BOOK I.

BOHN'S STANDARD LIBRARY

THE PROSE WORKS OF JONATHAN SWIFT

VOL. X

[Illustration: _Jonathan Swift on the bust by Rouldiac in Trinity

College Dublin]

THE PROSE WORKS

OF

JONATHAN SWIFT, D.D.

EDITED BY

TEMPLE SCOTT

VOL. X

HISTORICAL WRITINGS

1902

INTRODUCTION

Of late years, that is to say, within the last thirty odd years, there

has existed a certain amount of doubt as to whether or no the work known

to us as "The History of the Four Last Years of the Queen," was really

the product of Swift's pen. That a work of this nature had occupied

Swift during his retirement at Windsor in 1713, is undoubted. That the

work here reprinted from the edition given to the world in 1758, "by an

anonymous editor from a copy surreptitiously taken by an anonymous

friend" (to use Mr. Churton Collins's summary), is the actual work upon

which Swift was engaged at Windsor, is not so certain. Let us for a

moment trace the history of what is known of what Swift did write, and

then we shall be in a better position to judge of the authenticity of

what we have before us.

All that we know of this work is gathered from Swift's correspondence,

as published by Sir Walter Scott in his edition of Swift's Works issued

in 1824. The first reference there made is in a note from Dr. William

King to Mrs. Whiteway, from which we gather that Swift, towards the end

of the year 1736, was meditating the publication of what he had written

in 1713. "As to the History," writes King, "the Dean may be assured I

will take care to supply the dates that are wanting, and which can

easily be done in an hour or two. The tracts, if he pleases, may be

printed by way of appendix. This will be indeed less trouble than the

interweaving them in the body of the history, and will do the author as

much honour, and answer the purpose full as well."

This was written from Paris, under date November 9th, O.S., 1736. It can

easily be gathered from this that the tracts referred to are the tracts

on the same period which Swift wrote at the time in defence of the

Oxford ministry. They are given in the fifth volume of this edition.

On December 7th, 1736, King was in London, and he immediately writes to

Swift himself on the matter of the History. "I arrived here yesterday,"

he says, "and I am now ready to obey your commands. I hope you are come

to a positive resolution concerning the History. You need not hesitate

about the dates, or the references which are to be made to any public

papers; for I can supply them without the least trouble. As well as I

remember, there is but one of those public pieces which you determined

should be inserted at length; I mean Sir Thomas Hanmer's Representation;

this I have now by me. If you incline to publish the two tracts as an

Appendix to the History, you will be pleased to see if the character

given of the Earl of Oxford in the pamphlet of 1715 agrees with the

character given of the same person in the History.[1] Perhaps on a

review you may think proper to leave one of them quite out. You have (I

think) barely mentioned the attempt of Guiscard, and the quarrel between

Rechteren and Mesnager. But as these are facts which are probably now

forgot or unknown, it would not be amiss if they were related at large

in the notes; which may be done from the gazettes, or any other

newspapers of those times. This is all I have to offer to your

consideration...."

[Footnote 1: See note on page 95 of this volume.]

There is thus no doubt left as to which were the tracts referred to by

King, and as to the desire of Swift to include Sir Thomas Hanmer's

Representation--two points that are important as evidence for the

authenticity of the edition issued by Lucas in 1758.

Towards the middle of 1737, it must have become common knowledge among

Swift's friends in London, that he was preparing for publication his

"History of the Four Last Years of Queen Anne's Reign." Possibly King

may have dropped a hint of it; possibly Swift may have written to others

for information and assistance. Be that as it may, on April 7th, 1737,

the Earl of Oxford (son of Swift's old friend) wrote to Swift as

follows:

"... One reason of my writing to you now is, (next to my asking

your forgiveness) this: I am told that you have given leave and

liberty to some one or more of your friends to print a history

of the last four years of Queen Anne's reign, wrote by you.

"As I am most truly sensible of your constant regard and sincere

friendship for my father, even to partiality, (if I may say so,)

I am very sensible of the share and part he must bear in such a

history; and as I remember, when I read over that history of

yours, I can recollect that there seemed to me a want of some

papers to make it more complete, which was not in our power to

obtain; besides there were some severe things said, which might

have been very currently talked of; but now will want a proper

evidence to support; for these reasons it is that I do entreat

the favour of you, and make it my earnest request, that you will

give your positive directions, that this history be not printed

and published, until I have had an opportunity of seeing it;

with a liberty of showing it to some family friends, whom I

would consult upon this occasion. I beg pardon for this; I hope

you will be so good as to grant my request: I do it with great

deference to you. If I had the pleasure of seeing you, I would

soon say something to you that would convince you I am not

wrong: they are not proper for a letter as you will easily

guess...."

It is evident that Swift had gone so far as to consult with Faulkner on

the matter of the printing of the "History," because he was present when

Oxford's letter arrived, and he tells us that Swift answered the letter

immediately, and made him read the answer, the purport of which was:

"That although he loved his lordship's father more than he ever did any

man; yet, as a human creature, he had his faults, and therefore, as an

impartial writer, he could not conceal them."

On the 4th of June, 1737, Swift wrote at length to Oxford a letter in

which he details the circumstances and the reasons which moved him to

write the History. The letter is important, and runs as follows:

"MY LORD,

"I had the honour of a letter from your lordship, dated April

the 7th, which I was not prepared to answer until this time.

Your lordship must needs have known, that the History you

mention, of the Four last Years of the Queen's Reign, was

written at Windsor, just upon finishing the peace; at which

time, your father and my Lord Bolingbroke had a misunderstanding

with each other, that was attended with very bad consequences.

When I came to Ireland to take this deanery (after the peace was

made) I could not stay here above a fortnight, being recalled by

a hundred letters to hasten back, and to use my endeavours in

reconciling those ministers. I left them the history you

mention, which I finished at Windsor, to the time of the peace.

When I returned to England, I found their quarrels and coldness

increased. I laboured to reconcile them as much as I was able: I

contrived to bring them to my Lord Masham's, at St. James's. My

Lord and Lady Masham left us together. I expostulated with them

both, but could not find any good consequences. I was to go to

Windsor next day with my lord-treasurer; I pretended business

that prevented me, expecting they would come to some

[agreement?]. But I followed them to Windsor; where my Lord

Bolingbroke told me, that my scheme had come to nothing. Things

went on at the same rate; they grew more estranged every day. My

lord-treasurer found his credit daily declining. In May before

the Queen died, I had my last meeting with them at my Lord

Masham's. He left us together; and therefore I spoke very freely

to them both; and told them, 'I would retire, for I found all

was gone'. Lord Bolingbroke whispered me, 'I was in the right'.

Your father said, 'All would do well'. I told him, 'That I would

go to Oxford on Monday, since I found it was impossible to be of

any use'. I took coach to Oxford on Monday, went to a friend in

Berkshire, there stayed until the Queen's death, and then to my

station here, where I stayed twelve years, and never saw my lord

your father afterward. They could not agree about printing the

History of the Four last Years and therefore I have kept it to

this time, when I determine to publish it in London, to the

confusion of all those rascals who have accused the queen and

that ministry of making a bad peace, to which that party

entirely owes the Protestant succession. I was then in the

greatest trust and confidence with your father the

lord-treasurer, as well as with my Lord Bolingbroke, and all

others who had part in the administration I had all the letters

from the secretary's office, during the treaty of peace out of

those, and what I learned from the ministry, I formed that

History, which I am now going to publish for the information of

posterity, and to control the most impudent falsehoods which

have been published since. I wanted no kind of materials. I knew

your father better than you could at that time, and I do

impartially think him the most virtuous minister, and the most

able, that ever I remember to have read of. If your lordship has

any particular circumstances that may fortify what I have said

in the History, such as letters or materials, I am content they

should be printed at the end, by way of appendix. I loved my

lord your father better than any other man in the world,

although I had no obligation to him on the score of preferment,

having been driven to this wretched kingdom, to which I was

almost a stranger, by his want of power to keep me in what I

ought to call my own country, although I happened to be dropped

here, and was a year old before I left it, and to my sorrow did

not die before I came back to it again. As to the History, it

is only of affairs which I know very well and had all the

advantages possible to know, when you were in some sort but a

lad. One great design of it is, to do justice to the ministry at

that time, and to refute all the objections against them, as if

they had a design of bringing in Popery and the Pretender: and

farther to demonstrate, that the present settlement of the crown

was chiefly owing to my lord your father...."

