principles as these--that the ruler is merely the delegate and
representative of the people, from whose will he derives all his power.
This power is to be exercised for the well-being of the people who have
conferred it, and according to their will in conferring it. The old idea
that all power, even that conferred through the people, is ultimately
derived from God and exercised in His Name, is of course never heard of.
The ruler is a public servant of the collective nation, and that is all.
To introduce this notion among a people whose idea of government has run
for thousands of years on the lines of absolute monarchy and hereditary
if not divine right is nothing short of revolutionary. All idea of the
sacredness of authority is at once gone. The Government is a thing to be
dictated to by the people, to be threatened and bullied and even
exterminated if it does not comply with the nation's wishes. Hence as
soon as the political agitator appears on the scene nothing seems more
plausible to the raw mind of the student than an endeavour to upset the
existing order of things. This cannot, of course, all be done at once;
but at least a beginning can be made. Let us agitate for the redress of
this or that grievance, for the increase of native appointments, and the
like; and if we do not at once get what we ask for, let us try what
bullying and intimidation can do--aspiring ultimately to substitute a
representative for a monarchical form of government, and having secured
this, wait the opportune moment for driving the foreigner into the sea.
Thus a change which, to be successful, would require the gradual
education of the people for generations, is to be forced on at once; and
"if constitutional means are not sufficient to achieve our ambition, why
not try what unconstitutional means will do?"
NOTE 19
A SHAMELESS APPEAL.
Perhaps the most audacious defence of the enlistment by Hindu
politicians of schoolboys and students in the service of a lawless
propaganda occurs in an article in the _Bengalee_ of August 2, 1906,
shamelessly appealing to the language of Christ. The _Bengalee_, which
is published in English, is Mr. Surendranath Banerjee's organ:--
"In all great movements boys and young men play a prominent part, the
divine message comes first to them; and they are persecuted and they
suffer for their faith. 'Suffer the little children to come unto Me,'
are the words of the divinely-inspired Founder of Christianity; and the
faith that is inseparable from childhood and youth is the faith which
has built up great creeds and has diffused them through the world. Our
boys and young men have been persecuted for their _Swadeshism_; and
their sufferings have made _Swadeshism_ strong and vigorous."
_NOTE 20 (page_ 241).
THE BRAHMANS AND WESTERN EDUCATION.
The special caste grievances of Brahmans against Western education are
very frankly set forth in a speech on "The Duties of Brahmans,"
delivered in Bombay at the beginning of this year to his fellow
caste-men by Rao Sahib Joshi, a distinguished and very enlightened,
member of the Yajurvidi Palshikar sept of Brahmans. Mr. Joshi, who laid
great stress upon the duty of loyalty to the British _Raj_, began by
recalling the patent conferred upon them by a British Governor of Bombay
at the beginning of the eighteenth century for the protection of their
privileges, especially in connexion with the teaching of medicine. But
their community had gradually lost ground from various causes, and
amongst those which he enumerated, he laid the chief stress upon the
diffusion of secular education. He fully recognized the benefits of
English education, but "all education being of a secular character, it
made the new generation a class of sceptics. People brought up with
English ideas, and in the atmosphere of secular education, now began to
pay less respect to their Gurus and hereditary priests. In former days
when the Guru or head priest came to one's house people used to say:--'I
bow down to the Guru; the Guru is Brahma, the Guru is Vishnu, the Guru
is Shiwa; verily the Guru is the Sublime Brahma!' This idea, this
respect the secular English education shattered to pieces, and so the
income and importance of the hereditary priests dwindled down."
NOTE 21
FEMALE EDUCATION.
In his quinquennial review of the progress of education in India, Mr.
H.W. Orange quotes the following remarks by Mr. Sharp, Director of
Public Instruction in Eastern Bengal, on the position of female
education, adding that they describe the prevailing, if not quite
universal, state of affairs:--
"All efforts to promote female education have hitherto encountered
peculiar difficulties. These difficulties arise chiefly from the customs
of the people themselves. The material considerations, which have formed
a contributing factor in the spread of boys' schools, are inoperative in
the case of girls. The natural and laudable desire for education as an
end in itself, which is evinced by the upper and middle classes as
regards their sons, is no match for the conservative instincts of the
Mahomedans, the system of early marriage among the Hindus, and the rigid
seclusion of women which is a characteristic of both. These causes
prevent any but the most elementary education from being given to girls.
The lack of female teachers and the alleged unsuitability of the
curriculum, which is asserted to have been framed more with a view to
the requirements of boys than those of girls, form subsidiary reasons or
excuses against more rapid progress. To these difficulties may be added
the belief, perhaps more widely felt than expressed, that the general
education of women means a social revolution, the extent of which cannot
be foreseen. 'Indian gentlemen,' it has been well said, 'may thoroughly
allow that when the process has been completed, the nation will rise in
intelligence, in character and in all the graces of life. But they are
none the less apprehensive that while the process of education is going
on, while the lessons of emancipation are being learnt and stability has
not yet been reached, while, in short, society is slowly struggling to
adjust itself to the new conditions, the period of transition will be
marked by the loosening of social ties, the upheaval of customary ways,
and by prolonged and severe domestic embarrassment.' There is, it is
true, an advanced section of the community that is entirely out of
sympathy with this view. In abandoning child-marriage they have got rid
of the chief obstacle to female education; and it is among them,
consequently, that female education has made proportionately the
greatest progress in quantity and still more in quality. But outside
this small and well-marked class, the demand for female education is
much less active and spontaneous.... In fact the people at large
encourage or tolerate the education of their girls only up to an age and
up to a standard at which it can do little good, or, according to their
point of view, little harm."
NOTE 22
THE THEORY OF THE "DRAIN."
The Master of Elibank, then Under-Secretary of State, included in his
Indian Budget speech on Aug. 5, 1909, a brief but effective refutation
of the "drain" theory:--
"If the House will allow me, I wish to digress for a moment to deal with
a charge that is constantly made, and has recently been repeated, to the
effect that there is poverty in India which is largely due to the
political and commercial drain on the country year by year, the
political, it is asserted, amounting to £30,000,000 and the commercial
to £40,000,000. These figures have been placed even higher by those who
wish to blacken the Indian Administration in order to bolster up a
malicious agitation against this country. I think it is incumbent upon
the representative of the Indian Government in this House to deal with
the statement. I may at once say that it has no foundation in fact.
