such a condition as would make him

willing to submit it to a publisher.

[Footnote 21: "The Spaulding Story Examined and Exposed," by John E.

Page, 7; "Who wrote the Book of Mormon?" 7; "Mormonism Exposed," by

Williams.]

If we bear in mind that from the beginning it was asserted that this

manuscript now at Oberlin was not the one from which the Book of Mormon

was alleged to have been plagiarized, then President Fairchild's

conclusion that it disproves such plagiarism of course becomes absurd

and only demonstrates his ignorance of the early testimony upon

which was asserted the connection of the Book of Mormon and another

manuscript. This also disposes of the Mormon argument most frequently

urged against the theory here advocated.

Either through like ignorance of the evidence of 1834 that this was not

the manuscript then being testified about, or through a willingness to

play upon the ignorance of others, the two leading sects of Mormons

have published this first manuscript as a refutation of a theory which

no one ever advocated, viz.: That the manuscript now at Oberlin was

the thing from which Smith _et al._ plagiarized the Book of Mormon. In

my judgment, the publication of this first incomplete manuscript story

furnishes additional evidence that the rewritten story did constitute

the foundation of the Book of Mormon. When we remember what was said

in 1834 as to the character of changes made in rewriting, and that

the rewritten story was revamped by Smith, Rigdon and Company, we are

astonished at the number of similarities retained; as, for instance,

the finding of the story in a stone box, its translation into English,

the attempt to account for a portion of the population of this

continent, the wars of extermination of two factions, the impossible

slaughters of primitive warfare, and the physically impossible armies

which were gathered without modern facilities of either transportation

or the furnishing of supplies--the fact that after two rewritings, the

second being by new authors, there should remain these very unusual

features, makes the discovery and publication of this first manuscript

only an additional evidence that the second one did furnish the basis

of the Book of Mormon.

By always remembering these separate manuscripts and their different

histories, much seeming conflict of evidence can be explained, mistaken

conclusions accounted for, and confusion avoided. The Mormons, in

their publication of this first manuscript story, have labeled it

"The Manuscript Found," though no such title is discoverable anywhere

upon or in the body of the manuscript in the Oberlin library. [22] The

evident purpose of this is to further confound that first story with

the second or rewritten manuscript which it will be demonstrated really

was used in constructing the Book of Mormon, and which manuscript

the witnesses to be hereafter introduced described by that title.

Having traced to its final resting-place at Oberlin College the first

manuscript story, which had no direct connection with the Book of

Mormon and never was claimed to have such, let us now, if we can, trace

into the Book of Mormon Spaulding's rewritten story, entitled "The

Manuscript Found."

[Footnote 22: xxxv. _Saints' Herald,_ 130; "Prophet of Palmyra," 459.]

SPAULDING'S REWRITTEN MANUSCRIPT.

Spaulding commenced his writing about 1809, changing his plans while

still at Conneaut, that is, prior to 1812, [23] at which later date the

rewritten story of "The Manuscript Found" was still incomplete. [24]

In 1812 Spaulding borrowed some money with which to go to Pittsburg,

hoping there to get his novel published and thus make it possible

for him to pay his debts. [25] In Pittsburg Spaulding submitted his

manuscript to one Robert Patterson, then engaged in the publishing

business. [26] The exact date is not known but it is probable almost to

certainty that Spaulding would do this immediately upon his arrival

in Pittsburg in 1812, since that was one of his definite purposes in

going there. Spaulding's widow is reported as saying: "At length the

manuscript was returned to the author, and soon after we removed to

Amity, Washington County, Pa." [27] The return of the manuscript before

1814, the date of the removal to Amity, is made additionally certain

by the testimony of Redick McKee [28] and Joseph Miller. [29] This

additional evidence, especially that of the latter, makes it plain that

Spaulding had his rewritten manuscript at Amity, thus demonstrating its

return to Spaulding before the latter's removal from Pittsburg. The

evidences of identity between the manuscript testified about as being

at Amity, and Spaulding's rewritten story, leave no doubt. The review

of this evidence of identity will be postponed until we come to review

the other evidences of identity between "The Manuscript Found" and the

Book of Mormon.

[Footnote 23: Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 288.]

[Footnote 24: Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 283.]

[Footnote 25: Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 282-3.]

[Footnote 26: "New Light on Mormonism," 16-17; "History of the

Mormons," 43; "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 7.]

[Footnote 27: "Gleanings by the Way," 252; "Mormons' Own Book," 29;

"Prophet of Palmyra," 419; "History of the Mormons," 43.]

[Footnote 28: Washington (Pa.) _Reporter_ of April 21, 1869; "Who Wrote

the Book of Mormon?" 6.]

It is said that Patterson returned the manuscript to Spaulding with

the advice to "polish it up, finish it, and you will make money out

of it." [30] On behalf of Patterson it has been said that he directed

its return unless the author would furnish ample security to guarantee

the expense of publishing, which we can readily believe to have been

impossible to the impecunious Spaulding. [31]

[Footnote 30: "New Light on Mormonism," 238; _Magazine American

History,_ June, 1882; _Scribner's Monthly,_ August, 1880; "Prophet of

Palmyra," 423.]

[Footnote 31: "Mormonism Exposed," by Williams, 16; "Prophet of

Palmyra," 455; "The Spaulding Story Examined and Exposed," by John E.

Page, 7.]

After residing in Pittsburg two years, [32] the Spauldings moved to

Amity in Washington County, Pa., where Solomon Spaulding and his

returned "Manuscript Found" again became the center of attraction

among the commonplace neighborhood listeners, who did their loafing

about the Spaulding tavern. [33] Here the story was polished and

finished, [34] and from Amity Spaulding again journeyed to Pittsburg,

in the hope in the second attempt of securing the publication of his

story, "The Manuscript Found." [35] Spaulding's widow and daughter

assert that at one time Patterson advised Spaulding "to make out a

title-page and preface." [36] That remark would seem most likely to

have been made after the finishing of the story, and I therefore feel

justified in believing it to have been made after the second submission

of the manuscript. Mrs. Spaulding-Davidson says this request was

never complied with, but for reasons which are unknown to her. In the

light of evidence to be hereafter reviewed, we are justified in an

inference that one of the causes was a theft of the manuscript from the

publisher's office, followed, perhaps, within a few weeks or months, by

the death of Spaulding, which occurred in October, 1816.

[Footnote 32: Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 287; "Who Wrote the Book of

Mormon?" 7.]

[Footnote 33: "Prophet of Palmyra," 441, 442.]

[Footnote 34: Reddick McKee in Washington (Pa.) _Reporter_, April 12,

1869; "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 6.]

[Footnote 35: "Prophet of Palmyra," 442-55.]

[Footnote 36: "Prophet of Palmyra," 419-42; iii. _Millennial

Harbinger_, about May 1839; Boston _Recorder_ during May 1839;

"Mormons' Own Book," 29.]

ERRONEOUS THEORIES EXAMINED.

It has been a theory among some that Joseph Smith himself secured the

Spaulding manuscript from the house of William H. Sabine of Onondaga

Valley, N.Y., for whom Smith worked as a teamster in 1823. [37]

According to another theory, Sidney Rigdon, while the "Manuscript

Found" was at the printing office, copied it, the original being

returned to Spaulding. A third theory supposes Smith to have copied

it while working for Sabine about 1823, leaving the original there. A

fourth theory makes Spaulding copy his story for the publisher while

keeping the duplicate at home to be afterward cared for by the family.

Under all of these theories, the original of Spaulding's rewritten

story was delivered in 1833 to D. P. Hurlburt to be used by E. D. Howe

in his then forthcoming book, "Mormonism Unveiled," but, according

to the Spaulding family, was by Hurlburt sold to the Mormons, and,

according to the Mormons, destroyed by Hurlburt because wholly unlike

the Book of Mormon. These theories can claim for themselves no greater

weight than that, in the opinion of their several non-Mormon advocates,

they furnish a possible explanation as to the connecting link between

Spaulding and Smith, but upon all essentials, except one, are without

any evidence which involves the conclusion deduced from it, and not one

of these theories is necessary as an explanation for the established

facts. The one element which has direct evidence in its support is the

allegation that Spaulding's rewritten story of the "Manuscript Found"

was, after Spaulding's death, in the possession of his widow. That

allegation rests upon the following statement of Spaulding's daughter,

Mrs. McKinstry, and the family belief in it without any additional

evidence upon which to base that belief. She says:

[Footnote 37: "Hand Book on Mormonism," 3; "Braden-Kelly Debate," 47 and

118.]

"In 1816 my father died at Amity, Pa, and directly after his death

my mother and myself went to visit my mother's brother, William H.

Sabine, at Onondaga Valley, Onondaga County, N Y. * * * We carried

our personal effects with us, and one of these was an old trunk in

which my mother had placed my father's writings, which had been

preserved. I perfectly remember the appearance of this trunk, and

of looking at its contents. There were sermons and other papers,

and I saw a manuscript about an inch thick, closely written, tied

with some of the stories my father had written for me, one of which

he called the 'Frogs of Wyndham,' On the outside of this manuscript

were written the words, 'Manuscript Found.' I did not read it,

but looked through it and had it in my hands many times and saw

the names I had heard at Conneaut when my father read it to his

friends. I was about eleven years old at this time." [38]

[Footnote 38: "New Light on Mormonism," 238; _Magazine of American

History,_ June, 1882; _Scribner's Monthly,_ August, 1880.]