The Earl of Oxford had failed to extract the manuscript from Swift for

the purpose he had expressed in his letter. But his friend and Swift's

old friend, Erasmus Lewis, who had been Under-Secretary of State during

Lord Oxford's administration, came to the Earl's assistance. He had not

written to Swift for many years, but on June 30th, 1737, he took

occasion to renew the correspondence and referred to the proposal for

publishing the History in a manner which leaves no doubt as to who

suggested to him to write:

" ... Now I name him, I mean Lord Oxford, let me ask you if it

be true, that you are going to print a History of the Four Last

Years of the Queen? if it is, will not you let me see it before

you send it to the press? Is it not possible that I may suggest

some things that you may have omitted, and give you reasons for

leaving out others? The scene is changed since that period of

time: the conditions of the peace of Utrecht have been applauded

by most part of mankind, even in the two Houses of Parliament:

should not matters rest here, at least for some time? I presume

your great end is to do justice to truth; the second point may

perhaps be to make a compliment to the Oxford family: permit me

to say as to the first, that though you know perhaps more than

any one man, I may possibly contribute a mite; and, with the

alteration of one word, viz. by inserting _parva_ instead of

_magna_, apply to myself that passage of Virgil, _et quorum pars

parva fui_. As to the second point, I do not conceive your

compliment to Lord Oxford to be so perfect as it might be,

unless you lay the manuscript before him, that it may be

considered here."

On the 4th of July, 1737, Oxford replied to Swift's letter of the 4th of

June (referring to it as of the 14th of June), and emphasizes his

earnest wish to see the manuscript. He also asks that it may be

permitted him to show it to some friends:

"GOOD MR. DEAN,

"Your letter of June 14th, in answer to mine of the 7th of

April, is come to my hands; and it is with no small concern that

I have read it, and to find that you seem to have formed a

resolution to put the History of the Four last Years of the

Queen to the press; a resolution taken without giving your

friends, and those that are greatly concerned, some notice, or

suffering them to have time and opportunity to read the papers

over, and to consider them. I hope it is not too late yet, and

that you will be so good as to let some friends see them, before

they are put to the press; and, as you propose to have the work

printed here, it will be easy to give directions to whom you

will please to give the liberty of seeing them; I beg I may be

one: this request I again repeat to you, and I hope you will

grant it. I do not doubt that there are many who will persuade

you to publish it; but they are not proper judges: their reasons

may be of different kinds, and their motives to press on this

work may be quite different, and perhaps concealed from you.

"I am extremely sensible of the firm love and regard you had for

my father, and have for his memory; and upon that account it is

that I now renew my request, that you would at least defer this

printing until you have had the advice of friends. You have

forgot that you lent me the History to read when you were in

England, since my father died; I do remember it well. I would

ask your pardon for giving you this trouble; but upon this

affair I am so nearly concerned, that, if I did not my utmost to

prevent it, I should never forgive myself."

While this correspondence was in progress, Swift had given the

manuscript to Lord Orrery to hand over to Dr. King. On June 24th, 1737,

King wrote to Swift stating that he had received a letter from Mrs.

Whiteway in which he was told to expect the manuscript from the hands of

Lord Orrery. To Mrs. Whiteway he replied, on the same day, that he would

wait on Lord Orrery to receive the papers. On July 23rd, 1737, Lord

Orrery wrote to Swift informing him that "Dr. King has his cargo."

With the knowledge that the manuscript was on its way to King, Swift

wrote the following reply to Lewis's letter:

July 23, 1737.

"DEAR FRIEND,

"While any of those who used to write to me were alive, I always

inquired after you. But, since your secretaryship in the queen's

time, I believed you were so glutted with the office, that you

had not patience to venture on a letter to an absent useless

acquaintance; and I find I owe yours to my Lord Oxford. The

History you mention was written above a year before the queen's

death. I left it with the treasurer and Lord Bolingbroke, when I

first came over to take this deanery. I returned in less than a

month; but the ministry could not agree about printing it. It

was to conclude with the peace. I staid in London above nine

months; but not being able to reconcile the quarrels between

those two, I went to a friend in Berkshire, and, on the queen's

death, came hither for good and all. I am confident you read

that History; as this Lord Oxford did, as he owns in his two

letters, the last of which reached me not above ten days ago.

You know, on the queen's death, how the peace and all

proceedings were universally condemned. This I knew would be

done; and the chief cause of my writing was, not to let such a

queen and ministry lie under such a load of infamy, or posterity

be so ill-informed, &c. Lord Oxford is in the wrong to be in

pain about his father's character, or his proceedings in his

ministry; which is so drawn, that his greatest admirers will

rather censure me for partiality; neither can he tell me

anything material out of his papers, which I was not then

informed of; nor do I know anybody but yourself who could give

me more light than what I then received; for I remember I often

consulted with you, and took memorials of many important

particulars which you told me, as I did of others, for four

years together. I can find no way to have the original delivered

to Lord Oxford, or to you; for the person who has it will not

trust it out of his hands; but, I believe, would be contented to

let it be read to either of you, if it could be done without

letting it out of his hands, although, perhaps, that may be too

late."

Swift is evidently about to accede to the desires of his two friends,

and Lewis, in his reply, takes it for granted that the manuscript will

soon be in his possession for perusal and examination:

London, Aug. 4, 1737.

"I assure you, my dear Dean, 'twas matter of joy to me to

receive a letter from you, and I hope 'tis an earnest of many

more I may have hereafter, before you and I leave this world;

though I must tell you, that if you and I revive our former

Correspondence, you must indulge me the liberty of making use of

another hand; for whether it be owing to age, or writing

formerly whole nights by candle-light, or to both those causes,

my sight is so far impaired, that I am not able, without much

pain, to scratch out a letter.

"I do not remember ever to have read your History. I own my

memory is much decayed; but still I think I could not have

forgotten a matter of so much consequence, and which must have

given me so great a pleasure. It is fresh in my mind, that Lord

Oxford and the Auditor desired you to confer with me upon the

subject matter of it; that we accordingly did so; and that the

conclusion was, you would bury everything in oblivion. We

reported this to those two, I mean to his lordship and his

uncle, and they acquiesced in it. Now I find you have finished

that piece. I ask nothing but what you grant in your letter of

July 23d, viz. That your friend shall read it to me, and forbear

sending it to the press, till you have considered the

objections, if any should be made.

"In the meantime, I shall only observe to you in general, that

three and twenty years, for so long it is since the death of

Queen Anne, having made a great alteration in the world, and

that what was sense and reason then, is not so now; besides, I

am told you have treated some people's characters with a

severity which the present times will not bear, and may possibly

bring the author into much trouble, which would be matter of

great uneasiness to his friends. I know very well it is your

intention to do honour to the then treasurer. Lord Oxford knows

it; all his family and friends know it; but it is to be done

with great circumspection. It is now too late to publish a

pamphlet, and too early to publish a History.

"It was always my opinion, that the best way of doing honour to

the treasurer, was to write a History of the Peace of Utrecht,

beginning with a short preamble concerning the calamitous state

of our debt, and ending with the breaking our army, and

restoring the civil power; that these great things were

completed under the administration of the Earl of Oxford, and

this should be his epitaph. Lord Bolingbroke is undoubtedly

writing a History, but I believe will not live to finish it,

because he takes it up too high, viz. from the Restoration. In

all probability he'll cut and slash Lord Oxford. This is only my

guess. I don't know it...."

King must have taken the manuscript to Lord Oxford and Lewis,

and been present at its reading. When that reading actually took

place is not ascertainable; but there is no doubt that before

March 15th, 1738, King was aware of the criticisms made on it.

On that day he writes to Mr. Deane Swift, explaining that he has

been obliged to defer the publication until he has received

Swift's answers to the objections made by the friends who read

it. On April 25th, 1738, King wrote again to Mr. Deane Swift,

regretting that he could not see him, "because I might have

talked over with you all the affair of this History, about which

I have been much condemned: and no wonder, since the Dean has

continually expressed his dissatisfaction that I have so long

delayed the publication of it. However, I have been in no fault:

on the contrary, I have consulted the Dean's honour, and the

safety of his person. In a word, the publication of this work,

as excellent as it is, would involve the printer, publisher,

author, and everyone concerned, in the greatest difficulties, if

not in a certain ruin; and therefore it will be absolutely

necessary to omit some of the characters...."

From which we gather that Lewis and the friends had been able to show

King the extreme inadvisability of publishing the work. Swift knew

nothing of this at the time, but Lewis did not long keep him in doubt,

and the letter Lewis wrote Swift on April 8th, 1738, sets forth at

length the objections and criticisms which had so changed King's

attitude.

"London, April 8, 1738.

"I can now acquaint you, my dear Dean, that I have at last had

the pleasure of reading your History, in the presence of Lord

O------d, and two or three more, who think, in all political

matters, just as you do, and are as zealous for your fame and

safety as any persons in the world. That part of it which

relates to the negotiations of peace, whether at London or at

Utrecht, they admire exceedingly, and declare they never yet saw

that, or any other transaction, drawn up with so much

perspicuity, or in a style so entertaining and instructive to

the reader, in every respect; but I should be wanting to the

sincerity of a friend, if I did not tell you plainly, that it

was the unanimous opinion of the company a great deal of the

first part should be retrenched, and many things altered.

