I have ventured, to analyze the _Comtesse de Rudolstadt_ and even

_Consuelo_, but I shall not be guilty of the bad taste of telling the

story of _La Mare au Diable_, as all the people of that neighbourhood

are well known to us, and have been our friends for a long time. We are

all acquainted with Germain, the clever farm-labourer, with Marie, the

shepherdess, and with little Pierre. We remember how they climbed the

_Grise_, lost their way in the mist, and were obliged to spend the night

under the great oak-trees. When we were only about fifteen years of age,

with what delight we read this book, and how we loved that sweet Marie

for her simple grace and her affection, which all seemed so maternal.

How much better we liked her than the Widow Guerin, who was so snobbish

with her three lovers. And how glad we were to be present at that

wedding, celebrated according to the custom in Berry from time

immemorial.

It is easy to see the meaning of all these things. They show us how

natural kindliness is to the heart of man. If we try to find out why

Germain and Marie appear so delightful to us, we shall discover that it

is because they are simple-hearted, and follow the dictates of Nature.

Nature must not be deformed, therefore, by constraint nor transformed by

convention, as it leads straight to virtue.

We have heard the tune of this song before, and we have seen the

blossoming of some very fine pastoral poems and a veritable invasion of

sentimental literature. In those days tears were shed plentifully

over poetry, novels and plays. We have had Bernardin de Saint-Pierre,

Sedaine, Florian and Berquin. The Revolution, brutal and sanguinary as

it was, did not interrupt the course of these romantic effusions. Never

were so many tender epithets used as during the years of the Reign of

Terror, and in official processions Robespierre was adorned with flowers

like a village bride.

This taste for pastoral things, at the time of the Revolution, was not a

mere coincidence. The same principles led up to the idyll in literature

and to the Revolution in history. Man was supposed to be naturally good,

and the idea was to take away from him all the restraints which had

been invented for curbing his nature. Political and religious authority,

moral discipline and the prestige of tradition had all formed a kind of

network of impediments, by which man had been imprisoned by legislators

who were inclined to pessimism. By doing away with all these fetters,

the Golden Age was to be restored and universal happiness was to be

established. Such was the faith of the believers in the millennium

of 1789, and of 1848. The same dream began over and over again, from

Diderot to Lamartine and from Jean-Jacques to George Sand. The same

state of mind which we see reflected in _La Mare au Diable_ was to make

of George Sand the revolutionary writer of 1848. We can now understand

the _role_ which the novelist played in the second Republic. It is

one of the most surprising pages in the history of this extraordinary

character.

The joy with which George Sand welcomed the Republic can readily be

imagined. She had been a Republican ever since the days of Michel of

Bourges, and a democrat since the time when, as a little girl, she took

the side of her plebeian mother against "the old Countesses." For a long

time she had been wishing for and expecting a change of government.

She would not have been satisfied with less than this. She was not much

moved by the Thiers-Guizot duel, and it would have given her no pleasure

to be killed for the sake of Odilon Barrot. She was a disciple of

Romanticism, and she wanted a storm. When the storm broke, carrying all

before it, a throne, a whole society with its institutions, she hurried

away from her peaceful Nohant. She wanted to breathe the atmosphere of a

revolution, and she was soon intoxicated by it.

"Long live the Republic," she wrote in her letters. "What a dream and

what enthusiasm, and then, too, what behaviour, what order in Paris. I

have just arrived, and I saw the last of the barricades. The people are

great, sublime, simple and generous, the most admirable people in the

universe. I spent nights without any sleep and days without sitting

down. Every one was wild and intoxicated with delight, for after going

to sleep in the mire they have awakened in heaven."(39)

(39) _Correspondance: _ To Ch. Poncy, March 9, 1848.

She goes on dreaming thus of the stars. Everything she hears, everything

she sees enchants her. The most absurd measures delight her. She either

thinks they are most noble, liberal steps to have taken, or else they

are very good jokes.

"Rothschild," she writes, "expresses very fine sentiments about liberty

at present. The Provisional Government is keeping him in sight, as it

does not wish him to make off with his money, and so will put some

of the troops on his track. The most amusing things are happening." A

little later on she writes: "The Government and the people expect to

have bad deputies, but they have agreed to put them through the window.