The trunk remained at Sabine's until some time soon after 1820, [39]

while in 1823 Smith is said to have worked for Sabine as a teamster,

and almost certainly heard Spaulding's stories discussed as a matter

of family history. If the rewritten story of Spaulding's "Manuscript

Found" had been in the trunk at Sabine's while Smith worked there,

which is doubtful, he might have stolen it or copied it, though the

latter is made almost impossible by Smith's inability to write, [40] and

by his youth.

[Footnote 40: ii _Journal of Discourses,_ 197.]

Assuming, for the sake of argument, that it has been established that

the Book of Mormon is a plagiarism from 'Spaulding's rewritten story,

then we may still doubt that any of the above theories have sufficient

evidence to warrant their acceptance as established facts. These

various theories were all invented because of a supposed necessity of

accounting for the alleged presence of the rewritten "Manuscript Found"

in the trunk at Sabine's house after 1816, the date of Spaulding's

death. If the "Manuscript Found" was never there, the theories

constructed to explain that fact must fall.

That the first outline of the story which is now at Oberlin was then

in the trunk is certain, because Hurlburt, in 1834, found it there.

It is even possible that this first manuscript may at some time have

been labeled "Manuscript Found." But was the rewritten story ever in

the trunk at Sabine's? If not, Smith could neither have stolen it

nor copied it, and, if never there, or if stolen by Smith, Hurlburt

could not have secured the rewritten manuscript and sold it to the

Mormons, as it has been charged he did do, while he gave only the first

manuscript to Howe, by whom he was employed to secure another. It may

not be amiss to here state that Howe never doubted Hurlburt's fidelity

in this matter. [41]

[Footnote 41: Under date of September 12, 1879, E.D. Howe wrote to

R. Patterson saying, "I am very certain he (Hurlburt) never had any

Manuscript Found to sell to anybody. Whatever Mormons may say, I think

Hurlburt was perfectly honest in all his transactions here." (Taken

from a copy of the letter furnished by Patterson in his History of

Washington County, Pa.)]

The great preponderance of the evidence is against the allegation

that the second manuscript was ever in the trunk at Sabine's. Mrs.

McKinstry's evidence does not establish the identity of Spaulding's

rewritten "Manuscript Found" and the trunk manuscript. Such assertion

of identity is contradicted by that more satisfactory evidence to be

hereafter reviewed, and which shows that the rewritten manuscript

was stolen from the printing office before Spaulding's death; that

the latter suspected Rigdon of being the thief; the possession by

Rigdon of some such manuscript, and which, on one occasion, he

said had been written by Spaulding; Rigdon's advance knowledge of

the forthcoming Book of Mormon and his sudden conversion after its

appearance, and coupled with a very plain connection between Rigdon and

Smith through Parley P. Pratt as intermediary. These conclusions and

much of the evidence upon which they are based will contradict Mrs.

McKinstry's statement, if she meant by it to assert that the Sabine

trunk manuscript contained the names "Mormon," "Moroni," "Lamanite,"

and "Nephi," which names, it will be shown, occur in and only in the

rewritten manuscript and the Book of Mormon.

In determining what weight to give to Mrs. McKinstry's statement as to

the contents of the trunk manuscript, several important facts must be

kept in mind. Mrs. McKinstry made this statement in 1880, when she was

seventy-four years of age. Her father died in October, 1816, very soon

after she and the trunk went to Sabine's at Hartwick, Onondaga County,

N.Y., and there she "many times" had it in her hand. At the earliest

date this must have been in the fore part of 1817, and she tells us

that she was about eleven years old at this time. If, in 1817, she

was eleven years old, then, in 1812, when she, with her parents, left

Conneaut for Pittsburg, she could not have exceeded six years of age.

At the age of seventy-four Mrs. McKinstry testified that when she was

eleven years old she looked through, but did not read, a manuscript,

yet saw the names she heard her father read at Conneaut, between 1810

and 1812, when she was from four to six years old. That this woman, at

seventy-four, should remember strange names, casually repeated in her

presence, before her sixth year, and those names wholly unrelated to

anything of direct consequence to her child life, is a feat of memory

too extraordinary to give her uncorroborated statement any weight, as

against valid contradictory conclusions drawn from established facts.

From 1834, when this alleged plagiarism was first publicly charged,

until the giving of Mrs. McKinstry's evidence in 1880, it had

necessarily been a matter of frequent discussion in the family circle

that the Book of Mormon was a plagiarism from her father's "Manuscript

Found," and always the identity of names must have been spoken of as

the connecting link in the chain of evidence proving the plagiarism,

since that identity of names was the principal item of evidence as it

was first argued and published in 1834. With like uniformity, it was

firmly believed (but as a mere matter of inference, be it remembered)

that Hurlburt secured from the trunk that second manuscript, which

contained these names. Hence it would be inferred by the Spaulding

family that the trunk must have contained the names in question. This

association of ideas through an almost infinite number of recurrences

in mind became firmly impressed as a fixed fact during these forty-six

years of frequent repetition. It is not strange, therefore, if, after

these forty-six years, and with the failing memory of the age of

seventy-four, Mrs. McKinstry should have forgotten the real origin

of this association of ideas, and relate it back to the supposed

inspection of the trunk manuscript and the Conneaut readings, honestly

believing in her accuracy. In this conclusion Mormon authorities

concur. [42]

[Footnote 42: "Myth of the Manuscript Found," 29.]

The only other statement which has ever been claimed as evidence

showing Spaulding's rewritten manuscript to have been in the Sabine

trunk is one by his widow, Matilda Spaulding-Davidson. She says that

before leaving Pittsburg for Amity, her husband's manuscript was

returned by the publishers. She seemingly remembers nothing of its

second submission while her husband resided at Amity, or else those

who wrote and signed her statement didn't see fit to mention it. "The

Manuscript then [after Mr. Spaulding's death in 1816] fell into my

hands, and was preserved carefully. It has frequently been _examined by

my daughter,_ Mrs. McKinstry of Monson, Mass., with whom I now reside,

and by other friends." [43]

[Footnote 43: Boston _Daily Advertiser,_ copied in iii. _Millennial

Harbinger,_ May, 1839; "Mormons' Own Book," 28; Boston _Recorder,_ May,

1839; "Prophet of Palmyra," 417.]

By what follows, she makes it plain that the "other friends" referred

to are the Conneaut neighbors, whose examination was made prior

to 1812, and not at Sabine's. That she herself never examined the

Sabine trunk manuscript so as to speak upon the matter of identity of

manuscripts from personal knowledge, is apparent from several facts.

First, although writing an argumentative article, the strongest part

of which would have been her personal testimony as to some point of

identity between the trunk manuscript and the Book of Mormon, she

mentioned none such as being within her own knowledge. In the absence

of personal knowledge, she repeats as a justification of her belief

the evidence of Conneaut witnesses as to the identity of her husband's

"Manuscript Found" and the Book of Mormon. Even upon the question of

the existence of any manuscript in the Sabine trunk, she seems not to

rely upon any personal inspection of the trunk manuscript, but with an

apparent intention of putting the responsibility for her statement upon

the inspection of her daughter, Mrs. McKinstry, speaks of the latter's

inspection, while remaining silent as to whether or not she made any

inspection of her own.

The argumentative style and the failure to distinguish between personal

knowledge and argumentative inferences is all readily understood

when the history of this statement is made known. It seems that two

preachers, named D. R. Austin and John Storrs, are responsible for this

letter. Mrs. Davidson never wrote it, but afterwards stated that "in

the main" it was true. [44] Even with her re-affirmance of the story as

published, we cannot give it evidentiary weight except in those matters

where it is plain from the nature of things that she must have been

speaking from personal knowledge.

[Footnote 44: _Quincy Whig,_ quoted in "The Spaulding Story Examined

and Exposed," 5, to be read in connection with "Gleanings by the Way,"

261-7. On p. 22 of the "Myth of the Manuscript Found" this interview

appears with the statement that the Boston _Recorder_ article was _in

the main true_ carefully omitted. For still more gross dishonesty see

"Apostle" (afterward Prophet) John Taylor's lying perversion of this

alleged interview as reported in his "Three Nights' Public Discussion,"

pp. 45 and 56. The dishonesty of the original publication of this

interview is pointed out in "Gleanings by the Way," 261-4.]

Upon the question as to whether or not Spaulding's rewritten

manuscript was in the possession of anybody but Rigdon at any time

after October, 1816, Mrs. Davidson's statement as published cannot

in any sense whatever be considered as evidence. And since Mrs.

McKinstry's unsupported evidence, for the reasons already given, must

be considered as of such very infinitesimal weight, I conclude that

there is no believable evidence upon which to base the conclusion that

the "Manuscript Found" was ever returned to Spaulding after its second

submission to Patterson, or was ever in the trunk at Sabine's, and

therefore, could not have been either copied or stolen by Smith. This

also answers one Mormon argument made against Rigdon's theft of the

manuscript from the printing office, which argument is always based

upon the assumption that the original manuscript of the rewritten story

was in the Sabine trunk long after the time of the alleged theft by

Rigdon.