"1st, They conceive the first establishment of the South Sea

Company is not rightly stated, for no part of the debt then

unprovided for was paid: however the advantages arising to the

public were very considerable; for, instead of paying for all

provisions cent. per cent. dearer than the common market-price,

as we did in Lord Godolphin's times, the credit of the public

was immediately restored, and, by means of this scheme, put upon

as good a footing as the best private security.

"2d, They think the transactions with Mr. Buys might have been

represented in a more advantageous light, and more to the honour

of that administration; and, undoubtedly they would have been so

by your pen, had you been master of all the facts.

"3d, The D---- of M----'s courage not to be called in question.

"4th, The projected design of an assassination they believe

true, but that a matter of so high a nature ought not to be

asserted without exhibiting the proofs.

"5th, The present ministers, who are the rump of those whose

characters you have painted, shew too plainly that they have not

acted upon republican, or, indeed, any other principles, than

those of interest and ambition.

"6th, Now I have mentioned characters, I must tell you they were

clearly of opinion, that if those you have drawn should be

published as they now stand, nothing could save the author's

printer and publishers from some grievous punishment. As we have

no traces of liberty now left but the freedom of the press, it

is the most earnest desire of your friends that you would strike

out all that you have said on that subject.

"Thus, my dear Dean, I have laid before you, in a plain manner

the sentiments of those who were present when your History was

read; if I have mistaken in anything, I ask pardon of you and

them.

"I am not at liberty to name those who were present, excepting

only the E---- of O----d, who has charged me to return you his

thanks for what you have said of his father.

"What I have to say from myself is, that there were persons in

the company to whose judgment I should pay entire deference. I

had no opportunity of paying any on this occasion, for I

concurred in the same opinion with them, from the bottom of my

heart, and therefore conjure you as you value your own fame as

an author, and the honour of those who were actors in the

important affairs that make the subject of your History, and as

you would preserve the liberty of your person, and enjoyment of

your fortune, you will not suffer this work to go to the press

without making some, or all the amendments proposed. I am, my

dear Dean, most sincerely and affectionately yours,

"E.L.

"I thank you for your kind mention of me in your letter to Lord

Oxford.

"I had almost forgot to tell you, you have mistaken the case of

the D---- of S----, which, in truth, was this, that his grace

appearing at court, in the chamber next to the council-chamber,

it was apprehended he would come into the cabinet-council; and

therefore the intended meeting was put off: whereas one would

judge, by your manner of stating it, that the council had met,

and adjourned abruptly upon his taking his place there.

"I must add, that if you would so far yield to the opinions of

your friends, as to publish what you have writ concerning the

peace, and leave out everything that savours of acrimony and

resentment, it would, even now, be of great service to this

nation in general, and to them in particular, nothing having

been yet published on the peace of Utrecht in such a beautiful

and strong manner as you have done it. Once more, my dear Dean,

adieu; let me hear from you."

It is to be presumed that Swift was again persuaded to abandon the

publication of his History. Nothing further is heard of it, except a

slight reference by Pope in a letter he wrote to Swift, under date May

17th, 1739, in which Pope informed him that Bolingbroke (who is writing

his History of his own Time) has expressed his intention of differing

from Swift's version, as he remembers it when he read the History in

1727. The variation would relate in particular to the conduct of the

Earl of Oxford.

Slight as this reference is, there is yet enough in it to suggest

another reason why Swift should withhold the publication of his work. It

might be that this expressed intention of Bolingbroke's to animadvert on

his dear friend's conduct, would just move Swift to a final rejection of

his intention, and so, possibly, prevent Bolingbroke from publishing his

own statement. However, the manuscript must have been returned, for

nothing more was heard of it during Swift's lifetime.

Swift died in 1745, and thirteen years later appeared the anonymously

edited "History of the Four Last Years." Is this the work which Swift

wrote in 1713, which he permitted Pope and Bolingbroke to read in 1727,

and which he prepared for publication in 1737?

In 1758 there was no doubt whatever raised, although there were at least

two persons alive then--Lord Orrery and Dr. William King--who could

easily have proved any forgery, had there been one.

The first suspicion cast on the work came from Dr. Johnson. Writing, in

his life of Swift, of the published version, he remarks, "that it seemed

by no means to correspond with the notions that I had formed of it from

a conversation that I once heard between the Earl of Orrery and old Mr.

Lewis." In what particulars this want of correspondence was made evident

Johnson does not say. In any case, his suspicion cannot be received with

much consideration, since the conversation he heard must have taken

place at least twenty years before he wrote the poet's life, and his

recollection of such a conversation must at least have been very hazy.

Johnson's opinion is further deprived of weight when we read what he

wrote of the History in the "Idler," in 1759, the year after its

publication, that "the history had perished had not a straggling

transcript fallen into busy hands." If the straggling manuscript were

worth anything, it must have had some claims to authenticity; and if it

had, then Johnson's recollection of what he heard Orrery and Lewis say,

twenty years or more after they had said it, goes for very little.

Sir Walter Scott concludes, from the fact that Swift sent the manuscript

to Oxford and Lewis, that it was afterwards altered in accordance with

Lewis's suggestions. But a comparison of Lucas's text with Lewis's

letter shows that nothing of the kind was done.

Lord Stanhope had "very great reason to doubt" the authenticity of the

History, and considered it as "falsely ascribed to Swift." What this

"very great reason" was, his lordship nowhere stated.

Macaulay, in a pencilled note in a copy of Orrery's "Remarks" (now in

the British Museum) describes the History as "Wretched stuff; and I

firmly believe not Swift's." But Macaulay could scarcely have had much

ground for his note, since he took a description of Somers from the

History, and embodied it in his own work as a specimen of what Somers's

enemies said of him. If the History were a forgery, what object was

gained in quoting from it, and who were the enemies who wrote it?

When, in 1873, Lord Beaconsfield, then Mr. Disraeli, made a speech at

Glasgow, in which he quoted from the History and spoke of the words as

by Swift, a correspondent in the "Times" criticised him for his

ignorance in so doing. But the discussion which followed in the columns

of that periodical left the matter just where it was, and, indeed,

justified Beaconsfield. The matter was taken up by Mr. Edward Solly in

"Notes and Queries;" but that writer threw no new light whatever on the

subject.

But the positive evidence in favour of the authenticity is so strong,

that one wonders how there could have been any doubt as to whether Swift

did or did not write the History.

In the first place we know that Swift was largely indebted for his facts

to Bolingbroke, when that statesman was the War Secretary of Queen Anne.

A comparison of those portions of Swift's History which contain the

facts with the Bolingbroke Correspondence, in which the same facts are

embodied, will amply prove that Swift obtained them from this source,

and as Swift was the one man of the time to whom such a favour was

given, the argument in favour of Swift's authorship obtains an added

emphasis.

In the second place, a careful reading of the correspondence between

Swift and his friends on the subject of the publication of the History

enables us to identify the references to the History itself. The

"characters" are there; Sir Thomas Hanmer's Representation is also

there, and all the points raised by Erasmus Lewis may be told off, one

by one.

In the third place, Dr. Birch, the careful collector, had, in 1742,

access to what he considered to be the genuine manuscript. This was

three years before Swift's death. He made an abstract of this manuscript

at the time, and this abstract is now preserved in the British Museum.

Comparing the abstract with the edition published in 1758, there is no

doubt that the learned doctor had copied from a manuscript which, if it

were not genuine, was certainly the text of the work published in 1758

as "The History of the Four Last Years." But Dr. Birch's language

suggests that he believed the manuscript he examined to be in Swift's

own handwriting. If that be so, there is no doubt whatever of the

authenticity. Birch was a very careful person, and had he had any doubts

he could easily have settled them by applying to the many friends of the

Dean, if not to the Dean himself. Moreover, it is absurd to believe that

a forged manuscript of Swift's would be shown about during Swift's

lifetime without it being known as a forgery. Mrs. Whiteway alone would

have put a stop to its circulation had she suspected of the existence of

such a manuscript.

Finally, it must be remembered that when the History was published in

1758, Lord Orrery was still living. If the work were a forgery, why did

not Lord Orrery expose it? Nothing would have pleased him more. He had

read the manuscript referred to in the Correspondence. He had carried it

to Oxford and given it to King, at Swift's request. He knew all about

it, and he said nothing.

These considerations, both negative and positive, lead us to the final

conclusion that the History published in 1758 is practically the History

referred to in Swift's Correspondence, and therefore the authentic work

of Swift himself. We say practically, because there are some

differences between it and the text published here. The differences have

been recorded from a comparison between Lucas's version and the

transcript of a manuscript discovered in Dublin in 1857, and made by Mr.