(Hear, hear.) Its origin is to be found, no doubt, in the fact that
India makes annually considerable payments in England in return for
services rendered, such as the loan of British capital; but there is no
justification for describing these payments as a drain, and their amount
is only a fraction of the figures which I have just quoted. Let me deal
first with the question of amount. As the method by which India makes
her payments in England is that she exports more than she imports, all
calculations as to the amount of payments must necessarily be based on
the returns of Indian trade, which show by how much the Indian exports
exceed her imports. If the trade returns are examined for 1904, 1906,
and 1906, after making due allowance for the capital sent to India in
connexion with Government transactions, the average excess of exports
over imports, or in other words payments by India to England for
services rendered, is £23,900,000 per year during the three years that
have been mentioned. This payment is made up of, first, £21,200,000,
being the average annual amount of the Government remittance during
three years, which corresponds to the alleged political drain of
£30,000,000; and, secondly, £2,700,000, the average annual amount of
private remittances during the same period, which total has been most
carefully examined and corresponds to the alleged commercial drain of
£40,000,000. Now let us examine for a moment the nature of these two
remittances. The Government remittance is mainly for the payment of home
charges--namely, those charges in England which are normally met from
revenue. These charges, in the three years to which I have referred,
averaged £18,250,000, made up in the following manner:--Interest on
debt, £9,600,000; payments for stores, ordered and purchased in this
country, which cannot be manufactured in India, £2,500,000; pensions and
furlough pay to civil and military officers, £5,000,000; and
miscellaneous, £1,250,000. It will thus be seen that alter deducting
£5,000,000 for pensions and furlough pay, the bulk of the remittance
represents interest for railway developments and other matters with
which the interests of the peoples of India are intimately bound up.
Besides the home charges proper, certain sums were remitted to England
by the Government to defray capital charges. These bring the Government
remittances to the total of £21,200,000 already mentioned. Now let us
turn for a moment to the supposed commercial drain of £40,000,000 per
year, which, as I have endeavoured to show, is in reality £2,700,000,
being the difference during the period referred to between the private
remittances from India, representing private profits, savings, &c., sent
home to England, and the private remittances to India representing the
transmission of English capital to that country. We can therefore say
definitely that whatever India may have sent to England within the three
years, she received from England as capital a sum falling short of that
amount by £2,700,000 a year; and perhaps I might incidentally remind the
House that at the end of 1907 the capital outlay on railways alone in
India amounted to £265,000,000 sterling, the bulk of which is British
capital, but by no means represents the full amount of British capital
invested in India, which has taken its part in commercially developing
its resources and providing employment for the masses of people in that
great continent. Hon. members who have followed a recent discussion in
the pages of the _Economist_ as to whether £300,000,000 or £500,000,000
was the amount of British capital invested in India for its commercial
and industrial development and for providing employment of the people in
that land, will agree that the sum could not be placed lower than
£350,000,000."
NOTE 23
THE SECRETARY OF STATE AND THE VICEROY.
This issue was raised, for instance, during the Viceroyalty of Lord
Northbrook, when Lord Salisbury was Secretary of State, Mr. Bernard
Mallett's memoir of Lord Northbrook contains the following noteworthy
remarks upon the subject by Lord Cramer, who, as Major Baring, was
Private Secretary to Lord Northbrook:--
There can be no doubt that Lord Salisbury's idea was to conduct the
government of India to a very large extent by private correspondence
between the Secretary of State and the Viceroy. He was disposed to
neglect and, I also think, to underrate the value of the views of the
Anglo-Indian officials ... This idea inevitably tended to bring the
Viceroy into the same relation to the Secretary of State for India as
that in which an Ambassador or Minister at a foreign Court stands to the
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs ... Lord Northbrook's general
view was the exact opposite of all this, and I am strongly convinced
that he was quite right ... He recognized the subordinate position of
the Viceroy, but he held that Parliament had conferred certain rights
not only on the Viceroy but on his Council which differentiated them in
a very notable degree from subordinate officials such as those in the
diplomatic service ... Lord Northbrook regarded the form of government
in India as a very wise combination which enabled both purely English
and Anglo-Indian experience to be brought to bear on the treatment of
Indian questions. He did not by any means always follow the Indian
official view; but he held strongly, in the first place, that to put
aside that view and not to accord to the two Councils in London and
Calcutta their full rights was unconstitutional in this sense that,
though the form might be preserved, the spirit of the Act of Parliament
regulating the government of India would be evaded. In the second place,
he held that for a Viceroy or a Secretary of State without Indian
experience to overrule those who possessed such experience was an
extremely unwise proceeding, and savoured of an undue exercise of that
autocratic power of which he himself was very unjustly accused.
NOTE 24
THE DIFFICULTIES OF LOYAL HINDUS.
A Hindu gentleman who has taken a considerable part in the struggle
against Brahmanical disloyalty and intolerance in the Deccan has sent me
a copy of a letter addressed to the _Times of India_ in which he
explains the peculiar difficulties with which loyal Hindus find
themselves confronted:--
Englishmen hardly appreciate the true magnitude of the difficulties we
have to contend with in any attempt to expose sedition. All the social
forces that exist in Hindu society run counter to anti-Brahminical
movements. The influence which the Brahmins exercise on the popular mind
is still considerable. A man who is damned by the village-priest or the
Brahmin kulkarni is doomed for good. Loyalty has been rendered odious to
the ordinary mind by this as well as by many other influences. Loyalty
is flattery. This is a dictum now almost universally recognized in the
Deccan. A supporter of the Government is a "Johukum," a "hireling," or a
"traitor." The Press has of late become sufficiently powerful to make or
mar the reputation of a man so far as the native public is concerned.
Every advocate of Government measures--even of the best of them--is held
up to ridicule by the Press. This is immediately reflected in the most
exaggerated form in what we may call public opinion in the land.
Certainly very great courage is necessary in one who is called upon to
bear calumny such as this from his society and his castemen. But there
are other forces more threatening still. The rowdier section of the
people never fails to hoot the man out on every possible occasion and
even the women of his family may be subjected to indignities. The vakils
are a very powerful class in the Deccan. Many of them do not openly
dabble in politics; but you can hardly find many among them who do not
sympathize with extremist politics. The landholders, traders and
agriculturists in general are always in need of the services or, as they
think, of the favour of the legal profession whose prejudices will never
be wounded by the classes mentioned. The vakils, I may say, are to be
propitiated by every one who wishes to conduct any public movement. But
a loyal movement can never save itself from condemnation at the hands of
this powerful class.