II.

When we digressed from the main lines of our argument, Spaulding's

rewritten story had been traced into the hands of Robert Patterson, a

Pittsburg publisher, and this prior to Spaulding's death in October,

1816. If the manuscript was never returned to Spaulding after its

second submission to Patterson, then what became of it? John Miller,

who knew Spaulding at Amity, bailed him out of jail when confined

for debt, made his coffin for him, and helped lay him in his grave,

says Spaulding told him "there was a man named Sidney Rigdon about

the office [of Patterson], and they thought he had stolen it" [the

manuscript]. [45]

[Footnote 45: Gregg's "Prophet of Palmyra," 442; (date, January 20,

1882.) See also _Times and Seasons._]

The Rev. Cephus Dodd, a Presbyterian minister of Amity, Pa.,

as well as a practicing physician, attended Spaulding at his last

sickness. As early as 1832, when Mormonism was first attracting general

public attention, and two years prior to the publication of Howe's

book, in which Spaulding's story was first ventilated, this Mr. Dodd

took Mr. George M. French of Amity to Spaulding's grave, and there

expressed a positive belief that Sidney Rigdon was the agent who had

transformed Spaulding's manuscript into the Book of Mormon. The date

is fixed by Mr. French through its proximity to his removal to Amity;

hence the date given is probably correct. [46]

[Footnote 46: "History of Washington County, Pa.," by Patterson. "Who

Wrote the Book of Mormon?" p. 10.]

The conclusion thus expressed by Mr. Dodd in advance of all public

discussion or evidence is important, because of what is necessarily

implied in it. First, it involved a comparison between Spaulding's

literary production and the Book of Mormon, with a discovered

similarity inducing conviction that the latter was a plagiarism from

the former. This comparison presupposes a knowledge of the contents

of Spaulding's rewritten manuscript. The second and most important

deduction is to be made from the assertion that Sidney Rigdon was the

connecting link in the plagiarism. Such a conclusion must have had

a foundation in Mr. Dodd's mind, and could have arisen only if he

was possessed of personal knowledge of what he considered reliable

information creating a conviction in his mind of the probability of

Sidney Rigdon's connection with the matter. This conclusion, if not

made on independent evidence, in all human probability had no less

significant foundation than a confidence in the accuracy of Spaulding's

expressed suspicion to the effect that Rigdon had stolen the manuscript

from the printing office. Thus accounted for, Dr. Dodd's statement has

less force than if presumed to have been made on independent evidence,

yet it confirms Joseph Miller's statement that Spaulding suspected

Rigdon, and that suspicion must be accounted for by those who deny

Rigdon's presence in Pittsburg prior to 1821.

HOW ABOUT SIDNEY RIGDON?

Was Spaulding's expressed suspicion that Rigdon had stolen his

manuscript from the printing office well founded? We can never know

upon what evidence the accusation was made, but we may inquire into the

probative force of such new corroborative evidence as has been adduced

since Spaulding's death.

Sidney Rigdon was born February 19, 1793, in Piny Fork of Peter's

Creek, Saint Clair Township, Allegheny County, Pa., [47] which place is

variously estimated at from six to twelve miles distant from Pittsburg.

At least until 1810, that being the date of the death of, his father,

and his own eighteenth year, Rigdon remained on the farm with his

parents. [48]

[Footnote 47: "The Spaulding Story Examined and Exposed," by John E.

Page, 7. Supplement 14, _Millennial Star,_ 42. "Myth of the Manuscript

Found," 24.]

[Footnote 48: Supplement 14, _Millennial Star._ 42.]

According to the Mormon account, Rigdon was licensed as a Baptist

preacher fourteen years before becoming a Mormon. [49] This would make

the date 1816, the same year in October of which Spaulding died, it

being Rigdon's twenty-fourth year, and the same year in which he stole

from the publishing office of Patterson the manuscript of Spaulding,

if the latter's suspicions shall prove well founded. A very opportune

time, be it observed, for the giving of attention to religious subjects.

[Footnote 49: 35 _Saints' Herald,_ 130.]

According to another account, and perhaps the more accurate one, Rigdon

joined the Baptist Church May 31, 1817, [50] a Welsh clergyman, Rev.

David Phillips, being his pastor. [51]. This church was located near

where the neighboring hamlet of Library is now situated. Rigdon "began

to talk in public on religion soon after his admission to the church,

probably at his own instance, as there is no record of his license." [52]

[Footnote 50: "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 8. "Myth of the

Manuscript Found," 24.]

[Footnote 51: Supplement 14, _Millennial Star,_ 42 and 43.]

[Footnote 52: "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 9.]

The following year (1818) Rigdon left the farm and took up his

residence and the study of divinity with the Rev. Andrew Clark at

Sharon, Beaver County, Pa., [53] where, in March, 1819, he was licensed

as a Baptist. [54] I am informed by Sidney Rigdon's son that in 1818

his father made a lengthy visit to Pittsburg. In May, 1819, Rigdon

moved to Warren, Trumbull County, O., where, in July, he took up his

residence with the Rev. Adamson Bentley, later of "Disciple" fame, [55]

and was here ordained a regular Baptist preacher. [56] While thus

situated Rigdon met, and on June 12, 1820, married Phoebe Brooks, [57]

who was a sister to Mrs. Bently. [58] Rigdon continued his preaching

hereabouts, not appearing to have any regular charge until February,

1822. In November, 1821, he received a call from the First Baptist

Church of Pittsburg, which was accepted, active duties commencing

February, 1822, [59] and according to Joseph Smith ended August, 1824,

at which time Rigdon was expelled for doctrinal error. [60] Another

account fixes the date of his being deposed as October 11, 1823. [61]

Thereupon Rigdon, Alexander Campbell, and Walter Scott organized the

"Christian Church," otherwise known as "Disciples"--and, with his

following, Rigdon secured the courthouse in Pittsburg in which to do

his preaching, at the same time working as a journeyman tanner [62] with

his brother-in-law, Mr. Brooks. [63] Mr. Lambdin, through whom Rigdon

is supposed to have secured access to the Spaulding manuscript, and of

whom more shall be written later on, died August 1, 1825, [64] and in

1826 Rigdon returned to Bainbridge, Geauga County, O. [65] Here he soon

met Orson Hyde, who became a student of divinity at Mr. Rigdon's, with

a view, as Hyde says, of entering the ministry. Except for a little

"Campbellite" preaching which he did under Rigdon's guidance, Hyde

never appears to have entered any ministry except the Mormon. In 1829

Hyde became a boarder of Rigdon's family, and in 1830 [66] he was almost

miraculously converted to Mormonism, and still later became one of the

first "Quorum" of apostles in the Mormon Church. Rigdon died July 14,

1876. [67]

[Footnote 53: "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 8, 9.]

[Footnote 54: Supplement 14, _Millenial Star_, 42 and 53.]

[Footnote 55: Supplement 14, _Millenial Star_, 43.]

[Footnote 56: "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 9. Supplement 14,

_Millenial Star_, 43.]

[Footnote 57: Supplement 14, _Millenial Star_, 43.]

[Footnote 58: "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 12.]

[Footnote 59: "The Spaulding Story Examined and Exposed," 4, by J.E.

Page. "Mormonism Exposed," 2 exact date, January 28, 1822.]

[Footnote 60: Supplement 14, _Millenial Star_, 43.]

[Footnote 61: "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 8.]

[Footnote 62: Supplement 14, _Millenial Star_, 45.]

[Footnote 63: "The Spaulding Story Examined and Exposed," p. 8.]

[Footnote 64: "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 7. "Myth of the Manuscript

Found," 26.]

[Footnote 65: Supplement 14, _Millenial Star_, 44. _Times and Seasons_

418.]

[Footnote 66: "The Spaulding Story Examined and Exposed," 10.]

[Footnote 67: _Historical Record_, 992. Bancroft's "History of Utah,"

202]

RIGDON'S PRIOR RELIGIOUS DISHONESTY.

There are two circumstances of the above narrative which need a little

further elucidation, since the impressions which Rigdon made upon his

discerning intimates during his earlier life may have some bearing upon

the force to be given to the circumstantial evidence concerning his

after life.

As to Rigdon's conversion to the Baptist Church so very soon after the

time when Spaulding expressed the suspicion that Rigdon had stolen his

manuscript, the Rev. Samuel Williams, in his "Mormonism Exposed," says:

"He [Rigdon] professed to experience a change of heart when a young

man, and proposed to join the church under the care of Elder David

Phillips. But there was so much miracle about his conversion, and so

much parade about his profession, that the pious and discerning pastor

entertained serious doubts at the time in regard to the genuineness

of the work. He was received, however, by the church and baptized

by the pastor with some fears and doubts upon his mind. Very soon,

Diotrephes-like, he began to put himself forward and seek pre-eminence,

and was well-nigh supplanting the tried and faithful minister who

had reared and nursed and led the church for a long series of years.