Percy Fitzgerald. Mr. Fitzgerald found that this manuscript contained

many corrections in Swift's own handwriting. At the time he came across

it the manuscript was in the possession of two old ladies named Greene,

grand-daughters of Mrs. Whiteway, and grand-nieces of Swift himself. On

the title-page there was the following note:

"This is the originall manuscript of the History, corrected by me, and

given into the custody of Mrs. Martha Whiteway by me Jonathan Swift,

June 15, 1737. seven.

"I send a fair copy of this History by the Earl of Orrery to be printed

in England.

"JONATH. SWIFT."

Mr. Fitzgerald was permitted to make a collation of this manuscript, and

his collation he sent to the late John Forster. It is now in the

Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington.[2]

[Footnote 2: I regret that I have been unable to trace the existence of

this manuscript of Swift's "History." Mr. Fitzgerald himself has no

recollection of having made the collation. "Forty-five years ago," he

writes, "is a long time to look back to," and he cannot recall the

fact.]

If this manuscript be what, on the face of it, it claims to be, then the

question of authenticity is for ever settled. As we have no doubt on

this point, the corrections and variations between this manuscript, as

collated by Mr. Percy Fitzgerald and the Lucas version, have been noted

in the present edition.

In 1752 Lord Orrery issued his "Remarks" on the life and character of

Swift. The work obtained for him a certain notoriety, and brought down

upon him some severe censure from the friends of Swift who were still

alive. But, whatever may have been Orrery's private opinion of Swift,

that should not invalidate any information as to fact of which he had

the knowledge to speak. Writing in that book of the History, he says:

"Dr. Swift left behind him few manuscripts. Not one of any consequence,

except an account of the peace of Utrecht, which he called 'An History

of the four last Years of Queen Anne.' The title of an history is too

pompous for such a performance. In the historical style, it wants

dignity and candour: but as a pamphlet it will appear the best defence

of Lord Oxford's administration, and the clearest account of the Treaty

of Utrecht, that has hitherto been written."[3]

[Footnote 3: Second edition, pp. 206-207.]

The most ardent and devoted of Swift's admirers could hardly find a

juster criticism of the work. It should satisfy any unprejudiced reader

of the printed History as we now have it, and to that extent emphasize

the authenticity.

An interesting sidelight on Swift's History is thrown by Chesterfield in

a letter he wrote to Dr. Chenevix, Bishop of Waterford, on May 23rd,

1758. We must believe that the noble lord wrote in good faith and

certainly in the full belief that the work he was criticising was the

work of Swift. Chesterfield's criticism points directly to Swift as the

author, since his justification for Bolingbroke's story is to be found

in the work as Lucas printed it in 1758. Speaking of the History,

Chesterfield calls it "a party pamphlet, founded on the lie of the day,

which, as lord Bolingbroke who had read it often assured me, was coined

and delivered out to him, to write Examiners, and other political papers

upon. That spirit remarkably runs through it. Macarteney, for instance,

murdered duke Hamilton;[4] nothing is falser, for though Macarteney was

very capable of the vilest actions, he was guiltless of that, as I

myself can testify, who was at his trial on the king's bench, when he

came over voluntarily to take it, in the late king's time. There did not

appear even the least ground for a suspicion of it; nor did Hamilton,

who appeared in court, pretend to tax him with it, which would have been

in truth accusing himself of the utmost baseness, in letting the

murderer of his friend go off from the field of battle, without either

resentment, pursuit, or even accusation, till three days afterwards.

This _lie_ was invented to inflame the Scotch nation against the Whigs;

as the other, that prince Eugene intended to murder lord Oxford, by

employing a set of people called Mohocks, which society, by the way,

never existed, was calculated to inflame the mob of London. Swift took

those hints _de la meilleure foi du monde_, and thought them materials

for history. So far he is blameless."[5]

[Footnote 4: See page 178 of this volume.]

[Footnote 5: "Chesterfield's Works," pp. 498-499.]

Ignoring Chesterfield's indignation, we must believe that the references

made by him to Macartney and Eugene, must have been in the manuscript

Bolingbroke read; else how could Bolingbroke tell Chesterfield of their

meaning? If this be so, we have a still further warrant for a strong

presumption in favour of authenticity. There can really be very little

doubt on the matter.

What we may doubt, however, is not the authenticity, but the value of

the History as an historical document. Without question, Swift wrote in

good faith; but he also wrote as a partisan, and a partisan with an

affectionate leaning for the principal character in the drama he was

describing. Orrery was right when he called it "a pamphlet," and "the

best defence of Lord Oxford's administration." As a pamphlet and as a

defence it has some claim on our attention. As a contribution to the

history of the treaty of Utrecht it is of little account. Swift could

not, had he even known everything, write the true story of the

negotiations for publication at the time. In the first place, he would

never have attempted it--the facts would have been demoralizing; and in

the second place, had he accomplished it, its publication would have

been a matter for much more serious consideration than was given even to

the story he did write. For Swift's purpose, it was much better that he

did not know the full extent of the ministry's perfidy. His affection

for Oxford and his admiration for Bolingbroke would have received a

great shock. He knew their weaknesses of character, though not their

infidelity to honour. There can be no defence of the Oxford

administration, for the manner in which it separated England from its

allies and treated with a monarch who was well known to it as a

political chicaner. The result brought a treaty by which Louis XIV.

gained and the allies lost, and this in spite of the offers previously

made by the bankrupt monarch at Gertruydenberg.

The further contents of this volume deal with what might better be

called Swiftiana. They include a collection of very interesting

annotations made by Swift in his copies of Macky's "Characters,"

Clarendon's "History of the Rebellion," Burnet's "History of his Own

Time," and Addison's "Freeholder." The notes to Clarendon and Burnet

have always found an important place in the many editions of these

well-known works which have been issued from time to time. As here

reprinted, however, they have in all cases been compared with the

originals themselves. It will be found that very many additions have

been made, the result of careful comparison and collation with the

originals in Swift's handwriting.

My obligations are again due to Mr. W. Spencer Jackson for very valuable

assistance in the collation of texts; to Mr. George Ravenscroft Dennis

for several important suggestions; to Mr. Percy Fitzgerald for the use I

have made of his transcriptions; and to Mr. Strickland of the National

Gallery of Ireland for his help in the matter of Swift portraits.

I am greatly indebted to Mr. C. Litton Falkiner of Killiney, co.

Wicklow, for his untiring assistance to me during my stay in Dublin; to

the Very Rev. the Dean of St. Patrick's Cathedral for permission to

consult the Marsh collection; and to the Rev. Newport J.D. White, the

courteous librarian of the Marsh Library, for enthusiastic aid in my

researches. I also owe very hearty thanks to Mr. Stanley Lane-Poole for

introductions to the librarians of Trinity College and the Royal Irish

Academy.

The portrait prefixed to this volume is a reproduction of the bust by

Roubiliac in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin.

TEMPLE SCOTT.

DUBLIN,

_August 14th_, 1902.

CONTENTS

THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST YEARS OF THE QUEEN

AN ABSTRACT OF THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND:

From the invasion of it by Julius Caesar to the Reign of Henry the Second

REMARKS ON THE CHARACTERS OF THE COURT OF QUEEN ANNE

REMARKS ON LORD CLARENDON'S "HISTORY OF THE REBELLION"

REMARKS ON BISHOP BURNET'S "HISTORY OF HIS OWN TIME"

NOTES ON THE "FREEHOLDER"

INDEX

THE HISTORY OF

THE FOUR LAST YEARS

OF THE QUEEN.

By the late

JONATHAN SWIFT,

D.D. D.S.P.D.

Published from the

Last MANUSCRIPT Copy, Corrected and

Enlarged by the Author's OWN HAND.

LONDON:

Printed for A. MILLAR, in the Strand:

MDCCLVIII.

_ADVERTISEMENT_

_PREFIXED TO THE EDITION OF_ 1758.[1]

[Footnote 1: This advertisement was written by the editor, Dr. Charles

Lucas of Dublin. This Lucas was the patriot who created such a stir in

Irish politics between the years 1743 and 1750. Lord Townshend, in a

letter to the Marquis of Granby, called him "the Wilkes of Ireland." As

an author he seems to have been very prolific, though of no polish in

his writings. Lucas's disclaimers of sympathy with the opinions

contained in the work he edited are somewhat over-stated, and his

criticisms are petty. A full account of this hot-headed physician may be

found in the Dictionary of National Biography. It was Dr. Johnson, in

his life of Swift, who first published the information that Lucas edited

this "History." [T.S.]]

_Thus, the long wished for_ History of the Four Last Years of the

Queen's Reign _is at length brought to light, in spite of all attempts

to suppress it_!