Although reluctantly, I must add that the lower services of the
Government are filled by men who passively help extremism. They form the
bulk of the total constituency of our public Press. That is a fact to
show their political inclinations. Even they do not hesitate to use
their little arts to worry a man known to be "anti-political" whenever
he happens to come in contact with them. An agriculturist friend of mine
who belonged to the caste to which I have the honour to belong once
came to me and asked me why I was taking a particular step connected
with the political movements in Kolhapur. The reason he gave for his
attempt to dissuade me from participation in any anti-Brahmanical
movement was that every Jain would be put to immense trouble in his
dealings with pleaders and clerks simply because another Jain (in this
instance myself) was against the leaders of their caste! Another class
which always forms a check on a pro-government man is composed of the
chiefs, sirdars, landholders, &c., who belong to the agitators' caste
and who certainly cherish admiration for the doings of the "patriots."
Many of us have to come in contact with some one or other belonging to
this class and if he be known to favour anything against the great
figures of the city-politics, his business is sure to be spoilt.
This is in brief the doleful tale of the loyalist in the Deccan. I shall
briefly touch upon one or two things with reference to what will
strengthen the hands of the loyal citizen. The first thing is that the
Government should boldly come forward to help on the coming into
existence of a bigger class of educated men among the backward or lower
classes of the Deccan. The suspicion that they too will join hands with
the agitator must vanish once for all. The half-heartedness due to such
lurking suspicion gives a fine tool in the hands of Government's
enemies. The English people should realize the probable danger of this
and should use their vast resources to create a strong body of educated
men from the ranks of the loyal castes. H.H. the Maharaja of Kolhapur,
in his attempts to break down Brahmanical supremacy, found nothing so
useful as the bringing into being of such a class and for this he is
doing the best he can. Unless this example is followed by the
Government, there is no hope of a strong loyal party coming forth to
combat the evil work done by Extremists. The strengthening of the loyal
Press such as it exists and adding to it is another measure the
Government might wisely adopt.
NOTE 25
HINDU THEORIES OF GOVERNMENT.
Englishmen are apt to ignore the hold which ancient Hindu traditions
concerning the rights and duties of kingship and the old Hindu theories
of government derived from the sacred books of Hinduism still have on
the Indian mind. They have been recently reviewed in an article
contributed to _The Times_ from a very scholarly pen.
The ancient Hindu theory of government is fully disclosed in the
_Mahabharata_, the most majestic work ever produced by the human
intellect, a work, too, which is to-day as popular with Indians as when
40 centuries ago it was chanted to instruct the youth and beguile the
tedium of the princes of Hastinapura. Unlike all systems of government
known to the West, the Hindu system contains no popular element
whatever. In it we find no Witanagemote in which the nobles may advise
the monarch; still less has it any place for a _comitia centuriata_,
with its stormy masses of spearmen, to scrutinize and control the
encroachments of the Royal prerogative. In the kingdoms described In the
_Mahabharata_ the inhabitants are rigidly divided into four wholly
distinct and separate classes (_Udhyog Parva_, p. 67, Roy's
translation). First come the Brahmans whose duty it is to study, to
teach, to minister at sacrifices--receiving in return gifts from,
"known" or, as we should say, respectable persons. Then follow the
_Kshattriyas_ or the warrior class, whose whole life has to be spent in
fighting and in warlike exercises. Thirdly come the _Vaisyas_ who
acquire merit by accumulating wealth through commerce, cattle-breeding,
and agriculture. Fourthly, we have the _Sudras_, or serfs, who are bound
to obey the other three classes, but who are forbidden to study their
scriptures or partake in their sacrifices.
High over all classes is the King. He is the living symbol of strength
and power. He is "the tiger among men," the "bull of the Bharata race,"
and his form and features bear the visible impress of the Most High. The
whole arduous business of government rests on his shoulders. He cannot
appeal to his subjects to help him in carrying out good administration
nor can he leave his duties to others. For to beseech and to renounce
are both against the laws of his order (_Vana Parva_, p. 457). At the
utmost he can employ counsellors to advise him, but their numbers must
never exceed eight (_Çanti Parva_, p. 275). In any case they only tender
advice when asked (_Udhyog Parva_, p. 100), and the full responsibility
of all acts rests on the King only. It is he who must keep up the
arsenals, the depôts, the camps, the stables for the cavalry, the lines
for the elephants, and replenish the military storehouses with bows and
arrows. It is he who must maintain in efficient repair his six different
kinds of citadels--his water citadels, his earth citadels, his hill
citadels, his human citadels, his forest citadels, and his mud citadels
(_Çanti Parva_, p. 277). It is he who must see that the capital has
abundant provisions, impassable trenches, impenetrable walls; that it
teems with elephants, cavalry horses, and war chariots. He must maintain
an efficient staff of spies to ascertain the strength of neighbouring
monarchs and do his utmost to cause dissension among their servants
(_Çanti Parva_, p. 224). The War Office and the Foreign Office are alike
under his immediate headship. It is for him to conclude treaties, to
lead to battle his armies, and during peace to keep them prepared for
war (_Çanti Parva_, p. 228). But the duty which comes before all others
is to protect his subjects. That, indeed, is imposed on him as a
religious duty. "For having protected his Kingdom a King becomes
sanctified and finally sports in Heaven" (_Çanti Parva_, p. 68).
"Whether he does or does not do any other religious acts, if only he
protects his subjects he is thought to accomplish all religion."
(ibid., p. 193).
In return for the proper discharge of his innumerable tasks, he is
regarded by his subjects as the incarnation of Indra. He is entitled to
a sixth share of the gross revenue of the country. Fearful penalties
attach to the infringement of his rights. "That man who even thinks of
doing an injury to the King meets with grief here and Hell hereafter"
(_Çanti Parva_, p. 221). "He will be destroyed like a deer that has
taken poison." On the other hand, should the King fail to meet his
obligations--and above all, if he does not protect his subjects--he
offends grievously, "These persons should be avoided like a leaky boat
on the sea, a preceptor who does not speak, a priest who has not studied
the Scriptures, a King who does not grant protection" (_Çanti Parva_, p.
176). "A King who does not protect his kingdom takes upon himself a
quarter of its sins" (_Drona Parva_, p. 625). In the last resort his
subjects will be freed from their allegiance. "If a powerful King
approaches kingdoms torn by anarchy from desire of annexing them to his
dominions the people should go forward and receive the invader with
respect."
In a similar manner the entire civil administration must be conducted
by the King. He must see to it that wide roads, shops, and water
conduits are constructed. He must look after the streets and by-paths.