So thoroughly convinced was Father Phillips by this time that he was

not possessed of the spirit of Christ, notwithstanding his miraculous

conversion and flippant speech, that he declared his belief 'that as

long as he [Sidney Rigdon] should live, he would be a curse to the

church of Christ.'" [68]

[Footnote 68: "Mormonism Exposed," by Williams, copied in "Who Wrote

the Book of Mormon?" page 13.]

Concerning Rigdon's expulsion or resignation from the Baptist Church,

the Mormons declare that it was caused by Rigdon's refusal to either

accept or teach the doctrine of infant damnation. Dr. Winter, in the

course of a historical notice of the First Baptist Church of Pittsburg,

says: "When Holland Sumner dealt with Rigdon for his bad teachings,

and said to him: 'Brother Rigdon, you never got into a Baptist church

without relating your Christian experiences,' Rigdon replied: 'When

I joined the church at Peter's Creek I knew I could not be admitted

without an experience, so I made up one to suit the purpose; but it was

all made up and was of no use, nor true.' This I have just copied from

an old memorandum as taken from Sumner himself." [69]

[Footnote 69: "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 13. _Baptist Witness_

(Pittsburg), January 1, 1875.]

The first of these accounts was published in 1842, the last in January,

1875, and Rigdon lived until July 14, 1876. While one H. A. Dunlavy of

Lebanon, O., did, in the March number of the same paper, publish an

apology for Rigdon by way of answer to the article of Dr. Winter, yet

neither Dunlavy nor Rigdon ever denied the facts alleged therein. We

must, therefore, accept the facts stated as true, and they fasten upon

Rigdon such religious dishonesty as establishes his willingness to be

a party to a religious fraud in kind like the one here charged against

him.

This, then, brings us to the question of what, if any, opportunity

Rigdon had for stealing Spaulding's manuscript from Patterson's

publishing office.

RIGDON HAD OPPORTUNITY TO STEAL THE MANUSCRIPT.

It has been frequently charged that Sidney Rigdon lived in Pittsburg

and was connected with the Patterson printing office during 1815 and

1816. To this charge Rigdon, under date Commerce (Ill.), May 27, 1839,

makes the following denial:

"It is only necessary to say in relation to the whole story about

Spaulding's writings being in the hands of Mr. Patterson, who was

then in Pittsburg, and who is said to have kept a private printing

office, and my saying that I was connected with the same office,

etc., etc., is the most base of lies, without even the shadow

of truth. There was no man by the name of Patterson during my

residence in Pittsburg who had a printing office; what might have

been before I lived here, I know not. Mr. Robert Patterson, I was

told, had owned a printing office before I lived in that city, but

had been unfortunate in business and failed before my residence in

Pittsburg. This Mr. Patterson, who was a Presbyterian preacher,

I had a very slight acquaintance with during my residence there.

He was then acting under an agency in the book and stationery

business, and was the owner of no property of any kind, printing

office, or anything else during the time I resided in that city. If

I were to say that I ever heard of the Rev. Solomon Spaulding and

his hopeful wife until Dr. P. Hurlburt wrote his lie about me, I

should be a liar like unto themselves." [70]

[Footnote 70: "Spaulding Story Examined and Exposed," 11 and 12.

"History of the Mormons," 45 and 46. "The Mormons," 34. "Braden-Kelly

Debate," 94. "Plain Facts Showing the Falsehood and Folly of the Rev.

C.S. Bush," p. 14 to 16.]

The evidence upon which is based the charge of Rigdon having a

permanent residence in Pittsburg during the years in question, or his

connection with Patterson's printing office, is so unsatisfactory

that these issues must be found in favor of Rigdon's denial, even in

spite of the fact that his evidence is discredited by reason of the

conclusion as to his guilt, which is to be hereafter set forth, and his

personal interest.

Rigdon, it will be remembered, lived within from six to ten miles of

Pittsburg during the years in question. Pittsburg was the only town of

consequence, and the family's place of buying and selling. Rigdon would

of necessity make many friends in the city, and it would not be strange

if almost everybody knew him and he knew all of the prominent citizens.

In 1810 Pittsburg had only about 4,000 inhabitants, and in 1820 had but

7,248.

The very prevalent notion as to Rigdon's connection with the Patterson

publishing establishment must have had some origin, which, in all

probability, would be Rigdon's close friendship for some who were, in

fact, connected with it. Upon this theory only can we account for such

a general impression. [71]

[Footnote 71: "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 11.]

It might be well, before entering upon that subject, to fix in our

minds Patterson's business mutations. In 1812 Patterson was in the book

business in the firm of Patterson and Hopkins. They had then in their

employ one J. Harrison Lambdin, he being a lad of fourteen. January 1,

1818, Lambdin was taken into the partnership of Patterson and Lambdin,

which firm succeeded R. and J. Patterson. R. Patterson had in his

employ one Silas Engles as foreman printer and superintendent of the

printing business. As such, the latter decided upon the propriety, or

otherwise, of publishing manuscripts when offered. The partnership of

Patterson and Lambdin "had under its control the book store on Fourth

Street, a book bindery, a printing office (not newspaper, but job

office, under the name of Buttler and Lambdin), entrance on Diamond

Alley, and a steam paper mill on the Allegheny (under the name of R.

and J. Patterson)." [72] Patterson and Lambdin continued in business

until 1823. Lambdin died August 1, 1825, in his twenty-seventh year.

Silas Engles died July 17, 1827, in his forty-sixth year. R. Patterson

died September 5, 1854, in his eighty-second year. [73]

[Footnote 72: "Myth of the Manuscript Found," 26. "Who Wrote the Book

of Mormon?" 9.]

[Footnote 73: "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 7 and 9. This covers all

Patterson's migrations.]

RIGDON'S ONLY DENIAL ANALYZED.

Let us now analyze Mr. Rigdon's denial of 1839 as quoted above. Rigdon

was an educated man, a controversialist in religion, and at the date of

the denial he was also a lawyer. Therefore we are justified in holding

him in a strict accountability for all that is necessarily implied from

what he says or omits to say, as we could not, in justice, do with a

layman.

Rigdon's first denial is of the "Story about Spaulding's writing being

in the hands of Patterson." This story is established by the evidence

already adduced and some besides, even to the satisfaction of most

Mormons.

The negative of this proposition Mr. Rigdon, if he was a stranger to

the office, as is claimed, could not possibly assert as a matter within

his own knowledge. If Rigdon had in his mind any fact upon which he

justified this assertion, it could only have been a knowledge that

the manuscript was at the printing office of Buttler and Lambdin, not

knowing that that office was controlled by Patterson.

The second denial in Rigdon's statement is: "There was no man by the

name of Patterson during my residence in Pittsburg who had a printing

office." The foregoing account of Patterson's business affairs is

made up from the information possessed by Patterson's family and an

employee. It must, therefore, be accepted as correct. Here again

Rigdon's denial can be accounted for by assuming his ignorance of

Patterson's interest in the printing office known as Buttler and

Lambdin. Rigdon's son says Rigdon lived in Pittsburg in 1818. Church

biographers allege that he preached there regularly after January 28,

1822. During 1818 and 1822 Patterson was in the printing business, and

Rigdon's statement must be deemed untrue.

Howe, in his "Mormonism Unveiled," [74] did, as early as 1834, charge

that Rigdon had been "on intimate terms" with Lambdin. This statement

in many forms has been very often republished since, and between 1834

and 1876, the year of Rigdon's death. During these forty-two years

Rigdon never recorded a denial. That fact may, therefore, be taken as

true. If Rigdon was on terms of intimacy with Lambdin, and Lambdin,

at the time of that intimacy, as is clearly established and undenied,

was connected with Patterson in the publishing business, Rigdon, being

intimate with him, must have known something of Patterson's business,

and assuming his mental faculties unimpaired, he, in the statement

under consideration, must have told what he knew was untrue, justifying

himself by the apparent evidence in his favor that Patterson's printing

office was not run in his own name.

[Footnote 74: p. 289]

Rigdon's third matter of denial relates to his own admission of a

connection with Patterson's printing establishment. This denial we must

accept as true, since no one to whom he is alleged to have made the

admission has ever recorded his evidence, and the hearsay statements

without certainty of origin are too indefinite to be entitled to weight.

This paragraph above quoted and thus analyzed absolutely denies nothing

in the remotest degree essential to the real issues involved in the

charge of plagiarism under investigation, and is absolutely the only

recorded public denial ever made by Rigdon, though from 1834 to 1876

he was almost continually under the fire of this charge, reiterated in

various forms and with varying proofs.

RIGDON AND LAMBDIN IN 1815.

Heretofore we have argued that by his silence Rigdon admitted his

intimacy with Lambdin, successively Patterson's employee and partner

from 1812 to 1823. The early writers all treated the intimacy between

Rigdon and Lambdin as a matter apparently too well known to need proof.

Yet we need not rely upon that, nor even Rigdon's failure to deny,

since more definite evidence has been preserved.