As this publication is not made under the sanction of the name, or

names, which the author and the world had a right to expect; it is fit

some account of the works appearing in this manner should be here given.

Long before the Dean's apparent decline, some of his intimate friends,

with concern, foresaw the impending fate of his fortune and his works.

To this it is owing, that these sheets, which the world now despaired of

ever seeing, are rescued from obscurity, perhaps from destruction.

For this, the public is indebted to a gentleman, now in Ireland, of the

greatest probity and worth, with whom the Dean long lived in perfect

intimacy. To this gentleman's hands the Dean entrusted a copy of his

History, desiring him to peruse and give his judgment of it, with the

last corrections and amendments the author had given it, in his own

hand.

His friend read, admired, and approved. And from a dread of so valuable

and so interesting a work's being by any_ _accident lost or effaced, as

was probable by its not being intended to be published in the author's

lifetime; he resolved to keep this copy, till the author should press

him for it; but with a determined purpose, it should never see the

light, while there was any hopes of the author's own copy being

published, or even preserved.

This resolution he inviolably kept, till he and the world had full

assurance, that the Dean's executors, or those into whose hands the

original copy fell, were so far from intending to publish it, that it

was actually suppressed, perhaps destroyed.

Then, he thought himself not only at liberty, but judged it his duty to

his departed friend, and to the public, to let this copy, which he had

now kept many years most secretly, see the light.

Thus it has at length fallen into the hands of a person, who publishes

it for the satisfaction of the public, abstracted from all private

regards; which are never to be permitted to come in competition with the

common good.

Every judicious eye will see, that the author of these sheets wrote with

strong passions, but with stronger prepossessions and prejudices in

favour of a party. These, it may be imagined, the editor, in some

measure, may have adopted, and published this work as a kind of support

of that party, or some surviving remnant thereof.

It is but just to undeceive the reader, and inform him from what kind of

hand he has received this work. A man may regard a good piece of

painting, while he despises the subject; if the subject be ever so

despicable, the masterly strokes of the painter may demand our

admiration, while he, in other respects, is entitled to no portion of

our regard.

In poetry, we carry our admiration still farther; and like the poet,

while we actually contemn the man. Historians share the like fate; hence

some, who have no regard to propriety or truth, are yet admired for

diction, style, manner, and the like.

The editor considers this work in another light. He long knew the

author, and was no stranger to his politics, connections, tendencies,

passions, and the whole economy of his life. He has long been hardily

singular in condemning this great man's conduct amid the admiring

multitude, nor ever could have thought of making an interest in a man,

_whose principles and manners he could by no rule of reason or honour

approve, however he might have admired his parts and wit_.

_Such was judged the disposition of the man, whose history of the most

interesting period of time in the annals of Britain are now, herein,

offered to the reader. He may well ask from what motives? The answer is

easily, simply given_.

_The causes assigned for delaying the publication of this history were

principally these:_[2] _That the manuscript fell into the hands of men,

who, whatever they might have been by the generality deemed, were by the

Dean believed to be of his party, though they did not, after his death,

judge it prudent to avow his principles, more than to deny them in his

lifetime. These men, having got their beavers, tobacco-boxes, and other

trifling remembrances of former friendship, by the Dean's will, did not

choose publicly to avow principles, that had marred their friend's

promotion, and might probably put a stop to theirs. Therefore, they gave

the inquisitive world to understand, that there was something too strong

against many great men, as well as the succeeding system of public

affairs in general, in the Dean's_ History of the Four Last Years of the

Queen's Reign, _to admit of a publication, in our times; and, with this

poor insinuation, excused themselves, and satisfied the weakly

well-affected, in suppressing the manifestation of displeasing truths,

of however great importance to society_.

[Footnote 2: The causes for the delay in the publication of the

"History" are given at length by the present editor in the Introduction.

[T.S.]]

_This manuscript has now fallen into the hands of a man, who never could

associate with, or even approve, any of the parties or factions, that

have differently distracted, it might be said disgraced, these kingdoms;

because he has as yet known none, whose motives or rules of action were

truth and the public good alone; of one, who judges, that perjured

magistrates of all denominations, and their most exalted minions, may be

exposed, deprived, or cut off, by the fundamental laws of his country;

and who, upon these principles, from his heart approves and glories in

the virtues of his predecessors, who revived the true spirit of the

British polity, in laying aside a priest-ridden, an hen-pecked,

tyrannical tool, who had overturned the political constitution of his

country, and in reinstituting the dissolved body politic, by a

revolution supported by the laws of nature and the realm, as the only

means of preserving the natural and legal, the civil and religious

liberties of the members of the commonwealth_.

_Truth, in this man's estimation, can hurt no good cause. And falsehood

and fraud, in religion and politics, are ever to be detected, to be

exploded_.

_Insinuations, that this History contained something injurious to the

present establishment, and therefore necessary to be suppressed, serve

better the purposes of mistaken or insidious malcontents than the real

publication can. And, if any thing were by this, or any other, History

to be shown essentially erroneous in our politics, who, that calls

himself a Briton, can be deemed such an impious slave, as to conceal the

destructive evil? The editor of this work disdains and abhors the

servile thought, and wishes to live no longer than he dares to think,

speak, write, and, in all things, to act worthy of a Briton_.

_From this regard to truth and to his country, the editor of this

History was glad of an opportunity of rescuing such a writing from those

who meant to suppress it. The common cause, in his estimation, required

and demanded it should be done; and the sooner it is published, he

judged, the better: for, if the conduct of the Queen and her ministers

does not deserve the obloquy that has been long industriously cast upon

it, what is more just than to vindicate it? What more reasonable than

that this should be done, while living witnesses may yet be called, to

prove or disprove the several allegations and assertions; since, in a

few years more, such witnesses may be as much wanting as to prevent a

canonization, which is therefore prudently procrastinated for above an

age? Let us then coolly hear what is to be said on this side the

question, and judge like Britons._

_The editor would not be thought to justify the author of this History,

in all points, or even to attempt to acquit him of unbecoming prejudices

and partiality. Without being deeply versed in history or politics, he

can see his author, in many instances, blinded with passions that

disgrace the historian; and blending, with phrases worthy of a Caesar or

a Cicero, expressions not to be justified by truth, reason, or common

sense, yet think him a most powerful orator, and a great historian._

_No unprejudiced person will blame the Dean for doing all that is

consistent with truth and decency to vindicate the government of the

Queen, and to exculpate the conduct of her ministers and her last

general; all good men would rejoice at such a vindication. But, if he

meant no more than this, his work would ill deserve the title of an

History. That he generally tells truths, and founds his most material

assertions upon fact, will, I think be found very evident. But there is

room to suspect, that, while he tells no more than the truth, he does

not tell the whole truth. However, he makes it very clear, that the

Queen's allies, especially our worthy friends the Dutch, were much to

blame for the now generally condemned conduct of the Queen, with regard

to the prosecution of the war and the bringing about the peace_.

_The authors drawings of characters are confessedly partial: for he

tells us openly, he means not to give characters entire, but such parts

of each man's particular passions, acquirements, and habits, as he was

most likely to transfer into his political schemes. What writing, what

sentence, what character, can stand this torture?--What extreme

perversion may not, let me say, does not, this produce? Yet thus does he

choose to treat all men, that were not favourers of the latest measures

of the Queen, when the best that has been said for her, shows no more

than that she was blindfolded and held in leading-strings by her

ministers_.

_He does not spare a man, confessed by all the world to have discharged

the duties of his function like a soldier, like an hero. But charges

Prince Eugene with raising and keeping up a most horrible mob, with

intent to assassinate Harley. For all which odious charges he offers not

one individual point of proof_.

_He is not content with laying open again the many faults already

publicly proved upon the late Duke of Marlborough, but insinuates a new

crime, by seeming to attempt to acquit him of aspiring at the throne.

But this is done in a manner peculiar to this author_.

_On the other hand, he extols the ministers, and minions of the Queen,

in the highest terms; and while he robs their antagonists of every good

quality, generally gives those wisdom and every virtue that can adorn

human nature_.

_He is not ashamed to attempt to justify, what all thinking good men

must condemn, the Queen's making twelve peers at once, to serve a

particular turn_.

_All these may be ascribed to the strength of his passions, and to the

prejudices, early imbibed, in favour of his indulgent royal mistress and

her favourites and servants.[3] The judicious will look through the

elegant clothing, and dispassionately consider these as mere human

errors, to which no well-informed mind can assent. The editor thinks

himself bound to protest against them_.

[Footnote 3: That Swift should have a strong partiality to Harley and

St. John, by whom he was respected and trusted to a most uncommon

degree, is natural and obvious; but upon what ground Queen Anne, who

disliked his person, and obstructed his preferment, is here termed his

_indulgent_ mistress, the author of this preface ought to have

condescended to explain. [S.]]