He must treat all classes impartially, and, above all, scrutinize
carefully the work of the Courts of Justice. "The penal code properly
applied by the ruler maketh the warders [i.e., Judges] adhere to their
respective duties, and leadeth to an acquisition by the ruler himself of
virtue." (_Udhyog Parva,_ p. 383). But although the subjects have the
right to expect justice they cannot expect kindness or even easy
condescension. "The heart of a King is as hard as thunder" _(Çanti
Parva,_ p. 57). "Knowledge makes a man proud, but the King makes him
humble" _(Çanti Parva,_ p. 223). "When the King rules with a complete
and strict reliance on the science of chastisements, the foremost of
ages called the Kirta is said to set in" (ibid., p. 228). "The King
must be skilful in smiting" (ibid., p. 174). "Fierceness and ambition
are the qualities of the King" (ibid., p. 59). "The King who is mild
is regarded as the worst of his kind, like an elephant that is reft of
fierceness" (ibid., p. 171). Indeed, failure to treat subjects with
rigour is visited with penalties as tremendous as failure to protect
them. "They forget their own position and most truly transcend it. They
disclose the secret counsels of their master; without the least anxiety
they set at nought the King's commands. They wish to sport with the King
as with a bird on a string" (ibid., p. 172). And in the end they
destroy him. "The King should always be heedful of his subjects as also
of his foes. If he becomes heedless they fall on him like vultures upon
carrion" (_Çanti Parva,_ p. 289).
Here we have commended as a pattern of administration a despotism such
as the West has never experienced. It is inquisitorial,
severe--sometimes, perhaps, wantonly cruel. But from the fearful
pitfalls that encompass weakness it is certain to be sleeplessly
vigilant and in the highest degree virile, forceful, and efficient. Now
it will be asked what bearing the doctrines of a work four thousand
years old have on the problems of the present day. But it must be
remembered, as that eminent scholar, the late Mr. Jackson, the victim of
the abominable Nasik outrage, pointed out, that Hindu civilization and
Hindu thought are at bottom the same now as in the days of Yudhisthira.
The _Mahabharata_ is the constant companion from youth to age of every
educated Indian. Its tales have provided matter for the poetry, the
drama, and the folk-songs of all ages and of all languages. No Hindu
will live in a house facing south, as it is there that lives Yama, the
god of death. No Hindu will go to sleep without murmuring _Takshaka_ as
a preventive against snake-bite. For Takshaka rescued the snakes from
the vengeance of Janamajaya, the great-grandson of the _Mahabharata_
hero Arjuna. The independent Indian Princes conduct their administration
exactly on the lines indicated in the _Mahabharata_, and even States as
enlightened as Baroda and Kolhapur still adhere to the Council of eight
Ministers recommended in that immortal work. Indeed, its teachings
really explain the puzzle of Indian loyalty to the British Government.
According to Western ideas, no amount of _pax Britannica_ would
compensate the conquered for foreign rule. The Poles still sigh for the
bad old days of independence and misrule, and are in no way comforted by
the efficiency of German administration. But the Indian's allegiance to
his native kings was, as the _Mahabharata_, lays down, released by their
weakness, and he readily transferred his loyalty to those who, although
foreign, had yet shown that they could govern vigorously.
INDEX
Acts of Parliament:
Age of Consent Act (1891),42, 75.
Charter Act (1833), 307, 308, 310.
Explosive Substances Act (1908), 98.
Government of India Act (1858), 307, 310.
Indian Councils Act (1909), 10, 100, 120, 162-175.
Indian Newspapers (Incitement
to Offences) Act, (1908), 96, 98.
Press Act (1910), 15, 98-99,335-337.
Punjab Land Alienation Act (1900), 156.
Summary Justice Act (1908), 98.
Universities Act (1904), 78,2, 229.
Administration of British India,
comparison of the total
number of Englishmen and
Indians employed in, 293.
Aga Khan, 132, 133.
Age of Consent Act, 1891,42, 75.
Agriculture, the greatest of
all Indian industries, 259;
need for practical education in, 262.
Ahmad, Sir Syed, 122, 131.
Aitchison, Sir Charles, 213.
Ajit Singh, proceedings against, 112.
_Akash_, newspaper, Delhi, 21.
Ali, Mr. Ameer, 132.
All-India Moslem League, 131,132, 281.
All-India Temperance Conference, 200.
America, Indian revolutionary
organizations in, 146, 147.
Anglo-Russian Agreement, 319.
"Animists," 177.
Anti Cow-killing Society, founded by Tilak in 1893, 43.
_Anusilan Samiti_ Society, 99.
Army, Indian, position of Indians in, 328.
Arya Samaj, 27; founded by Swami Dayanand, 109; work
of, 110-112; seditious activity of its members, 112-114;
its scheme for restoring the Vedic system of education, 114;
Sir Louis Dane on, 115;
a powerful proselytizing agency, 116;
propaganda in the Native Army, 117;
hostile to Islam as to British rule, 117.
_Asiatic Quarterly Review_ cited, 265.
Atkinson, Mr. (Madras), on _ryotwari_ landlords, 260.
Ayerst, Lieut., murder of, 48.
Baig, Mr. M.A. Ali, 171.
Baker, Sir Edward, 272.
_Bande Mataram_, newspaper, 78, 149, 150, 151.
Banerjee, Mr. Surendranath, 30, 50, 52, 79, 83, 84, 88,
01, 224, 274, 341, 353.
Banks, co-operative, 261-262.
Bannerjee, Mr. W.C., President of the first Indian
National Congress, 75.
Bar, Native, disaffection in, 100.
Baroda, Gaekwar of, on the elevation of the depressed
castes, 181-183;
on the unrest, 193.
Baroda, State of, 186, 187
_Bedari_, newspaper, Lahore, 19.
Bekanir, State of, 190.
Belapur Swami Club, 69.
Bengal, before the Partition, 72-80;
compared with the Deccan, 72-73;
education in, 77, 214;
Brahmanism in, 74, 102;
the storm in, 81-105;
outrages in, 96;
deportation of nine prominent agitators, 99;
disaffection in the native Bar, 100;
comparison of the number of Hindus and Mahommedans
in Government employ, 125;
Sir Lancelot Hare on the lawlessness in, 342-345.
Bengal, Partition of, agitation against, 50;
the signal rather than the cause of agitation, 81.
Bengal Iron and Steel Company, 268.
_Bengalee_, newspaper, 79, 101, 168, 353.
Besant, Mrs. Annie, influence of, 28-29.
_Bhagvat Gita_, 30, 79, 90, 201.
Bhandarkar, Dr., 42.
Bhopal, State of, 187.
Bijapurkar, Mr., 71.
Bilgrami, Mr. Husain, 171.
Bir, disturbances at, 69.
Birdwood, Sir George, 263.
Biswas, Mr. Ashutosh, murder of, 97.
Blavatsky, Mme., 28.
Bobbili, Rajah of, 171.
Bombay, comparison of the number of Hindus and Mahommedans
in Government employ, 125.
Bombay Technical Institute, 264.