Mrs. R. J. Eichbaum, under date of Pittsburg, September 18, 1879,

leaves us this very convincing statement:

"My father, John Johnston, was postmaster at Pittsburg for about

eighteen years, from 1804 to 1822. My husband, William Eichbaumn,

succeeded him, and was postmaster for about eleven years, from 1822

to 1833. I was born August 25, 1792, and when I became old enough

I assisted my father in attending to the post office, and became

familiar with his duties. From 1811 to 1816 I was the regular

clerk in the office, assorting, making up, dispatching, opening,

and distributing the mails. Pittsburg was then a small town, and I

was well acquainted with all the stated visitors at the office who

called regularly for their mails. So meager at that time were the

mails that I could generally tell without looking whether or not

there was anything for such persons, though I would usually look

in order to satisfy them. I was married in 1815, and the next year

my connection with the office ceased, except during the absences

of my husband. I knew and distinctly remember Robert and Joseph

Patterson, J. Harrison Lambdin, Silas Engles, and Sidney Rigdon.

I remember Rev. Mr. Spaulding, but simply as one who occasionally

called to inquire for letters. I remember there was an evident

intimacy between Lambdin and Rigdon. They very often came to the

office together. I particularly remember that they would thus come

during the hour on Sabbath afternoon when the office was required

to be open, and I remember feeling sure that Rev. Mr. Patterson

knew nothing of this, or he would have put a stop to it. I do not

know what position, if any, Rigdon filled in Patterson's store or

printing office, but am well assured he was frequently, if not

constantly, there for a large part of the time when I was clerk in

the post office. I recall Mr. Engles saying that 'Rigdon was always

hanging around the printing office.' He was connected with the

tannery before he became a preacher, though he may have continued

the business whilst preaching." [75]

[Footnote 75: "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 10-11.]

While this does not establish that Sidney Rigdon had a permanent abode

in Pittsburg, nor that he was connected with Patterson's printing

establishment, it yet explains why seemingly everybody who knew

him reached that conclusion. It also establishes beyond doubt his

undeniable intimacy with Lambdin and Engles, and by reason thereof, his

possible access to Spaulding's manuscript, and doubtless is one of the

circumstances leading Spaulding to suspect Rigdon of the theft.

RIGDON EXHIBITS SPAULDING'S MANUSCRIPT.

It will be remembered that in 1822-3 Rigdon was a Baptist preacher

in Pittsburg. The Rev. John Winter, M.D., one of the western

Pennsylvania's early preachers, was then (1822-3) a school teacher in

Pittsburg. Dr. Winter died at Sharon, Pa., in 1878.

On one occasion during this period (1822-3) Dr. Winter was in Rigdon's

study when the latter took from his desk a large manuscript, and said,

substantially, that a Presbyterian minister named Spaulding, whose

health had failed, brought it to a printer to see if it would pay to

publish it. "It is a romance of the Bible." Dr. Winter did not read the

manuscript, nor think any more of the matter until the Book of Mormon

appeared. It was thought by members of Dr. Winter's family that he had

committed his recollections of this interview to writing, but none

could be found.

The authorities of Dr. Winter's statement are Rev. A. G. Kirk, to whom

Dr. Winter communicated it in a conversation had at New Brighton, Pa.,

in 1870-1. The second authority is the Rev. A. J. Bonsall, a stepson of

Dr. Winter, and for twenty-three years pastor of the Baptist Church at

Rochester, Pa. To him the same story was often repeated by Dr. Winter.

The third authority is Mrs. W. Irvine, a daughter of Dr. Winter, in

1881 resident at Sharon, Pa. Her statement has one or two details not

already given, so I quote:

"I have frequently heard my father speak of Rigdon having

Spaulding's manuscript, and that he had gotten it from the printers

to read it as a curiosity; as such he showed it to father; and that

at the time Rigdon had no intention of making the use of it that he

afterwards did." [76]

[Footnote 76: "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 11-12. "Braden-Kelly

Debate," 42.]

Thus authenticated, Dr. Winter's statement may be given as much weight

as though reduced to writing by himself.

RIGDON FOREKNOWS THE COMING AND CONTENTS OF THE BOOK OF MORMON.

The Rev. Adamson Bentley (whose wife was sister to Mrs. Sidney Rigdon)

wrote the following to Walter Scott under date of January 22, 1841:

"I know that Sidney Rigdon told me that there was a book coming

out, the manuscript of which had been found engraved on gold

plates, as much as two years before the Mormon book made its

appearance or had been heard of by me."

This statement was published in the _Millennial Harbinger_ for 1844,

with the following editorial note from Rev. Alexander Campbell:

"The conversation alluded to in Brother Bentley's letter of 1841

was in my presence as well as his, and my recollection of it led

me, some two or three years ago, to interrogate Brother Bentley

touching his recollection of it, which accorded with mine in every

particular, except the year in which it occurred, he placing it in

the summer of 1827, I in the summer of 1826, Rigdon at the same

time observing that in the plates dug up in New York there was an

account, not only of the aborigines of this country, but also it

was stated that the Christian religion had been preached in this

country during the first century, just as we were preaching it in

the Western Reserve." [77]

[Footnote 77: Besides _Millennial Harbinger_ 1844, p. 39, see "Who

Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 12 and 13. "Braden-Kelly Debate," 45.]

It will be remembered that Rigdon lived for a time at his

brother-in-law Bentley's house, and that it was Scott, Campbell, and

Rigdon who, in Pittsburg, organized the Disciple Church in 1824 or

1825. The above statements were published in the _Millennial Harbinger_

in 1844 (p. 39), twenty-two years before Rigdon's death, yet he never

published a denial to either. It seems that before that publication

Adamson Bentley was orally making statements, probably to the same

effect, which remained undenied by Rigdon, though he published a card

denouncing his brother-in-law. [78]

[Footnote 78: _Evening and Morning Star,_ 301.]

Mrs. Amos Dunlap, a niece of Mrs. Rigdon, under date of Warren, O.,

December 7, 1879, writes this:

"When I was quite a child I visited Mr. Rigdon's family. He married

my aunt. They at that time lived at Bainbridge, O. [1826-7]. During

my visit Mr. Rigdon went to his bedroom and took from a trunk which

he kept locked, a certain manuscript. He came out into the other

room and seated himself by the fireplace and commenced reading it.

His wife at that moment came into the room and exclaimed: 'What,

are you studying that thing again?' or something to that effect.

She then added: 'I mean to burn that paper.' He said, 'No indeed,

you will not; this will be a great thing some day.' Whenever he was

reading this he was so completely occupied that he seemed entirely

unconscious of anything passing around him." [79]

[Footnote 79: "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 12. "Braden-Kelly

Debate," 45.]

Since Rigdon never, in person or by anyone else, has claimed to

have written any such manuscript of his own, in the light of other

evidence here adduced, we are warranted in believing that to have been

Spaulding's "Manuscript Found."

The Rev. D. Atwater, under date Mantua Station, O., April 26, 1873,

three years before Rigdon's death, writes this:

"Soon after this the great Mormon defection came on us

[Disciples]. Sidney Rigdon preached for us, and notwithstanding

his extravagantly wild freaks, he was held in high repute by many.

For a few months before his professed conversion to Mormonism, it

was noticed that his wild, extravagant propensities had been more

marked. That he knew before of the coming of the Book of Mormon is

to me certain from what he said [during] the first of his visits at

my father's some years before. He gave a wonderful description of

the mounds and other antiquities found in some parts of America,

and said that they must have been made by the aborigines. He said

that there was a book to be published containing an account of

those things. He spoke of these in his eloquent, enthusiastic

style, as being a thing most extraordinary. Though a youth then,

I took him to task for expending so much enthusiasm on such a

subject, instead of things of the gospel." [80]

[Footnote 80: "Early History of the Disciples in the Western Reserve,"

239-240, copied in "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 13. "Braden-Kelly

Debate," 45.]

Of this statement Rigdon never made a denial.

Dr. S. Rosa, under date of Painsville, O., June 3, 1841, writes, among

other things, this:

"In the early part of the year 1830, when the Book of Mormon

appeared, [and in November of which year Rigdon was converted],

either in May or June, I was in company with Sidney Rigdon, and

rode with him on horseback a few miles. Our conversation was

principally upon the subject of religion, as he was at that time

a very popular preacher of the denomination calling themselves

'Disciples' or Campbellites. He remarked to me that it was time for

a new religion to spring up; that mankind were all rife and ready

for it. I thought he alluded to the Campbellite doctrine. He said

it would not be long before something would make its appearance;

he also said that he thought of leaving Pennsylvania and should

be absent for some months. I asked him how long. He said it would

depend upon circumstances. I began to think a little strange of his

remarks, as he was a minister of the gospel. I left Ohio that fall

and went to the State of New York to visit my friends who lived in

Waterloo, not far from the mine of golden Bibles. In November I was

informed that my old neighbor, E. Partridge, and the Rev. Sidney

Rigdon, were in Waterloo, and that they both had become the dupes

of Joe Smith's necromancies. It then occurred to me that Rigdon's

new religion had made its appearance, and when I became informed

of the Spaulding manuscript, I was confirmed in the opinion that

Rigdon was at least accessory, if not the principal, in getting up

this farce." [81]

[Footnote 81: "Gleanings by the Way," 317. "Prophet of the Nineteenth

Century," 58. "Early Days of Mormonism," 172-3.]