_He makes a few lapses on the other side, without being as clear as an

impartial historian would choose to appear. He more than hints at the

Queen's displeasure at its being moved in Parliament, that the Prince

Elector should be invited to reside in England, to whose crown he was by

law declared presumptive heir, but is always open upon the Queen's

insisting on the Pretender's being sent out of France.--It is easy to

see how incompatible these things appear. Nothing could tend more to

secure the Hanover succession, and to enlarge its benefits to Britain,

than the bringing over the successor, who should, in every country, be

well instructed in the language, customs, manners, religion, and laws of

his future subjects, before he comes to hold the reins of government.

And our author does not take the proper care to inform us how far the

French thought fit to comply with banishing the Pretender their

dominions, since many still live in doubt, that if he was sent out of

France, he was sent into England_.

_But there is one expression of our author too perverse, too grossly

abused, to admit of any apology, of any palliation. It is not to be

supposed, that he was ignorant of any word in the English language. And

least of all can he be supposed ignorant of the meaning of a word,

which, had it been ever so doubtful before, had a certain meaning

impressed upon it by the authority of Parliament, of which no sensible

subject can be ignorant_.

_Notwithstanding this, where our author speaks of the late King James,

he calls him the_ abdicated King, _and gives the same epithet even to

his family. Though this weak, ill-advised, and ill-fated prince, in

every sense of the word, with Romans and English, and to all intents and

purposes_, abdicated, _yet can he, in no sense, be called_ abdicated;

_unless the people's asserting their rights, and defending themselves

against a king, who broke his compact with his subjects, and overturned

their government, can be called_ abdication _in them; which no man in

his senses can be hardy enough to support upon any principle of reason

or the laws of England. Let the reader judge which this is most likely

to be, error or design_.

_These exceptions the editor thought himself bound to make to some parts

of this work, to keep clear of the disagreeable imputations of being of

a party, of whatsoever denomination, in opposition to truth and the

rights and liberties of the subject._

_These laid aside, the work will be found to have many beauties, many

excellencies. Some have of late affected to depreciate this History,

from an insinuation, made only since the author's death, to wit, that he

was never admitted into the secrets of the administration, but made to

believe he was a confident, only to engage him in the list of the

ministerial writers of that reign_.

_The falsehood of this will readily appear upon perusal of the work.

This shows he knew the most secret springs of every movement in the

whole complicated machine. That he states facts, too well known to be

contested, in elegant simplicity, and reasons upon them with the talents

of the greatest historian. And thus makes an History, composed rather of

negotiations than actions, most entertaining, affecting, and

interesting, instead of being, as might be expected, heavy, dull, and

disagreeable_.

_It is now fit to apologize for some errors, which the judicious must

discover upon a perusal of this work. It is for this, among other

reasons, much to be lamented, that this History was not published under

the author's own inspection. It is next to impossible to copy or print

any work without faults, and most so where the author's eye is wanting_.

_It is not to be imagined, that even our author, however accurate,

however great, was yet strictly and perfectly correct in his writings.

Yet, where some seeming inaccuracies in style or expression have been

discovered, the deference due to the author made any alteration too

presumptuous a task for the editor. These are, therefore, left to the

amending hand of every sensible and polite reader; while the editor

hopes it will suffice, that he should point out some of those errors,

which are to be ascribed either to transcribers or the press, and which

may be rectified in the manner following, in reading the work._[4]

[Footnote 4: Here follows list of _errata_. (These errors have been

corrected in the present edition.)]

_And thus; with these and perhaps some few such like corrections, it is

hoped this work will be found completely correct._

THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE.[1]

[Footnote 1: The time when it was written does not appear; but it was

probably many years after the Queen's death. [N.] First published in

1765. [W.S.J.]]

Having written the following History at Windsor, in the happy reign of

Her Majesty Queen Anne, of ever glorious, blessed, and immortal memory;

I resolved to publish it, for the satisfaction of my fellow-subjects, in

the year 1713; but, being under a necessity of going to Ireland, to take

possession of the deanery of St. Patrick's, Dublin, I left the original

with the ministers; and having stayed in that kingdom not above a

fortnight, I found, at my return, that my Lord Treasurer Oxford, and the

secretary my Lord Bolingbroke, who were then unhappily upon very ill

terms with each other, could not agree upon publishing it, without some

alterations which I would not submit to. Whereupon I kept it by me until

Her Majesty's death, which happened about a year after.

I have ever since preserved the original very safely; too well knowing

what a turn the world would take upon the German family's succeeding to

the crown; which indeed was their undoubted right, having been

established solemnly by the act of an undisputed Parliament, brought

into the House of Commons by Mr. Harley, who was then Speaker.

But, as I have said in another discourse,[2] it was very well

understood, some years before Her Majesty's death, how the new King

would act, immediately upon his entrance, in the choice of those (and

those alone) whom he resolved to trust; and consequently what reports

would industriously be raised, as well as spread, to expose the

proceedings of Her Majesty herself, as well as of her servants; who have

been ever since blasted as enemies to the present establishment, by the

most ignorant and malicious among mankind.

[Footnote 2: "Memoirs relating to the Change in the Queen's Ministry."

See vol. v. of present edition. [T.S.]]

Therefore, as it was my lot to have been daily conversant with the

persons then in power; never absent in times of business or

conversation, until a few weeks before Her Majesty's death; and a

witness of almost every step they made in the course of their

administration; I must have been very unfortunate not to be better

informed than those miserable pamphleteers, or their patrons, could

pretend to. At the same time, I freely confess, it appeared necessary,

as well as natural, upon such a mighty change as the death of a

sovereign, that those who were to be in power upon the succession, and

resolved to act in every part by a direct contrary system of politics,

should load their predecessors with as much infamy as the most

inveterate malice and envy could suggest, or the most stupid ignorance

and credulity in their underlings could swallow.

Therefore, as I pretend to write with the utmost impartiality, the

following History of the Four Last Years of her Majesty's Reign, in

order to undeceive prejudiced persons at present, as well as posterity;

I am persuaded in my own mind, as likewise by the advice of my oldest

and wisest friends, that I am doing my duty to God and man, by

endeavouring to set future ages right in their judgment of that happy

reign; and, as a faithful historian, I cannot suffer falsehoods to run

on any longer, not only against all appearance of truth as well as

probability, but even against those happy events, which owe their

success to the very measures then fixed in the general peace.

The materials for this History, besides what I have already mentioned, I

mean the confidence reposed in me for those four years, by the chief

persons in power, were extracted out of many hundred letters written by

our ambassadors abroad, and from the answers as well as instructions

sent them by our secretaries of state, or by the first minister the Earl

of Oxford. The former were all originals, and the latter copies entered

into books in the secretaries' office, out of both which I collected all

that I thought convenient; not to mention several Memorials given me by

the ministers at home. Further, I was a constant witness and observer of

all that passed; and entered every particular of any consequence upon

paper.

I was so far from having any obligation to the crown, that, on the

contrary, Her Majesty issued a proclamation, offering three hundred

pounds to any person who would discover the author of a certain short

treatise,[3] which the Queen well knew to have been written by me. I

never received one shilling from the minister, or any other present,

except that of a few books; nor did I want their assistance to support

me. I very often dined indeed with the treasurer and secretary; but, in

those days, that was not reckoned a bribe, whatever it may have been at

any time since. I absolutely refused to be chaplain to the Lord

Treasurer; because I thought it would ill become me to be in a state of

dependence.

[Footnote 3: "The Public Spirit of the Whigs." [D.S.]]

I say this, to shew that I had no other bias than my own opinion of

persons and affairs. I preserved several of the opposite party in their

employments, who were persons of wit and learning, particularly Mr.

Addison and Mr. Congreve, neither of whom were ever in any danger from

the treasurer, who much esteemed them both; and, by his lordship's

commands, I brought the latter to dine with him. Mr. Steele might have

been safe enough, if his continually repeated indiscretions, and a zeal

mingled with scurrilities, had not forfeited all title to lenity.[4]

[Footnote 4: A full account of the severance of the friendly relations

between Swift and Steele is given in the fifth volume of the present

edition (see pp. 276-282). [T.S.]]

I know very well the numberless prejudices of weak and deceived people,

as well as the malice of those, who, to serve their own interest or

ambition, have cast off all religion, morality, justice, and common

decency. However, although perhaps I may not be believed in the present

age, yet I hope to be so in the next, by all who will bear any regard

for the honour and liberty of England, if either of these shall then

subsist or not.

I have no interest or inclination to palliate the mistakes, or

omissions, or want of steadiness, or unhappy misunderstandings, among a

few of those who then presided in affairs.