You must come, and we will go and see all this and have fun."(40)

(40) _Correspondance:_ To Maurice Sand, March 24, 1848.

She was thoroughly entertained, and that is very significant. We must

not forget the famous phrase that sounded the death-knell of the July

monarchy, "La France s'ennuie." France had gone in for a revolution by

way of being entertained.

George Sand was entertained, then, by what was taking place. She went

down into the street where there was plenty to see. In the mornings

there were the various coloured posters to be read. These had been put

up in the night, and they were in prose and in verse.

Processions were also organized, and men, women and children, with

banners unfurled, marched along to music to the Hotel de Ville, carrying

baskets decorated with ribbons and flowers. Every corporation and

every profession considered itself bound in honour to congratulate the

Government and to encourage it in its well-doing. One day the procession

would be of the women who made waistcoats or breeches, another day

of the water-carriers, or of those who had been decorated in July

or wounded in February; then there were the pavement-layers, the

washerwomen, the delegates from the Paris night-soil men. There were

delegates, too, from the Germans, Italians, Poles, and most of the

inhabitants of Montmartre and of Batignolles. We must not forget the

trees of Liberty, as George Sand speaks of meeting with three of these

in one day. "Immense pines," she writes, "carried on the shoulders of

fifty working-men. A drum went first, then the flag, followed by bands

of these fine tillers of the ground, strong-looking, serious men with

wreaths of leaves on their head, and a spade, pick-axe or hatchet over

their shoulder. It was magnificent; finer than all the _Roberts_ in the

world."(41) Such was the tone of her letters.

(41) _Correspondance._

She had the Opera from her windows and an Olympic circus at every

cross-road. Paris was certainly _en fete_. In the evenings it was just

as lively. There were the Clubs, and there were no less than three

hundred of these. Society women could go to them and hear orators

in blouses proposing incendiary movements, which made them shudder

deliciously. Then there were the theatres. Rachel, draped in antique

style, looking like a Nemesis, declaimed the _Marseillaise_. And all

night long the excitement continued. The young men organized torchlight

processions, with fireworks, and insisted on peaceably-inclined citizens

illuminating. It was like a National Fete day, or the Carnival,

continuing all the week.

All this was the common, everyday aspect of Paris, but there were the

special days as well to break the monotony of all this. There were

the manifestations, which had the great advantage of provoking

counter-manifestations. On the 16th of March, there was the

manifestation of the National Guard, who were tranquil members of

society, but on the 17th there was a counter-manifestation of the Clubs

and workingmen. On such days the meeting-place would be at the Bastille,

and from morning to night groups, consisting of several hundred thousand

men, would march about Paris, sometimes in favour of the Assembly

against the Provisional Government, and sometimes in favour of the

Provisional Government against the Assembly. On the 17th of April,

George Sand was in the midst of the crowd, in front of the Hotel de

Ville, in order to see better. On the 15th of May, as the populace was

directing its efforts against the Palais Bourbon, she was in the Rue de

Bourgogne, in her eagerness not to miss anything. As she was passing

in front of a _cafe_, she saw a woman haranguing the crowd in a very

animated way from one of the windows. She was told that this woman

was George Sand. Women were extremely active in this Revolution. They

organized a Legion for themselves, and were styled _"Les Vesuviennes_."

They had their clubs, their banquets and their newspapers. George Sand

was far from approving all this feminine agitation, but she did

not condemn it altogether. She considered that "women and children,

disinterested as they are in all political questions, are in more direct

intercourse with the spirit that breathes from above over the agitations

of this world."(42) It was for them, therefore, to be the inspirers of

politics. George Sand was one of these inspirers. In order to judge what

counsels this Egeria gave, we have only to read some of her letters.

On the 4th of March, she wrote as follows to her friend Girerd: "Act

vigorously, my dear brother. In our present situation, we must have even

more than devotion and loyalty; we must have fanaticism if necessary."

In conclusion, she says that he is not to hesitate "in sweeping away

all that is of a _bourgeois_ nature." In April she wrote to Lamartine,

reproaching him with his moderation and endeavouring to excite his

revolutionary spirit. Later on, although she was not of a very warlike

disposition, she regretted that they had not, like their ancestors of

1793, cemented their Revolution at home by a war with the nations.