Bose, Mr. Bhupendranath, 163, 165, 168.
Bose, Khudiram, murderer of Mrs. and Miss Kennedy, 96,
97, 147, 340, 341.
Brahmanism, the system and its influences, 32-33;
the stronghold of reaction, 36;
most militant in the Deccan, 37;
part played in the unrest in the Deccan, 37-63;
in Bengal, 74, 102;
in the Punjab, 109;
in Southern India, 140-141;
one of the two forces which aspire to
substitute themselves for British rule, 324.
Brahmans, number in India, 33;
number holding higher Government appointments in
Bombay Presidency, 39;
their grievances against Western education, 353-354.
Brahmo Samaj, 25, 27, 75.
Brodrick, Mr. (now Viscount Midleton), 86.
Buck, Sir Edward, 263.
Budget, Indian, and the new Councils, 174.
Burdwan, Maharajah of, 162.
Butler, Mr. Harcourt, first Minister of Education, 233,
237, 264.
Calcutta Presidency College, comparison of the
number of English and Indian professors, 214.
_Calcutta Review_, 78.
Capital, British, invested in India, 264.
Carey, Rev. Eustace, 24, 73, 209.
Cawnpore, proposal to establish a Technological College at,
267.
Central Hindu College, Benares, 28.
Central Provinces, comparison of the number of Hindus and
Mahommedans in Government employ, 125.
Chailley, J., _Administrative Problems of British India_, 107-108.
Chakilians, 177.
Chamars, 177.
Chandavarkar, Mr. Justice (Sir N.G.), 42, 340.
Chapekur, Damodhar, murderer of Rand and Ayerst, 48.
Charter Act of 1833, 307, 308, 310.
Chatterjee, Mr. A.C., 285, 260.
Chatterton, Mr. Alfred, Director of Industries, Madras, 266.
Chaubal, Mr. M.B., 171.
Chitnavis, Mr., 275, 276.
Chitpavans, most powerful and most able of the Brahmans, 37-38.
Christian Endeavour Convention, 200.
Civil Service, Indian, 290-301.
Clark, Mr., Minister for Commerce and Industry, 298, 317.
Clarke, Sir George S., 56, 57, 232, 352.
Clubs, Anglo-Indian, exclusion of Indians from, 290.
Cochin, State of, 186-187.
Colvin, Sir Auckland, 263.
Commerce and Industry, Portfolio of, 263.
Cost of living, increase during last decade, 2;
effect on teaching profession, 224.
Cotton, duties on, 277.
Cotton, Sir Henry, 156.
Council of India, 171, 317.
Craddock, Mr. B.H., 136.
Creagh, Sir O'Moore, 167.
Credit societies, 261-262.
Cromer, Lord (then Major Baring), on the relations between
the Secretary of State and the Viceroy, 356-357.
Crown, influence of the, 331.
Curzon, Lord, 126, 229, 231, 266, 286, 295, 303;
his Universities Bill (1904), 78;
effect of his fall on the anti-Partition campaign, 86;
on ignorance in India, 247;
on primary education, 248;
on the excess of imports over exports, 255;
on co-operative banks and credit societies, 261;
on technical education, 263;
creation of a separate portfolio of Commerce and Industry, 263;
on the ill-treatment of Indians in South Africa, 283;
tributes to his attitude on the question of the _status_
of Indians in the Empire, 285;
controversy with Lord Kitchener, 311;
creation of Imperial Cadet Corps, 329.
DACCA COLLEGE, 231.
Dacca Conspiracy Trial, 341.
_Dacca Gazette_, 18.
Dadabhoy, Mr., 283.
Dairies, State, in Northern India, 266.
Dane, Sir Louis, 115.
Das, Pulin Bahari, 99.
Davar, Mr. Justice, 22, 55.
David, Sir Sassoon, 163.
Dayanand, Swami, founder of the Arya Samaj, 27, 109, 110.
Deccan, unrest in, 37-63; compared with Bengal, 72-73.
Deportation, of nine prominent Bengalee agitators (1908), 99;
of two agitators from the Punjab (1907), 107.
Depressed castes, 167-134.
Dewas, Rajah of, on the unrest, 192, 194-195.
_Dharma_, newspaper, Calcutta, 18.
Dhingra, murderer of Sir W. Curzon Wyllie, 21, 148.
"Drain," the, 255, 355-356.
Duff, Dr. Alexander, 24, 75, 209.
Dufferin, Lord, 213.
Durga, worship of, 18, 102.
Dutt, Mr. Bhupendranath, 91.
Economic Department, creation of (1886), 263.
Economic progress of India, 254-270.
Education:--
_General_.--Deficiencies of the system, 2;
effect on the Bengalees, 77;
most difficult and most urgent problem in India, 207;
four important features of the system, 208;
system displays its gravest shortcomings in Bengal, 214;
greater elasticity wanted, 236;
grievances of Brahmans against Western education, 353-354.
_History of System_: Macaulay's Minute (1835), 208-210;
Lord Hardinge's Educational Order (1844), 209;
influence of Dr. Alexander Duff, 209;
Sir Charles Wood's Educational Dispatch (1854),209-210;
Education Commission (1882-1883), 212;
Public Service Commission (1886-87), 212;
Sir Antony MacDonnell's resolution (1889), 229;
Government Resolution (March 11, 1904), 229, 263;
Conference presided over by Lord Curzon, 229-230.
_Primary_, 246-253; number of scholars in Government
schools (1854), 210; Mr.
Gokhale's resolution for free and compulsory education, 247;
Educational Dispatch (1854), 248;
Education Commission(1882-83), 248;
Government Resolution (1904), 248;
present situation, 249;
cost of making primary education free, 249;
difficulty of finding teachers, 250;
Mr. Orange on the aims to be kept in view, 251-252.
_Higher_: Universities Bill (1904), 78, 82, 229;
Europeans on staff of secondary schools and colleges, 215;
the Indian student, 216-221;
Dr. Garfield Williams on the Indian student, 217-219;
provision of hostels for students, 231;
question of raising fees charged for higher education, 234;
wastage in Indian Universities, 351-352.
_Female_, 252-253;
views of Mr. Sharp, 354-355.
_Scientific and Technical_: need of encouragement, 235;
technical education, 263-267;
proposal to establish a Technological College at Cawnpore, 267.
_Religious_, 238-245;
the Maharajah of Jaipur on the need of religious education, 242.
_Service_: total number of Europeans in, 221;
effect of rise in the cost of living on the teaching profession, 224;
deficiencies of the native teaching staff, 226;
pay of teachers, 226-227;
effect of Public Service Commission (1886-87) on the native side of
the service, 227;
need of more and better training colleges for teachers, 232;
teachers must be brought into touch with parents, 235-236.