Nothing is more common than the virulence of superficial and ill

informed writers, against the conduct of those who are now called prime

ministers: And, since factions appear at present to be at a greater

height than in any former times, although perhaps not so equally poised;

it may probably concern those who are now in their height, if they have

any regard for their own memories in future ages, to be less warm

against others, who humbly differ from them in some state opinions. Old

persons remember, at least by tradition, the horrible prejudices that

prevailed against the first Earl of Clarendon, whose character, as it

now stands, might be a pattern for all ministers; although even Bishop

Burnet of Sarum, whose principles, veracity, and manner of writing, are

so little esteemed upon many accounts, hath been at the pains to

vindicate him.

Upon that irreparable breach between the treasurer and secretary

Bolingbroke, after my utmost endeavours, for above two years, to

reconcile them, I retired to a friend in Berkshire, where I stayed until

Her Majesty's death;[5] and then immediately returned to my station in

Dublin, where I continued about twelve years without once seeing

England. I there often reviewed the following Memoirs; neither changing

nor adding, further than by correcting the style: And, if I have been

guilty of any mistakes, they must be of small moment; for it was hardly

possible I could be wrong informed, with all the advantages I have

already mentioned.

[Footnote 5: See vol. v. of the present edition--the notes on pp. 390,

393-394, 420, 421, and 426. [T.S.]]

I shall not be very uneasy under the obloquy that may, perhaps, be cast

upon me by the violent leaders and followers of the present prevailing

party. And yet I cannot find the least inconsistence with conscience or

honour, upon the death of so excellent a princess as her late Majesty,

for a wise and good man to submit, with a true and loyal heart, to her

lawful Protestant successor; whose hereditary title was confirmed by the

Queen and both Houses of Parliament, with the greatest unanimity, after

it had been made an article in the treaty, that every prince in our

alliance should be a guarantee of that succession. Nay, I will venture

to go one step farther; that, if the negotiators of that peace had been

chosen out of the most professed zealots for the interests of the

Hanover family, they could not have bound up the French king, or the

Hollanders, more strictly than the Queen's plenipotentiaries did, in

confirming the present succession; which was in them so much a greater

mark of virtue and loyalty, because they perfectly well knew, that they

should never receive the least mark of favour, when the succession had

taken place.

THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST

YEARS OF THE QUEEN.

BOOK I.

I propose give the public an account of the most important affairs at

home, during the last session of Parliament, as well as of our

negotiations of peace abroad, not only during that period, but some time

before and since. I shall relate the chief matters transacted by both

Houses in that session, and discover the designs carried on by the heads

of a discontented party,[1] not only against the ministry, but, in some

manner, against the crown itself. I likewise shall state the debts of

the nation, show by what mismanagement, and to serve what purposes, they

were at first contracted, by what negligence or corruption they have so

prodigiously grown, and what methods have since been taken to provide

not only for their payment, but to prevent the like mischief for the

time to come. Although, in an age like ours, I can expect very few

impartial readers, yet I shall strictly follow truth, or what reasonably

appeared to me to be such, after the most impartial inquiries I could

make, and the best opportunities of being informed, by those who were

the principal actors or advisers.[2]

[Footnote 1: P. Fitzgerald says "faction." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 2: Swift's informants were, of course, Harley and Bolingbroke,

though the latter stated that Swift was given only such information as

served the ministry's purpose in the work they had given him for "The

Examiner" and the party pamphlets written in their defence. It is,

however, quite interesting in this connection, to see how closely

Swift's narrative follows the published political correspondence of

Bolingbroke. [T.S.]]

Neither shall I mingle panegyric or satire with an history intended to

inform posterity, as well as to instruct those of the present age, who

may be ignorant or misled; since facts, truly related, are the best

applauses, or most lasting reproaches.

Discourses upon subjects relating to the public usually seem to be

calculated for London only, and some few miles about it; while the

authors suppose their readers to be informed of several particulars, to

which those that live remote are, for the generality, utter strangers.

Most people, who frequent this town, acquire a sort of smattering (such

as it is), which qualifies them for reading a pamphlet, and finding out

what is meant by innuendoes, or hints at facts or persons, and initial

letters of names, wherein gentlemen at a distance, although perhaps of

much better understandings, are wholly in the dark. Wherefore, that

these Memoirs may be rendered more generally intelligible and useful, it

will be convenient to give the reader a short view of the state and

disposition of affairs, when the last session of Parliament began. And

because the party-leaders, who had lost their power and places, were,

upon that juncture, employing all their engines, in an attempt to

re-establish themselves, I shall venture one step further, and represent

so much of their characters as may be supposed to have influenced their

politics.

On the seventh day of December, one thousand seven hundred and eleven,

began the second session of Parliament. It was now above a year since

the Queen had thought fit to put the great offices of state, and of her

own household, into other hands; however, three of the discontented

lords were still in possession of their places, for the Duke of

Marlborough continued general, the Duke of Somerset master of the horse,

and the Earl of Cholmondeley treasurer of Her Majesty's household;[3]

likewise great numbers of the same party[4] still kept employments of

value and importance, which had not been usual of late years upon any

changes of ministry. The Queen, who judged the temper of her people by

this House of Commons, which a landed interest had freely chosen, found

them very desirous of a secure and honourable peace, and disposed[5] to

leave the management of it to her own wisdom, and that of her own

council. She had, therefore, several months before the session began,

sent to inform the States General of some overtures which had been made

her by the enemy; and, during that summer, Her Majesty took several

farther steps in that great affair, until at length, after many

difficulties, a congress at Utrecht, for a general peace, was agreed

upon, the whole proceedings of which previous negotiations, between our

court and that of France, I shall, in its proper place, very

particularly relate.

[Footnote 3: See note on p. 385 of vol. v. of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 4: P. Fitzgerald says "the ejected party." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 5: P. Fitzgerald adds "(as it was their duty)." [W.S.J.]]

The nation was already upon a better foot, with respect to its debts;

for the Earl of Oxford, lord treasurer, had, in the preceeding session,

proposed and effected ways and means, in the House of Commons (where he

was then a member), for providing a parliamentary fund, to clear the

heavy arrear of ten millions (whereof the greatest part lay upon the

navy), without any new burthen (at least after a very few years) to the

kingdom; and, at the same time, he took care to prevent farther

incumbrances upon that article, by finding ready money for naval

provisions, which has saved the public somewhat more than _cent. per

cent_. in that mighty branch of our expenses.

The clergy were altogether in the interests and the measures of the

present ministry, which had appeared so boldly in their defence, during

a prosecution against one of their members,[6] where the whole sacred

order was understood to be concerned. The zeal shown for that most

religious bill, to settle a fund for building fifty new churches in and

about the city of London,[7] was a fresh obligation; and they were

farther highly gratified, by Her Majesty's choosing one of their body to

be a great officer of state.[8]

[Footnote 6: Dr. Sacheverell. [N.]]

[Footnote 7: A suggestion originally made by Swift himself. See vol.

iii., p. 45, of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 8: Dr. Robinson, Lord Bishop of Bristol, to be Lord Privy

Seal. [ORIGINAL NOTE.] Dr. Robinson, who was appointed Bishop of London

in 1713, died in 1723. [W.S.J.]]

By this time likewise, all disputes about these principles, which used

originally to divide Whig and Tory, were wholly dropped; and those

fantastical words ought in justice to have been so too, provided we

could have found out more convenient names, whereby to distinguish

lovers of peace from lovers of war;[9] or those who would leave Her

Majesty some degree of freedom in the choice of her ministers, from

others, who could not be satisfied with her choosing any, except such as

she was most averse from. But, where a nation is once divided, interest

and animosity will keep open the breach, without being supported by any

other principles; or, at worst, a body of discontented people can

change, and take up what principles they please.

[Footnote 9: Swift had already, in his "Some Free Thoughts upon the

Present State of Affairs," attempted to re-define the distinctions of

Whig and Tory. The latter, he urged, was of that party which pronounced

for the principles of loyalty to the Church and the preservation of the

Protestant succession in the House of Hanover. Swift felt that the

majority of the people at large were strong for these principles, and

the party that would openly accept them as its "platform" would, he

argued, be the party that would obtain the people's support. Had

Bollngbroke not delayed the publication of this tract, it might have had

great influence in keeping the Tories in power. See vol. v. of present

edition, pp. 380, 393. [T.S.]]

As to the disposition of the opposite party, we all remember, that the

removal of the last ministry was brought about by several degrees;

through which means it happened, that they and their friends were hardly

recovered out of one astonishment, before they fell into another. This

scene lasted for some months, and was followed by a period of rage and

despair, natural to those who reflect that they have lost a secure game,

by their own rashness, folly, and want of common management, when, at

the same time, they knew by experience, that a watchful and dexterous

adversary lay ready to take the advantage. However, some time before the

session, the heads of that party began to recollect themselves, and

rally their forces, like an enemy who hath been beaten out of the field,

but finds he is not pursued; for although the chiefs of this faction

were thought to have but little esteem or friendship for each other, yet

they perfectly agreed in one general end, of distressing, by all

possible methods, the new administration, wherein if they could succeed

so far as to put the Queen under any great necessity, another Parliament

must be called, and perhaps the power[10] devolve again into their own

hands.