This last article was first published in book form in 1842, thirty-four

years before Rigdon's death, but never publicly denied or explained by

him. Whether this particular letter was published in the _Christian

Observer_ and _Episcopal Recorder_ I cannot say, but other portions of

the same book evidently were, and received comment in a Mormon church

organ. [82] This but emphasizes Rigdon's silence upon Dr. Rosa's letter.

[Footnote 82: _Gospel Reflector_, 19.]

In Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," [83] it is said that Rigdon, during the

incubation period of Mormonism between 1827 and 1830, preached new

matters of doctrine which were afterwards found to be inculcated in

the Mormon Bible. The evident purpose of all this was to prepare his

congregation for the acceptance of Mormonism, and the end was most

successfully achieved. Evidently this and the other circumstances

showing Rigdon's foreknowledge of the forthcoming Book of Mormon, all

combined with a guilty conscience, irresistibly impelled the making

of an explanation tending to allay the suspicion that there was a

conscious purpose in all such conduct. This defense is found in a

revelation to Sidney Rigdon, dated December 7, 1830, at the alleged

first meeting between Rigdon and Smith, and within one month after the

former's conversion. The revelation, in part, says:

[Footnote 83: Page 289. "Braden-Kelly Debate," 45.]

"Behold thou was sent forth, even as John, _To prepare the way_

before me, and before Elijah which should come, _and thou knewest

it not_." [84]

[Footnote 84: Section 35, "Doctrine and Covenants." Supplement 14,

_Millennial Star,_ 50. The exact date of this revelation is December

7th. 1830, according to Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 107.]

That Rigdon did prepare the way we knew before the revelation informed

us of it. That it was done unconsciously we cannot even now believe.

Especially in the light of the foregoing evidence, this revelation

must be construed as much more convincing proof of Rigdon's advance

knowledge of the forthcoming Book of Mormon and its contents than even

a tacit admission.

It is practically an admission of guilty knowledge, coupled with a

transparent effort at warding off the inference of complicity in fraud

by veiling the acts constituting the evidence in an assumed mysticism,

which really deceives few aside from the mystic degenerate and the

willing victim who enters the fold for opportunities to "fleece the

flock of Christ."

III.

FROM RIGDON TO SMITH _via_ P. P. PRATT.

When to this evidence already adduced is added, as will be done,

conclusive proof of the identity of the salient features of the Book

of Mormon and Spaulding's rewritten "Manuscript Found," it would seem

that the case of plagiarism through Rigdon's complicity is established

beyond reasonable doubt. The Mormon objector, however, insists that

no possible connection between Rigdon and Smith has ever been shown

to exist prior to 1830, and that, therefore, even if Rigdon did steal

the manuscript, Smith could not have obtained it for use as a help

in preparing the Book of Mormon. It would seem as if the facts above

recited should, even if unaided by more direct evidence, raise an

almost conclusive presumption of the existence of an undiscovered

connection between the two. But we are not confined to an inference

from such evidence alone. There are still more pointed evidentiary

circumstances to which we will now give attention.

Parley Parker Pratt was born at Burlington, Otsego County, N.Y.,

April 12, 1807, of parents who later resided at Canaan, Columbia

County, N.Y. [85] During his sixth year (1813) he went to reside with

his father's sister, named Van Cott, [86] which name afterward became

conspicuous in the early history of Utah. In 1826 Pratt spent a few

months with an uncle in Wayne (formerly Ontario) County, N. Y. [87]

[Footnote 85: "Autobiography of P.P. Pratt," 17.]

[Footnote 86: "Autobiography of P.P. Pratt," 19.]

[Footnote 87: "Supplement 14, _Millennial Star_," 1.]

This, it will be remembered, is the same county in which Smith was at

that time gaining much newspaper notoriety as a "peep-stone" money

digger [88] through mention made of him in papers published in several

counties in southern New York and northern Pennsylvania. [89] While

Smith was thus working the gullible of his neighborhood with his

necromancy, Pratt was a peddler, who, it is said, knew almost everybody

in western New York. [90] At that time Ontario County took in all the

territory of several counties as now bounded, and in 1820 had only a

population of 80,267. [91] Pratt, therefore, could hardly have helped

knowing Smith's fame, which was such as at once to have suggested him

as the star actor in any scheme of fraud requiring a prophet. In view

of Pratt's subsequent connection with the Wells family, [92] who were

Smith's neighbors and friends, [93] it is more than probable that he

knew the Smiths personally in or prior to 1826, although, of course,

they would carefully guard the fact of such acquaintance from publicity

as a most important secret.

[Footnote 88: "Origin, Rise, and Progress of Mormonism," 27.]

[Footnote 89: "Braden-Kelly Debate," 47.]

[Footnote 90: "Hand Book of Mormonism," 3.]

[Footnote 91: Compendium, 11th Census.]

[Footnote 92: "Autobiography of P.P. Pratt," 37.]

[Footnote 93: "Joseph Smith, the Prophet," by Lucy Smith, 101-2-3.]

In October of this year Pratt went to Ohio, locating at Amherst, thirty

miles west of Cleveland [94] and was also located fifty miles west of

Kirtland. [95] One of the temptations inducing Pratt's departure from

New York was to get to a country where, as he himself expresses it,

there is "no law to sweep [away] all the hard earnings of years to pay

a small debt." [96] The ethical status of an average country peddler who

is willing to leave his native state to avoid the payment of his "small

debts" furnishes a fertile immorality in which to plant the seeds of

religious imposture.

[Footnote 94: "Autobiography of P.P. Pratt," 27.]

[Footnote 95: "Autobiography of P.P. Pratt," 50.]

[Footnote 96: "Autobiography of P.P. Pratt," 26.]

It will be remembered that it was also in 1826 that Rigdon went for a

second time to reside in Ohio, where he became an itinerant "Disciple"

preacher, laboring in the vicinity of Bainbridge, Mantua, Kirtland,

Mentor, Chester, New Lisbon, and Warren, [97] at some of which places

Rigdon had an unsavory reputation. [98] Rigdon and Pratt, therefore,

were in the same neighborhood in 1826, and undoubtedly met soon after.

The date of their first meeting is nowhere given, but may reasonably

be inferred from an address delivered by Parley P. Pratt in 1843 or

'4. In this discourse Pratt tells of an occurrence which transpired

on his way to his future Ohio home, which occurrence furnishes the

key to his first connection with Mormonism. On his way he stopped at

a humble cottage, the name of whose occupant he carefully fails to

give. Here, while asleep (so he says), "a messenger of a mild and

intelligent countenance suddenly stood before me [Pratt], arrayed in

robes of dazzling splendor." According to Mormon theology, an angel

is but an exalted man. [99] Of course Sidney Rigdon was an exalted

man; why not, then, an angel? This angel claimed to hold the keys

to the mysteries of this wonderful country, and took Pratt out to

exhibit those mysteries to him. Pratt then had portrayed to his mind

the whole future of Mormonism; its cities, with inhabitants from all

parts of the globe; its temples, with a yet unattained splendor;

its present church organization was, with considerable definiteness

outlined; its political ambition to establish a temporal kingdom of

God on the ruins of this government was set forth with quite as much

definiteness as in the subsequent more publicly uttered, treasonable

sermons. [100] I conclude from the exact manner in which this "Angel of

the Prairies" foreknew the ambitions, hopes, and future achievements

of the Mormon Church and the similar admitted foreknowledge of Rigdon

and the subsequently established connection between Rigdon, Pratt, and

Smith, that the "Angel of the Prairies" who outlined to Pratt his then

contemplated and now executed religious fraud, was none other than

Sidney Rigdon himself, and that this fact accounts for Pratt's failure

to give the name of his host or the date of his first meeting with

Rigdon. [101]

[Footnote 97: "History of the Church," 149-150. ("Josephite".)]

[Footnote 98: "4 _Times and Seasons_," 209. Supplement 14, _Millennial

Star,_ 45.]

[Footnote 99: See Text for foot-notes, Nos. 106 to 109 herein. 6

_Millennial Star_, 20. "History of Mormonism," 154.]

[Footnote 101: 20 _Millennial Star_, 33-36. _7 Deseret News_, 288-9. _7

Journal of Discourses_, 53. _1 Journal of Discourses_, 230, and Sermons

generally of this period. See also _Am. Hist. Mag._, July, 1906.]

Lambdin, who, by some, has been suspected of once having been Rigdon's

partner in the contemplated fraud, died Aug. 1, 1825. Engles,

Patterson's foreman, died July 17, 1827. Spaulding had died in 1816,

and Robert Patterson, it seems, knew nothing personally of the contents

of the Spaulding manuscript, [102] which fact Rigdon probably well knew

through his intimate acquaintance with Lambdin. In September of 1827

the time was, therefore, as ripe as it was ever likely to be for active

preparation in the matter of bringing forth the "Book of Mormon," since

probably all those having any intimate knowledge of the "Manuscript

Found" had conveniently died.