(42) _Correspondance:_ To the Citizen Thore, May 28, 1848.

"If, instead of following Lamartine's stupid, insipid policy," she then

wrote, "we had challenged all absolute monarchies, we should have had

war outside, but union at home, and strength, in consequence of this,

it home and abroad."(43) Like the great ancestors, she declared that the

revolutionary idea is neither that of a sect nor of a party. "It is a

religion," she says, "that we want to proclaim." All this zeal, this

passion and this persistency in a woman is not surprising, but one does

not feel much confidence in a certain kind of inspiration for politics

after all this.

(43) _Correspondance:_ To Mazzini, October 10, 1849.

My reason for dwelling on the subject is that George Sand did not

content herself with merely looking on at the events that were taking

place, or even with talking about them with her friends. She took part

in the events, by means of her pen. She scattered abroad all kinds of

revolutionary writings. On the 7th of March, she published her first

_Letter to the People_, at the price of a penny, the profits of which

were to be distributed among working-men without employment. After

congratulating these great and good people on their noble victory, she

tells them they are all going to seek together for the truth of things.

That was exactly the state of the case. They did not yet know what they

wanted, but, in the mean time, while they were considering, they had

at any rate begun with a revolution. There was a second _Letter to the

People_, and then these ceased. Publications in those days were very

short-lived. They came to life again, though, sometimes from their

ashes. In April a newspaper was started, entitled _The Cause of the

People_. This was edited almost entirely by George Sand. She wrote the

leading article: _Sovereignty is Equality_. She reproduced her first

_Letter to the People_, gave an article on the aspect of the streets of

Paris, and another on theatrical events. She left to her collaborator,

Victor Borie, the task of explaining that the increase of taxes was an

eminently republican measure, and an agreeable surprise for the person

who had to pay them. The third number of this paper contained a one-act

play by George Sand, entitled _Le Roi attend_. This had just been given

at the Comedie-Francaise, or at the Theatre de la Republique, as it

was then called. It had been a gratis performance, given on the 9th of

April, 1848, as a first national representation. The actors at that time

were Samson, Geffroy, Regnier, Anais, Augustine Brohan and Rachel. There

were not many of them, but they had some fine things to interpret.

In George Sand's piece, Moliere was at work with his servant, Laforet,

who could not read, but without whom, it appears, he could not have

written a line. He has not finished his play, the actors have not learnt

their parts, and the king is impatient at being kept waiting. Moliere is

perplexed, and, not knowing what to do, he decides to go to sleep. The

Muse appears to him, styles him "the light of the people," and brings to

him all the ghosts of the great poets before him. AEschylus, Sophocles,

Euripides and Shakespeare all declare to him that, in their time, they

had all worked towards preparing the Revolution of 1848. Moliere then

wakes up, and goes on to the stage to pay his respects to the king. The

king has been changed, though. "I see a king," says Moliere, "but his

name is not Louis XIV. It is the people, the sovereign people. That is a

word I did not know, a word as great as eternity."

We recognize the democrat in all this. _Le Roi_ _attend_ may be

considered as an authentic curiosity of revolutionary art. The newspaper

announced to its readers that subscriptions could be paid in the Rue

Richelieu. Subscribers were probably not forthcoming, as the paper died

a natural death after the third number.

George Sand did much more than this, though.(44) We must not forget that

she was an official publicist in 1848. She had volunteered her

services to Ledru-Rollin, and he had accepted them. "I am as busy as

a statesman," she wrote at this time. "I have already written two

Government circulars."(45)

(44) With regard to George Sand's _role_, see _La Revolution

de_ 1848, by Daniel Stern (Madame d'Agoult).

(45) _Correspondance:_ To Maurice Sand, March 24, 1848.

With George Sand's collaboration, the _Bulletin de la Republique_ became

unexpectedly interesting. This paper was published every other day,

by order of Ledru-Rollin, and was intended to establish a constant

interchange of ideas and sentiments between the Government and the

people. "It was specially addressed to the people of rural districts,

and was in the form of a poster that the mayor of the place could have

put up on the walls, and also distribute to the postmen to be given

away. The _Bulletins_ were anonymous, but several of them were certainly

written by George Sand. The seventh is one of these, and also the

twelfth. The latter was written with a view to drawing the attention

of the public to the wretched lot of the women and girls of the lower

classes, who were reduced to prostitution by the lowness of their wages.