_"National" Schools, 241-242.
_Vedic System_, 114-115.
Education, Minister of (Mr. Harcourt Butler), 233, 237, 264.
Elibank, Master of, on the "drain" theory, 355-356.
Empire, _status_ of Indians in the, 284.
Engineering Colleges, 263.
_Evil of Continence, The_, translated into the vernacular, 28.
_Examiner_, newspaper, Bombay, 352-353.
Executive Councils, reforms in, 171.
Explosive Substances Act (1908), 98.
Famines, 3; reduction of famine areas, 260.
Ferris, Col., conspiracy to murder (1908), 70.
Financial and fiscal relations between India and Great
Britain, 271-279.
Fraser, Sir Andrew, 88, 97.
_Free Hindustan_, newspaper, Seattle, 147.
Fuller, Sir Bampfylde, 87, 88, 255.
Ganesh, celebrations in honour of, 30, 44.
Ganpati celebrations, in honour of Ganesh, 30, 44.
_Gazette of India_, 169.
Ghose, Mr. Arabindo, 50, 52, 78, 79, 89, 90, 98, 337.
Ghose, Mr. Barendra Kumar, 90, 91, 98.
Ghose, Dr. Rash Behari, 75, 160.
Ghosh, Mr. Surat Kumar, 3.
Gladstone, Mr., attitude towards Mahommedanism, 126.
Gokhale, Mr. G.K., 42, 53,159, 163, 165, 169, 181,
202-206, 247, 252, 265, 280, 284, 294.
Gosain, Norendranath, murder of, 97, 146.
Government of India, 306-318;
respective powers of the Secretary of State and
Viceroy, 306-310;
Government of India Act (1858), 307, 310;
Charter Act (1833), 307, 308;
Sir Courtenay Ilbert's summary of the powers of the Secretary
of State, 307-308;
"Governor-General in Council," 308;
"Secretary of State in Council," 309;
ultimate responsibility with the people of
the United Kingdom represented by Parliament, 309;
John Stuart Mill on the function of the Home Government, 310;
twofold danger in any eclipse of the Governor-General
in Council, 313-314;
Council of India, 317;
need for decentralization in India, 318.
_Government of India, The_, by Sir C. Ilbert, 307-308.
_Gujarat_, newspaper, 17.
Guntur, riots in, 144.
Gupta, Birendranath, murderer of Mr. Shams-ul-Alam, 101.
Gupta, Mr. K.G., 171.
_Gurukuls_, in the Punjab, 114-115.
Gwalior, Maharajah of, on the unrest, 192.
Gwalior, State of, 186, 187, 190.
Hardie, Mr. Keir, 20, 255.
Hardinge, Lord, Educational Order (1844), 209.
Hardinge, Lord (present Viceroy), 299, 319, 320, 321.
Hare, Sir Lancelot, on the lawlessness in Bengal, 342-345.
Hewett, Sir John, 136, 263, 267.
_Hind Swarajya_, newspaper, 16.
Hinduism, loftiness of its philosophic conceptions, 26;
Western allies of, 28;
theory of government, 358-360.
Hindu revival, the, 24-36;
as consistently anti-Mahommedan as anti-British, 120-121, 133-134;
leaders allied with Radical politicians, 126-127.
Hindus, most dangerous forms of unrest confined to, 5;
number holding Government appointments, 39, 125, 346-347;
difficulties of loyal Hindus, 357-358;
their antagonism to Mahommedans, 120-121, 133-134;
this antagonism not the creation or the result of British rule,
124-125.
Hindu women, influence of, 103-104.
Hindu Punjab Conference, 200.
Hindu Tract Society of Madras, campaign against missionaries, 28.
_Hitabadi_, newspaper, 340.
_Hitaishi_, newspaper, Barisal, 18.
Hunter, Sir William, 212.
Hyderabad, State of, 186-187.
Ilbert, Sir Courtenay, _The Government of India_, 306.
Imam, Mr. Ali, appointed member of Viceroy's Council, 351.
Imperial Advisory Council, proposal to establish, 185.
Imperial Cadet Corps, created by Lord Curzon, 329.
Imperial Council, first session of, 162; drawbacks to, 166-167;
reporting of debates, 163-169;
can exercise no directly controlling power over Executive, 173;
Mr. Gokhale's resolution in regard to elementary education, 247;
resolution in regard to the ill-treatment of Indians in South Africa,
280.
India, financial and fiscal relations with Great Britain, 271;
relations with the rest of the Empire, 280.
_India_, newspaper, 126, 347.
_India and the Empire_, by Mr. M. de P. Webb, 278.
"India House," Highgate, 60, 148.
Indians, British, treatment of in South Africa, 3, 166;
_status_ of in the Empire, 287;
question urgently calls for settlement, 287.
Indian Councils, duties of Anglo-Indian officials in, 164.
Indian Councils Act (1909), 10, 100, 120, 162-175.
Indian Institute of Science, 264.
Indian newspapers (Incitement to Offences) Act (1908), 96.
"Indian Red Flag" organization, 147.
_Indian Sociologist_, newspaper, 112, 149.
Indo-American Association, 147.
Indore, State of, 187.
Industrial Conference, 200, 267.
Iron and steel industry in India, 268.
Irrigation, 260.
Iyangar, Mr. Srinivasaraghava, 142.
Iyengar, Mr. Rangaswami, 174-175.
Jackson, Mr., murder of, 30, 40, 48, 57-59, 67, 150.
Jaipur, Maharajah of, on the unrest, 192;
on the need for religious education, 242, 244.
Jaipur, State of, 187, 190.
Japan, attitude towards Indian agitators, 148.
_Jhang Sial_, newspaper, 21.
Joshi, Mr. B.N., 65.
Joshi, Rao Sahib, 354.
Jubbulpore Engineering College, 263.
_Justice_, newspaper, 347-348.
_Kal_, newspaper, Poona, 17, 22, 52, 148.
Kali, worship of, 18, 27, 102;
sacrifice of "white goats" to, 103, 345-346.
Kanhere, Ananta Luxman, murderer of Mr. Jackson, 58, 62, 103.
Kapurthala, State of, 188.
_Karnatak Vaibhav_, newspaper, 22.
Kashmir, State of, 186.
Kayasthas, 102.
Kelkar, Mr., on the staff of the _Kesari_, 49.
Kennedy, Mrs. and Miss, murder of, 55, 96, 147.
_Kesari_, newspaper, 22, 42, 48, 49, 52, 382, 337, 339.
Khadilkar, Mr., on the staff of the _Kesari_, 49, 337.