[Footnote 102: "Mormonism Exposed," by Williams. "Who Wrote the Book of

Mormon?" 7.]

In 1827 Pratt started back to New York for the purpose of getting

married. Now, remember, this was nearly three years before the advent

of Mormonism. Pratt reached the home of his aunt Van Cote July 4, 1827,

and in his autobiography records a summary of a conversation with his

future wife thus: "I also opened my religious views to her and my

desire, which I sometimes had, to try and teach the red man." [103] In

October, 1830, within a month after Pratt's professed conversion to

Mormonism, a revelation was received for Pratt, in which the Lord,

through "Joseph Smith, the Prophet," directed Pratt to carry out this

very design. [104] The desire which Pratt thus expressed to his wife

three years before the advent of Mormonism was afterward and for a

long time the pet scheme of all Mormons. Pratt was married September

9, 1827. [105] On September 22, 1827, a "heavenly messenger" appeared

to Joseph Smith and unfolded to him the scheme of the Book of Mormon,

and disclosed the whereabouts of the "Golden Plates." [106] This

"heavenly messenger" is called the Angel Moroni. According to Mormon

theology, "God may use any beings he has made or that he pleases, and

call them his angels, or messengers." [107] "God's angels and men are

all of one species, one race, one great family." [108] "God is a man

like unto yourselves; that is the great secret." [109] Why, of course!

"That is the great secret." God is but an "exalted man," and may call

Parley Parker Pratt his angel. Parley Parker Pratt was the "heavenly

messenger," the angel who, on that day (September 22, 1827), appeared

to Joseph Smith and told him where were the golden plates, that is,

Spaulding's "Manuscript Found." Sidney Rigdon, for Smith's purposes,

was the "exalted man," the "God" who sent this "heavenly messenger"

Parley Parker Pratt, just as the Mormon people now look upon Joseph

Smith as the "God to this people." [110] Now, watch the sequel, and no

doubt can remain.

[Footnote 103: Pages 29 and 30.]

[Footnote 104: Section 32, Doctrine and Covenants. Smith's God was,

however, unfamiliar with governmental regulations of Indian affairs,

so in spite of the revelation Pratt and Company were compelled by the

United States Indian agent to leave the reservation. 5 _Journal of

Discourses,_ 199. Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 218-226. "Gleanings by

the Way," 324.]

[Footnote 105: "Autobiography of P.P. Pratt," 30.]

[Footnote 106: Supplement 14, _Millennial Star_, 6.]

[Footnote 107: 5 _Journal of Discourses_, 141.]

[Footnote 108: Key to Theology, 41, 5 _Millennial Star_, 20.]

[Footnote 109: 5 _Times and Seasons_, 613. God an Exalted Man, 6

_Journal of Discourses_, 3.]

[Footnote 110: _Deseret News_, March 18, 1857, 13. See also _Deseret

News_ 179. Those most familiar with the psychology of dreams and the

influence over them had by the experiences of waking life, will give

considerable evidentiary weight to a dream of the prophet's father,

in which there appeared to him a "man with a peddler's budget on his

back," such a peddler P. P. Pratt probably carried. This peddler of

his dreams flattered him, told him he had called seven times and this

last call had come to tell him what was the one thing essential to his

salvation, and then he awoke. ("Joseph Smith, the Prophet," 74.)]

September 9, 1827, Pratt was married. On September 22, 1827, he was the

angel who appeared to Smith, and in October he started back to Ohio,

the home of Rigdon. [111] Rigdon is now brought again upon the scene. He

preaches in Pratt's neighborhood, converts him, the latter commences

preaching, [112] evidently preparing for his part in the drama about to

be enacted.

[Footnote 111: "Autobiography of P.P. Pratt," 30.]

[Footnote 112: "Autobiography of P.P. Pratt," 31-33.]

RIGDON VISITS SMITH BEFORE MORMONISM.

The work of revising the Spaulding manuscript, or, as "Holy Joe" calls

it, the "Translation of the Golden Plates," is begun. A mysterious

stranger now appears at Smith's residence and holds private interviews

with the far-famed money-digger. For a considerable length of time no

intimation of the name or the purpose of this personage transpired to

the public, or even to Smith's nearest neighbors. It was observed by

some of them that his visits were frequently repeated. [113] At about

this time Rigdon is away from his Ohio home on several long visits,

reporting himself as having gone to Pittsburg. [114]

[Footnote 113: "Origin and Progress of Mormonism," 28. The author

was a native of Palmyra and read proof on the Book of Mormon. "Hand

Book of Mormonism," 3. This author lived thirty-two years in Palmyra.

Braden-Kelly Debate, 46. Mother Lucy in "Joseph Smith, the Prophet,"

pp. 119, 120, 121, gives an account of a mysterious and unnamed

"stranger" who came to their home with Joe at the time Harris had

lost some of the manuscript of the Book of Mormon. As a mere matter

of kindness this "stranger" forced upon the "Prophet" his company for

a twenty mile walk through the woods at night, left a stage coach and

went out of his way to do it, and attended the interview with Harris

next day. An opportune time was this for Rigdon's presence. May 1, 1829,

Sec. 10, Doctrine and Covenants.]

[Footnote 114: Howe's "Mormonism Unveiled," 289, followed in "Gleanings

by the Way," 319. "Prophet of the Nineteenth Century," 57. See also the

pointed statement of L. Rudolph, father-in-law to President Garfield,

quoted in Braden-Kelly Debate, 45.]

Abel Chase, a near neighbor of the Smiths, says: "I saw Rigdon at

Smith's at different times with considerable intervals between."

Lorenzo Saunders, another neighbor, testifies: "I saw Rigdon at Smith's

several times, and the first visit was more than two years before the

Book appeared." J. H. McCauley, in his history of Franklin County,

Pa., states "as a matter too well known to need argument, that Joseph

Smith, the founder of Mormonism, and Sidney Rigdon were acquainted for

a considerable time before Mormonism was first heard of." [115]

[Footnote 115: See Braden-Kelly Debate, 46, for three last statements.

Tucker in his "Origin and Progress of Mormonism," p. 50, says Rigdon

officiated at the wedding of Joseph Smith and Emma Hale, but he fixes

date of wedding in November, 1829, when in fact it seems to have

occurred January 18, 1828. (_Historical Record_, 363.) Tucker may

therefore have been misinformed. An alleged admission of Sidney Rigdon

to James Jeffries that Spaulding's story was used, which is quoted in

Braden-Kelly Debate, 42, I consider of doubtful value.]

I have been able to find but one specific denial of Rigdon's

acquaintance with Smith prior to the appearance of the Book of Mormon.

That denial comes from Katherine Salisbury, a sister of the "Prophet

Joseph," and is dated April 15, 1881, when she was nearly 68 years of

age. She says that

"Prior to the latter part of the year A. D. 1830, there was no

person who visited with, or was an acquaintance of, or called upon

the said family [of Smith], or any member thereof to my knowledge

by the name of Rigdon, nor was such person known to the family or

any member thereof to my knowledge, until the last part of the year

A. D. 1830, or the first part of the year 1831. I remember the time

when Sidney Rigdon came to my father's place, and that it was after

the removal of my father from Waterloo, N.Y., to Kirtland, O. That

this was in the year 1831." [116]

[Footnote 116: "Myth of the Manuscript Found," 34. Braden-Kelly Debate,

100.]

In 1827 and 1828, when Rigdon's visits must have occurred, and his help

was needed in revamping Spaulding's "Manuscript Found," this woman was

fourteen or fifteen years of age. That Rigdon did visit at the Smiths'

in New York State, December, 1830, is admitted, [117] and of this she

seemingly remembers nothing. She has no recollection of Rigdon's coming

to her father's or brother's house until after their removal to Ohio.

May she not also, either by design or otherwise, have forgotten visits

made by Rigdon to her New York home prior to the admitted, and, by her,

forgotten one in December, 1830?

[Footnote 117: Supplement 14 _Millennial Star,_ 49.]

In the same statement she avers that "at the time of the publication

of said Book [of Mormon], my brother Joseph Smith, Jr., lived in the

family of my father in the town of Manchester, Ontario County, N.Y.,

and that he had all of his life to this time made his home with the

family."

The manuscript of the Book of Mormon was finished and the book

copyrighted by June 11, 1829._Millennial Star,_ 24. 118 Rigdon's help

would be most needed before this time, and from June, 1828, until June,

1829, all and numerous revelations are dated "Harmony, Pennsylvania,"

which, together with Smith's autobiography, shows that he did not all

of his lifetime make his home with his parents, nor live at Manchester

during all of the most important period of Mormon incubation. The

probabilities are that Smith moved to Pennsylvania at this time, for

the very purpose of making it easier for Rigdon and Pratt, who lived in

Ohio, to furnish him the much needed help.

The admitted errors in Mrs. Salisbury's statement destroy its

evidentiary value, and leave it clearly demonstrated by the other

evidence adduced, that Rigdon visited Smith' several years before the

appearance of the Book of Mormon.

THE CONVERSION OF PARLEY P. PRATT.

In the summer of 1830 the Book of Mormon came from the press, and the

time had come for Pratt and Rigdon to be astonished by its appearance.