Their virginity is an object of traffic," we are told, "quoted on the

exchange of infamy." The sixteenth _Bulletin_ was simply an appeal for

revolt. George Sand was looking ahead to what ought to take place, in

case the elections did not lead to the triumph of social truth. "The

people," she hoped, "would know their duty. There would, in that case,

be only one way of salvation for the people who had erected barricades,

and that would be to manifest their will a second time, and so adjourn

the decisions of a representation that was not national." This was

nothing more nor less than the language of another Fructidor. And we

know what was the result of words in those days. The _Bulletin_ was

dated the 15th, and on the 17th the people were on the way to the Hotel

de Ville. These popular movements cannot always be trusted, though, as

they frequently take an unexpected turn, and even change their direction

when on the way. It happened this time that the manifestation turned

against those who were its instigators. Shouts were heard that day in

Paris of _"Death to the Communists"_ and _"Down with Cabet_." George

Sand could not understand things at all. This was not in the programme,

and she began to have her doubts about the future of the Republic--the

real one, that of her friends.

It was much worse on the 15th of May, the day which was so fatal to

Barbes, for he played the part of hero and of dupe on that eventful day.

Barbes was George Sand's idol at that time.

It was impossible for her to be without one, although, with her vivid

imagination, she changed her idols frequently. With her idealism, she

was always incarnating in some individual the perfections that she was

constantly imagining. It seems as though she exteriorized the needs of

her own mind and put them into an individual who seemed suitable to

her for the particular requirements of that moment. At the time of the

monarchy, Michel of Bourges and Pierre Leroux had been able to play the

part, the former of a radical theorician and the latter of the mystical

forerunner of the new times. At present Barbes had come on to the scene.

He was a born conspirator, the very man for secret societies. He had

made his career by means of prisons, or rather he had made prison his

career, In 1835, he had commenced by helping thirty of the prisoners of

April to escape from Sainte-Pelagie. At that time he was affiliated to

the _Societe des Familles_. The police discovered a whole arsenal of

powder and ammunition at the house in the Rue de Lourcine, and Barbes

was condemned to prison for a year and sent to Carcassonne, where he had

relatives. When he left prison, the _Societe des Saisons_ had taken the

place of the _Societe des Familles_. With Blanqui's approval, Barbes

organized the insurrection of May 12 and 13, 1830. This time blood was

shed. In front of the Palais de Justice, the men, commanded by Barbes,

had invited Lieutenant Droulneau to let them enter. The officer replied

that he would die first. He was immediately shot, but Barbes was

sentenced to death for this. Thanks to the intervention of Lamartine

and Victor Hugo, his life was spared, but he was imprisoned at Mont

Saint-Michel until 1843, and afterwards at Nimes. On the 28th of

February, 1848, the Governor of Nimes prison informed him that he was

free. He was more surprised and embarrassed than pleased by this news.

"I was quite bewildered," he owned later on, "by this idea of leaving

prison. I looked at my prison bed, to which I had grown so accustomed. I

looked at my blanket and at my pillow and at all my belongings, hung

so carefully at the foot of my bed." He asked permission to stay there

another day. He had become accustomed to everything, and when once he

was out again, and free, he was like a man who feels ill at ease.

He took part in the affair of the 15th of May, and this is what gives

a tragic, and at the same time comic, character to the episode. Under

pretext of manifesting in favour of Poland, the National Assembly was

to be invaded. Barbes did not approve of this manifestation, and

had decided to keep out of it. Some people cannot be present at a

revolutionary scene without taking part in it, and without soon wanting

to play the chief part in it. The excitement goes to their head. Barbes

seems to have been obeying in instinct over which he had no control,

for, together with a workman named Albert, he headed the procession

which was to march from the Chamber of Deputies to the Hotel de Ville

and establish a fresh Provisional Government. He had already commenced

composing the proclamations to be thrown through the windows to the

people, after the manner of the times, when suddenly Lamartine appeared

on the scene with Ledru-Rollin and a captain in the artillery. The

following dialogue then took place:

"Who are you?"