Khataiyas, 102.
_Khulnavasi_, newspaper, 19.
_Killing of Kichaka, The_, play by Mr. Khadilkar, 337-339.
Kingsford, Mr., magistrate at Muzafferpur, 96.
Kitchener, Lord, 273, 311.
Kolhapur, State of, 64, 69, 186, 190.
Kolhapur, Maharajah of, 64, 65, 66.
Kolhapur Shivaji Club, suppressed, 69.
Krishnavarma, Shyamji, 60, 112, 114, 149, 152.
Kshatrya Conference, 200.
Lahore, disturbances at (1907), 107.
Lal, Mr. Roshan, President of the Lahore branch of the
Arya Samaj, 111-112.
Lalcaca, Dr., murder of, 148.
Lansdowne, Lord, 158, 172, 229.
Legislative Councils, reforms in, 172.
Literacy, in Southern India, 143;
in India generally, 246;
amongst Indian women, 252.
Lyon, Mr. P.C., 165, 168.
Lytton, Lord, 293.
MacDonnell, Sir Antony, 261, 263.
Mackarness, Mr., 156, 299.
Madigas, 177.
Madras, Bishop of, 180.
Madras Engineering College, 263.
_Mahabharata_, 358-360.
Mahmudabad, Rajah of, 163.
Mahommedan College, Aligarh, 233, 244.
Mahommedans, not implicated in the unrest, 5;
Number holding Government appointments, 39, 125, 346-347;
everything to gain from the Partition of Bengal, 85;
difficult position of, 118-135; Hindu antagonism to, 120-121, 133-134;
representation in the Indian Councils, 127-128;
desire separate electorates, 128;
number in India, 130.
Malaria Conference, (1909), 20.
Malavya, Pandit Mohan, 160, 163.
Maniktolla bomb outrage, 90, 98.
Manu, Code of, 33.
_Manumakkathayam_ system, in Southern India, 140-141.
Mazhar-ul-Haq, Mr., 165.
Mazzini, _Autobiography_ translated by Vinayak Savarkar, 146;
_Life of_, by Lajpat Rai, 146.
Mehta, Sir Pherozeshah, 51.
Military charges, on the Government of India, 273-274.
Minto, Lord, 1, 90, 99, 163, 167,169, 170, 172, 138, 197, 248, 266, 306,
311, 313, 314, 315, 329;
attempted assassination of, 62;
relations with Lord Morley, 311-312.
_Mlenccha_, term applied by Hindus equally to Europeans and Mahommedans,
44.
Mohsin-ul-Mulk, Nawab, 132.
Moneylenders, influence of, 107, 108, 261.
Montagu, Mr. E.S., Under-Secretary of State for India, 299, 306-311, 313.
Mookerjee, Dr. Ashutosh, 75, 214, 223, 230, 239, 245.
Mookerjee, Mr. E.N., 351.
Morley, Lord, 1, 15, 86, 128, 154, 172, 173, 175, 233, 271, 306, 311,
313, 314, 316, 317, 321, 332;
constitutional reforms, 170-175;
relations with Lord Minto, 311-312;
retirement of, 333-334.
Moslem Educational Congress, 200.
Muchis, 177.
Mudholkar, Mr., 267, 285.
_Mukti con pathe_ ("Which way does salvation lie?"), reprinted from the
_Yugantar_, 95.
Mullick, Dr., on the Indian student, 218-219.
Mysore, State of, 143, 186.
Nabha, State of, 186.
Namasudras, Brahman agitation among, 102; rise of, 183.
Naoroji, Mr. Dadabhai, 10, 51, 155.
Nasik, murder of Mr. Jackson at, 57; a great stronghold
of Hinduism, 60.
Natal, Indian indentured labour for, 280.
National Congress, Indian, 154-161;
ideas of founders, 25;
subsidies to supporters in England, 347;
meetings of: Poona (1895), 159;
Benares (1905), 50, 51, 159;
Calcutta (1906), 50, 51, 159, 202;
Surat (1907), 52, 159;
Madras (1908), 160;
Lahore (1909), 160, 163, 281.
"National" schools, 241-242.
National Social Conference, Indian, 200.
Native Princes, on the unrest, 190-196;
influence of, 329-330.
Native States, 185-197;
total population of, 185;
proposal to establish an Imperial Advisory Council, 185;
no voice in questions of tariff, &c., 189;
Lord Minto on our policy towards, 188;
their action in regard to the unrest, 190.
Natu, the brothers, allied with Tilak, 42.
_Navasakti_, newspaper, 91.
_New India_, newspaper, 78.
Nicholson, Sir Frederick, 261.
Nizam, of Hyderabad, 186-187;
on the unrest, 191-192, 194, 196.
Northbrook, Lord, 356-357.
Nulkar, Mr. A.K., 42.
Official relations between Englishmen and Indians, 290-301.
Olcott, Col., 28.
Opium policy, 189, 272.
Orange, Mr. H.W., 226, 251, 352, 354.
Oxford Mission, Calcutta, 216.
Pal, Mr. Bepin Chandra, 9, 10-14, 50, 51, 78, 89, 143-144, 160, 295.
Palshikar, Mr., 59.
Panchamas, 177-184, 180-181.
Parciyas, 177.
Parmanand, Bhai, 112.
Parsee Conference, 200.
Parsees, number holding higher Government appointments in
Bombay Presidency, 39.
Patiala, Kur Sahib of, 162.
Patiala, State of, 113, 186, 190.
"Permanent Settlement" in Bengal, 260, 291.
Poona College of Science, 263.
Prarthana Samaj, 25, 27.
_Prem_, newspaper, Firozpur, 20.
Press, Indian, 325, 335-337.
_Akash_ (Delhi), 21.
_Bande Mataram_, 78, 149, 150, 151.
_Bedari_ (Lahore), 19.
_Bengalee_, 79, 101, 168, 353.
_Calcutta Review_, 78.
_Dacca Gazette_, 18.
_Dharma_ (Calcutta), 18.
_Examiner_ (Bombay), 352-353.
_Free Hindustan_ (Seattle), 147.
_Gazette of India_, 169.
_Gujarat_, 17.
_Hind Swarajya_, 16.
_Hitabadi_, 340.
_Hitaishi_ (Barisal), 18.
_India_, 126, 347.
_Indian Sociologist_, 112, 149.
_Jhang Sial_, 21.
_Justice_, 347-348.
_Kal_ (Poona), 17, 22, 52, 148.
_Karnatak Vaibhav_, 22.
_Kesari_, 22, 42, 48, 49, 52, 332, 337, 339.
_Khulnavasi_, 19.
_Navasakti_, 91.