Now watch their maneuvers. That year Pratt left Ohio for a visit to New

York. Of this trip his autobiography records the following:

"Landing in Buffalo, we [Pratt and wife] engaged our passage for

Albany in a canal boat, distance three hundred and sixty miles.

This, including board, cost all our money and some articles of

clothing."

Would a mere desire to visit friends induce him to give up part of his

clothing for passage money? Hardly; he was after larger game. But let

us read on:

"Arriving at Rochester, I informed my wife that, notwithstanding

our passage being paid through the whole distance, yet I must leave

the boat and leave her to pursue her passage to our friends, while

I would stop a while in this region. _Why, I did not know;_ but so

it was plainly manifest by the Spirit to me. I said to her: 'We

part for a season; go and visit our friends in our native place;

I will come soon, but how soon I know not, _for I have a work to

do in this region of country, and what it is or how long it will

take me to perform it, I know not;_ but I will come when it is

performed. My wife would have objected to this, but she had seen

the _Hand of God_ so plainly manifest in His dealings with me many

times that she dare not oppose the things manifest to me by His

Spirit. She therefore consented, and I accompanied her as far as

Newark, a small town upwards of a hundred miles from Buffalo, and

then took leave of her and of the boat."

"It was early in the morning, just at the dawn of day. I walked ten

miles into the country [remember now he doesn't know where he is

going], and stopped with a Mr. Wells."

This was undoubtedly a member of the same Wells family of Macedon with

whom Joseph Smith had long been on terms of intimacy.[119] Pratt's

autobiography continues:

[Footnote 119: "Joseph Smith, the Prophet," by Lucy Smith, 101-103.

Probably this refers to the home of Daniel H. Wells, afterward a

prominent Mormon in Utah.]

"I proposed to preach in the evening. Mr. Wells readily accompanied

me through the neighborhood to visit the people and circulate the

appointment."

"We visited an old Baptist deacon by the name of Hamblin. After

hearing of our appointment for the evening, he began to tell of

_a book, a strange book, a very strange book_ in his possession,

which had just been published. I inquired of him how and where the

book was to be obtained. He promised me the perusal of it at his

house the next day, if I would call. I felt a strange interest in

the book. Next morning I called at his house, where, for the first

time, my eyes beheld the 'Book of Mormon,' that book of books."

Pratt says he opened it with eagerness and examined its contents.

"As I read, _the spirit of the Lord was upon me,_ and I knew and

comprehended that the book was true as plainly and as manifestly as a

man comprehends and knows that he exists." [120]

[Footnote 120: "Autobiography of P.P. Pratt," 37-38.]

Pratt soon determined to see Smith, and, accordingly, visited Palmyra,

where Hyrum Smith welcomed him to their house, and they spent the

night together. Joseph had not returned from Pennsylvania. One is led

to wonder if Hyrum Smith would take in every inquisitive stranger as

his bedfellow. In the morning Pratt returned to fill his appointment

to preach the doctrine of Alexander Campbell. Hyrum Smith presented

Pratt with a copy of the book, which the latter tells us he was glad to

receive, because he had not yet finished his reading of it. [121] Pratt

preached the doctrines of the "Disciples" that night and the following

one, then returned to the Smith house, and from there went to the

Whitmers in Seneca County, resting that night, and taking his Mormon

baptism the next day. On the next Sabbath Pratt attended a Mormon

meeting and preached a Mormon sermon at the house of one Burroughs. "My

work was now completed, for which I took leave of my wife and the canal

boat some two or three weeks before." [122]

[Footnote 121: "Autobiography of P.P. Pratt," 39-42.]

[Footnote 122: "Autobiography of P.P. Pratt," 43.]

About the details and the order of events in such remarkable

occurrences, there could not possibly be doubt or errors of memory.

Had they actually transpired, these events would have been the most

important in any eventful career, and would have been indelibly

impressed upon Pratt's memory. If, however, this marvelous tale is

but a falsehood told to conceal Pratt's real connection with a fraud,

then, it is quite possible that he and those associated with him should

forget how the falsehood had been told at other times, and thus produce

contradictory statements.

Let us, in the light of this comment, examine the foregoing account

more carefully. Evidently, in this account Pratt is desirous of

conveying the impression that, as he had elsewhere expressed it, he

"was greatly prejudiced against the book." [123] However, in a sermon

delivered in 1856--thirty-two years before the publication of the

autobiography--Pratt tells us he was converted before completing the

reading of the Book of Mormon, or meeting a single true "Saint." Here

are his own words:

[Footnote 123: Pratt's reply to Sunderland, copied in 45 _Saints'

Herald,_ 61. "Myth of the Manuscript Found," 32.]

"I knew it was true, because it was light, and had come in

fulfillment of scripture; and _I bore testimony of its truth_

to the neighbors that came in _during the first day that I

sat reading_ it at the house of an old Baptist deacon named

Hamblin." [124]

[Footnote 124: 5 _Journal of Discourses,_ 194. This Hamblin seems to

have emigrated to Wisconsin with Pratt, there became a Mormon and later

his son became implicated in the Mountain Meadow Massacre. See "Jacob

Hamblin," p. 9, and books generally on Mountain Meadow Massacre.]

Of course such a conversion was altogether too miraculous and sudden

to preclude suspicion of Pratt's complicity in the fraud; hence it has

usually been stated that the conversion did not, in fact, take place

until much critical examination, and sometimes, it is said, after much

supplication to the Lord. In Joseph Smith's autobiography he puts the

time of conversion as during Pratt's visit to the Whitmers in Seneca

County. Here are his words: "_After_ listening to the testimony of the

'witnesses' [at Whitmers, in Seneca County] and reading the 'Book,' he

became convinced that it was of God." [125]

[Footnote 125: Supplement 14 _Millennial Star_, 47.]

The "prophet's" mother, who, with the mother of the Danite, Orrin

Porter Rockwell, was present at Pratt's alleged first visit to the

Smith home, [126] has a third account of this conversion. Pratt,

according to the account above quoted from his sermon, had not yet

seen the prophet, and had not yet finished reading the Book of Mormon,

but was already converted and had borne testimony to its truth. Now

read Mother Lucy's account as published by Orson Pratt (Parley Pratt's

brother and his first miraculous convert) [127] and "written by the

direction and under the inspection of the Prophet." [128]

[Footnote 126: Pratt's Sermon, 5 _Journal of Discourses_, 194.]

[Footnote 127: 7 _Journal of Discourses_, 177. Here Orson Pratt says

his conversion is due to certain information "derived independent of

what can be learned naturally by the natural man." See also supplement

14, _Millennial Star,_ 49.]

[Footnote 128: _Millennial Star,_ 169, 682.]

"Just before my husband's return, as Joseph was about commencing

a discourse one Sunday morning, Parley P. Pratt came in very much

fatigued. He had _heard of us_ at some considerable distance, and

had traveled very fast in order to get there by meeting time, as

he wished to hear what we had to say, that he might be prepared to

show us our error. But when Joseph had finished his discourse, Mr.

Pratt arose and expressed his hearty concurrence in every sentiment

advanced. The following day he was baptized and ordained." [129]

[Footnote 129: "Joseph Smith, the Prophet," 157, by Lucy Smith.]

This conversion is quite as miraculous and sudden as the one Pratt

tells us about as having occurred at Deacon Hamblin's. The prophet's

mother, Lucy Smith, who wrote this account, and the prophet himself,

under whose supervision it was written, must have been both present,

and in this account related only what they pretended they themselves

saw. In contradiction of this, Pratt, in two different places, tells

us that while at the Whitmers in Seneca County he was baptized and

ordained an elder by Oliver Cowdery, and that then he preached a

Mormon sermon, after which he went to visit his friends in Columbia

County. On his return from Columbia County, over a month after he had

been baptized, he for the first time saw Joseph Smith. [130] These

discrepancies can be best accounted for by the explanation that they

are different accounts of an event that never happened, and told to

conceal one that did happen.

[Footnote 130: "Autobiography of P.P. Pratt," 43 and 46. 45 _Saints'

Herald_, 61. "Myth of the Manuscript Found," 33.]

I understand that the Utah Mormon sect, after publishing "Mother

Lucy's" book, condemned it as containing errors, but never pointed out

any. The "Josephite" sect of Mormons, however, republished it. It still

remains that in telling what she pretended to have seen, she told the

story as at some time it had been agreed upon. Further, Lucy Smith

could not have written the book, bad as it was from a literary point of

view. The statement that it was written under the direct supervision

of the prophet, I, therefore, consider as literally true. That it

was published in 1853 by Orson Pratt and S. W. Richards, who had

undoubtedly heard the stories corroborated many times and saw nothing

erroneous in the book, is also significant, as is the further fact that

it had been read by Saints four years before any errors were discovered.

RIGDON'S MIRACULOUS CONVERSION.

Pratt having been converted, the next act of importance must, of

course, be the conversion of Rigdon, and, so far as possible, the

congregation whose members he had so carefully prepared for the

reception of Mormonism.

Defense of the Faith and the Saints (Volume 2 of 2) · 第 4 / 11 章