"A member of the Provisional Government."

"Of the Government of yesterday or of to-day?"

"Of the one of to-day."

"In that case I arrest you."

Barbes was taken to Vincennes. He had been free rather less than

three months, when he returned to prison as though it were his natural

dwelling-place.

George Sand admired him just as much after this as before. For her, the

great man of the Revolution was neither Ledru-Rollin, Lamartine, nor

even Louis-Blanc; it was Barbes. She compared him to Joan of Arc and to

Robespierre. To her, he was much more than a mere statesman, this man of

conspiracies and dungeons, ever mysterious and unfortunate, always

ready for a drama or a romance. In her heart she kept an altar for this

martyr, and never thought of wondering whether, after all, this idol and

hero were not a mere puppet.

The skirmish of May 15 undeceived George Sand very considerably. The

June insurrection and the civil war, with blood flowing in the Paris

streets, those streets which were formerly so lively and amusing, caused

her terrible grief. From henceforth her letters were full of her sadness

and discouragement. The most gloomy depression took the place of her

former enthusiasm. It had only required a few weeks for this change to

take place. In February she had been so proud of France, and now she

felt that she was to be pitied for being a Frenchwoman. It was all

so sad, and she was so ashamed. There was no one to count upon now.

Lamartine was a chatterer; Ledru-Rollin was like a woman; the people

were ignorant and ungrateful, so that the mission of literary people was

over. She therefore took refuge in fiction, and buried herself in her

dreams of art. We are not sorry to follow her there.

_Francois le Champi_ appeared as a serial in the _Journal des Debats_.

The _denouement_ was delayed by another _denouement_, which the public

found still more interesting. This was nothing less than the catastrophe

of the July Monarchy, in February, 1848.

After the terrible June troubles, George Sand had been heartbroken, and

had turned once more to literature for consolation. She wrote _La Petite

Fadette_, so that the pastoral romances and the Revolution are closely

connected with each other. Beside the novels of this kind which we have

already mentioned, we must add _Jeanne_, which dates from 1844, and

the _Maitres Sonneurs_, written in 1853. This, then, completes the

incomparable series, which was the author's _chef-d'oeuvre_, and one of

the finest gems of French literature. This was George Sand's real style,

and the note in literature which was peculiarly her own. She was

well fitted for such writing, both by her natural disposition and by

circumstances. She had lived nearly all her life in the country, and it

was there only that she lived to the full. She made great efforts, but

Paris certainly made her homesick for her beloved Berry. She could

not help sighing when she thought of the ploughed fields, of the

walnut-trees, and of the oxen answering to the voice of the labourers.

"It is no use," she wrote about the same time, "if you are born a

country person, you cannot get used to the noise of cities. It always

seems to me that our mud is beautiful mud, whilst that here makes me

feel sick. I very much prefer my keeper's wit to that of certain of the

visitors here. It seems to me that I am livelier when I have eaten some

of Nannette's wheat-cake than I am after my coffee in Paris. In short,

it appears to me that we are all perfect and charming, that no one could

be more agreeable than we are, and that Parisians are all clowns."(46)

(46) _Correspondance:_ To. Ch. Duvernet, November 12, 1842.

This was said in all sincerity. George Sand was quite indifferent about

all the great events of Parisian life, about social tittle-tattle and

Boulevard gossip. She knew the importance, though, of every episode of

country life, of a sudden fog or of the overflowing of the river. She

knew the place well, too, as she had visited every nook and corner in

all weathers and in every season. She knew all the people; there was

not a house she had not entered, either to visit the sick or to clear

up some piece of business for the inmates. Not only did she like the

country and the country people because she was accustomed to everything

there, but she had something of the nature of these people within her.

She had a certain turn of mind that was peasant-like, her slowness to

take things in, her dislike of speech when thinking, her thoughts taking

the form of "a series of reveries which gave her a sort of tranquil

ecstasy, whether awake or asleep."(47) It does not seem as though there

has ever been such an _ensemble_ of favourable conditions.

(47) See in _Jeanne_ a very fine page on the peasant soul.

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