_New India_, 78.
_Prem_ (Firozpur), 20.
_Rashtramat_ (Poona), 52, 57.
_Sahaik_ (Lahore), 20.
_Sandhya_, 91, 340.
_Shakti_, 17.
_Swarajiya_, 113.
_Talvar_, 149.
_Vartabaha_ (Ranjpur), 21.
_Vishvavritta_, 71.
_Yugantar_ (Calcutta), 16, 91-96, 98, 113, 295, 340.
Press Act (1908), 96, 98.
Press Act (1910), 15, 98-99;
Sir H. Risley's speech on its introduction, 335-337.
_Press, History of the Indian_, by Sir. G.C. Sanial., 78.
_Prince of Destiny, The_, by Mr. S.K. Ghosh, 3.
Protection, Indian desire for, 274.
Public Service Commission (1886-1887), 212, 227.
Public Instruction, Department of, 209.
Public Works Department, 289.
Punjab, 106;
deportation of two prominent agitators (1907), 107;
Brahmanism in, 109;
_gurukuls_ in, 114-115;
free from outrages and dacoities, 116.
Punjab Land Alienation Act (1900), 156.
Raffeisen System, the, 261.
Rai, Mr. Lala Lajput, 110, 112, 146, 275.
Raj, Mr. Lala Dev, 201.
Rajput Conference, 200.
Ranade, Mahadev Govind, 36, 40, 41, 201, 257.
Rand, Mr., murder of, 48.
_Rashtramat_, newspaper, Poona, 52, 57.
Ratlam, Rajah of, on the unrest, 193.
Rawal Pindi, disturbances at (1907), 107, 112.
Religion, the basic element of Indian life, 239-240.
Ripon, Lord, 126, 212.
Risley, Sir H., on the language of Bengal, 73;
on the demoralization of the Native Press, 335-337.
Roy, Ram Mohun, 25, 75, 201.
Rurki Engineering College, 263.
Sabnis, Rao Bahadur, 65, 68.
_Sahaik_, newspaper, Lahore, 20.
Salisbury, Lord, 356.
_Samitis_, or "national volunteers," 84.
_Sandhya_, newspaper, 91, 340.
Sanial, Mr. G.C., _History of the Indian Press_, 78.
Sanyasis, 103.
_Satyarath Prakash_, by Swami Dayanand, 109.
Savarkar, Vinayak, 60, 146, 148, 140.
_Science Progress_, 266.
Secretary of State for India, powers of, 306-310;
position in regard to Viceroy, 356-357.
Sen, Keshub Chunder, 25, 201.
"Servants of India" society, 202-206, 294.
Shakti worship, 18, 29, 83-84, 93.
_Shakti_, newspaper, 17.
Shains-ul-Alam, Mr., murder of, 97, 101, 341-342.
Shams-ul-Huda, Maulvi Syed, 165.
Sharp, Mr., on female education, 354-355.
Shivaji-Maharaj, cult of, 27, 45, 84, 339-340.
Sibpur Engineering College, 263.
Sikh Educational Conference, 200.
Sikhs, loyalty of, 107.
Sinha, Mr. S.P., 128, 171.
Social reform in India, 198-206.
Social relations between Englishmen and Indians, 3, 288-305.
South Africa, ill-treatment of British Indians in, 3, 281-282.
Southern India, position in, 137-144.
Strachey, Mr. Justice. 22.
Student, the Indian, 216-228.
Sudras, 178.
Summary Justice Act (1908), 98.
_Swadeshi_, 11, 30, 31, 83, 254-270, 275.
_Swaraj_, 9, 10-14, 31, 254.
_Swarajiya_, newspaper, 113.
Tagore, Dr., 25, 36
Tai Maharaj case, 49, 340.
_Talvar_, newspaper, 149.
Tata, Mr. Jamsetjee N., 264, 277.
Tata, Messrs., and the iron and steel industry. 268.
Telang, Mr. K.T., 156.
Telugu Mission, work among the Namasudras 180-181.
Thackersey, Sir Vithalda, 271-273.
Theosophists, influence on Hindu revival, 28.
Tilak, Bal Gangadhar, a Chitpavan Brahman, 40;
the father of Indian unrest, 41;
initial campaign in the Deccan, 41-48;
compelled to sever his connexion with the Poona Educational Society,
42;
denounces the Age of Consent Bill, 42;
forms the Anti Cow-killing Society, 43;
organizes Ganpati celebrations, 44;
becomes master of the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha, 44;
revives the memory of Shivaji, 45-46;
returned as member of the Bombay Legislative Councils 47;
"no-rent" campaign, 47;
imprisoned (1897), 48;
the Tai Maharaj case, 49, 340;
begins second campaign in the Deccan, 49;
associates himself with the Indian National Congress, 50;
one of the first champions of _Swadeshi_, 50;
starts movement for the creation of "national" schools, 52;
influence on the cotton operatives in Bombay, 53;
twofold appeal to Hindus, 54;
arrested (1908), 55;
riots in Bombay following his sentence, 50;
his conviction a heavy blow to the forces of unrest, 57;
the _Kesari_ and the _Kal_ on his sentence, 22;
his connexion with the Indian National Congress, 159-160.
Tilang, Mr. Justice., 42.
Tinnevelly, riots in, 144.
Tiwana, Malik Umar Hyat Khan of, 163.
Travancore, State of, 186-187.
Tuticorin, riots in, 144.
Udaipur, Maharana of, on the unrest, 192.
Udaipur, State of, 186-187.
United Provinces, comparison of the number of Hindus and
Mahommedans in Government employ, 125.
Universities, Indian, wastage in, 351-352.
Universities Act (1904), 78, 82, 229.
_Vartabaha_, newspaper, Ranjpur, 21.
_Veda Bashya Basmika_, by Swami Dayanand, 109.
Vedic system of education, 114-115.
Viceroy of India, powers of, 306-310;
position in regard to the Secretary of State, 356-357.
_Vishvavritta_, newspaper. 71.
Vivekananda, Swaini, 29, 91.
_War of Indian Independence of 1857_, by Savarkar, 149.
Watt, Sir George, 263.
Webb, Mr. M. de P., 278.
Wedderburn, Sir William, 261.
Whitehead, Dr., Bishop of Madras, 180.
Williams, Dr. Garfield, on the Indian Student, 317-219.
Wilson, Sir Fleetwood, 275.
Wood, Sir Charles, Educational Dispatch (1854), 209.
Wyllie, Sir W. Curzon, murder of, 21, 148-149.
Young India Association, 147.
_Yugantar_, newspaper, Calcutta, 16, 91-96, 98, 113, 295, 340.