[Footnote 10: P. Fitzgerald says "and the power naturally." [W.S.J.]]

The issue and event of that grand confederacy appearing in both Houses,

although under a different form, upon the very first day the Parliament

met, I cannot better begin the relation of affairs, commencing from that

period, than by a thorough detection of the whole intrigue, carried on

with the greatest privacy and application, which must be acknowledged to

have for several days disconcerted some of the ministry, as well as

dispirited their friends; and the consequences thereof, which have in

reality been so very pernicious to the kingdom.

But because the principal leaders in this design are the same persons to

whom, since the loss of their power, all the opposition has been owing

which the court received, either in treaties abroad, or the

administration at home; it may not be improper to describe those

qualities in each of them, which few of their admirers will deny, and

which appear chiefly to have influenced them in acting their several

parts upon the public stage. For I do not intend to draw their

characters entire, which would be tedious, and little to the purpose,

but shall only single out those passions, acquirements, and habits,

which the owners were most likely to transfer into their political

schemes, and which were most subservient to the designs they seemed to

have in view.

The Lord Somers[11] may very deservedly be reputed the head and oracle

of that party; he hath raised himself, by the concurrence of many

circumstances, to the greatest employments of the state, without the

least support from birth or fortune; he hath constantly, and with great

steadiness, cultivated those principles under which he grew. That

accident which first produced him into the world, of pleading for the

bishops whom King James had sent to the Tower, might have proved a piece

of merit, as honourable as it was fortunate, but the old republican

spirit, which the Revolution had restored, began to teach other

lessons--That since we had accepted a new King, from a Calvinistical

commonwealth, we must also admit new maxims in religion and government.

But, since the nobility and gentry would probably adhere to the

established Church, and to the rights of monarchy, as delivered down

from their ancestors, it was the practice of those politicians to

introduce such men as were perfectly indifferent to any or no religion,

and who were not likely to inherit much loyalty from those to whom they

owed their birth. Of this number was the person I am now describing. I

have hardly known any man, with talents more proper to acquire and

preserve the favour of a prince; never offending in word or gesture; in

the highest degree courteous and complaisant; wherein he set an

excellent example to his colleagues, which they did not think fit to

follow. But this extreme civility is universal and undistinguished, and

in private conversation, where he observeth it as inviolably as if he

were in the greatest assembly, it is sometimes censured as formal. Two

reasons are assigned for this behaviour: first, from the consciousness

of his humble original,[12] he keepeth all familiarity at the utmost

distance, which otherwise might be apt to intrude; the second, that

being sensible how subject he is to violent passions, he avoideth all

incitements to them, by teaching those he converses with, from his own

example, to keep a great way within the bounds of decency and respect.

And it is indeed true, that no man is more apt to take fire, upon the

least appearance of provocation; which temper he strives to subdue, with

the utmost violence upon himself: so that his breast has been seen to

heave, and his eyes to sparkle with rage, in those very moments when his

words, and the cadence of his voice, were in the humblest and softest

manner: perhaps that force upon his nature may cause that insatiable

love of revenge, which his detractors lay to his charge, who

consequently reckon dissimulation among his chief perfections. Avarice

he hath none; and his ambition is gratified, by being the uncontested

head of his party. With an excellent understanding, adorned by all the

polite parts of learning, he hath very little taste for conversation, to

which he prefers the pleasure of reading and thinking; and in the

intervals of his time amuseth himself with an illiterate chaplain, an

humble companion, or a favourite servant.

[Footnote 11: See note on p. 29 of vol. i. of present edition. Swift's

"Dedication" of "A Tale of a Tub" to Somers strikes a somewhat different

note from that of this "character." [T.S.]]

[Footnote 12: His father, John Somers, was an attorney at law in the

town of Worcester. [S.]]

These are some few distinguishing marks in the character of that person,

who now presideth over the discontented party, although he be not

answerable for all their mistakes; and if his precepts had been more

strictly followed, perhaps their power would not have been so easily

shaken. I have been assured, and heard him profess, that he was against

engaging in that foolish prosecution of Dr. Sacheverell, as what he

foresaw was likely to end in their ruin; that he blamed the rough

demeanour of some persons to the Queen, as a great failure in prudence;

and that, when it appeared Her Majesty was firmly resolved upon a treaty

of peace, he advised his friends not to oppose it in its progress, but

find fault with it after it was made; which would be a copy of the like

usage themselves had met with, after the treaty of Ryswick;[13] and the

safest, as well as the most probable, way of disgracing the promoters

and advisers. I have been the larger in representing to the reader some

idea of this extraordinary genius, because, whatever attempt hath

hitherto been made, with any appearance of conduct, or probability of

success, to restore the dominion of that party,[14] was infallibly

contrived by him; and I prophesy the same for the future, as long as his

age and infirmities will leave him capable of business.

[Footnote 13: See note in vol. v., p. 67, of present edition, [T.S.]]

[Footnote 14: P. Fitzgerald says "faction." [W.S.J.]]

The Duke of Marlborough's character[15] hath been so variously drawn,

and is indeed of so mixed a nature in itself, that it is hard to

pronounce on either side, without the suspicion of flattery or

detraction. I shall say nothing of his military accomplishments, which

the opposite reports, of his friends and enemies among the soldiers,

have rendered[26] problematical: but if he be among those who delight in

war, it is agreed to be not for the reasons common with other generals.

Those maligners who deny him personal valour, seem not to consider that

this accusation is charged at a venture; since the person of a wise

general is too seldom exposed, to form any judgment in the matter: and

that fear, which is said to have sometimes[17] disconcerted him before

an action, might probably be more for his army than for himself.[18] He

was bred in the height of what is called the Tory principle; and

continued with a strong bias that way, till the other party had bid

higher for him than his friends could afford to give. His want of

literature is in some sort supplied by a good understanding, a degree of

natural elocution, and that knowledge of the world which is learned in

armies and courts. We are not to take the height of his ambition from

his soliciting to be general for life:[19] I am persuaded his chief

motive was the pay and perquisites, by continuing the war; and that he

had _then_ no intentions of settling the crown in his family, his only

son having been dead some years before.[20] He is noted to be master of

great temper, able to govern or very well to disguise his passions,

which are all melted down, or extinguished, in his love of wealth. That

liberality which nature has denied him, with respect of money, he makes

up by a great profusion of promises: but this perfection, so necessary

in courts, is not very successful in camps among soldiers, who are not

refined enough to understand or to relish it.[21]

[Footnote 15: For further remarks on Marlborough, see Swift's "Conduct

of the Allies," "The Learned Comment on Dr. Hare's Sermon," and "The

Examiner." [T.S.]]

[Footnote 16: P. Fitzgerald adds "altogether." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 17: P. Fitzgerald says "usually." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 18: This reflection on Marlborough's personal courage was one

of the points noted by Erasmus Lewis in his letter to Swift of April

8th, 1738. The friends who had met to read and pass opinion on this

"History" decided that in any printed form of this work it would be

advisable not to call in question the courage of Marlborough. See Sir W.

Scott's edition, vol. xix., pp. 133-136. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 19: See "Memoirs Relating to that Change," etc., in vol. v.,

pp. 372-373 of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 20: See "The Conduct of the Allies," vol. v., p. 103, and also

"A Learned Comment," etc., p. 179 of same volume of present edition.

[T.S.]]

[Footnote 21: See the Letter to Marcus Crassus in "The Examiner," No. 28

in vol. ix. of present edition. [T.S.]]

His wife, the Duchess, may justly challenge her place in this list. It

is to her the Duke is chiefly indebted for his greatness and his fall;

for above twenty years she possessed, without a rival, the favours of

the most indulgent mistress in the world, nor ever missed one single

opportunity that fell in her way of improving it to her own

advantage.[22] She hath preserved a tolerable court reputation, with

respect to love and gallantry;[23] but three Furies reigned in her

breast, the most mortal enemies of all softer passions, which were

sordid Avarice, disdainful Pride, and ungovernable Rage; by the last of

these often breaking out in sallies of the most unpardonable sort, she

had long alienated her sovereign's mind, before it appeared to the

world.[24] This lady is not without some degree of wit, and hath in her

time affected the character of it, by the usual method of arguing

against religion, and proving the doctrines of Christianity to be

impossible and absurd. Imagine what such a spirit, irritated by the loss

of power, favour, and employment, is capable of acting or attempting;

and then I have said enough.

[Footnote 22: See the "Account of the Conduct of the Duchess of

Marlborough, in a Letter from Herself, to Lord ----," 8vo, 1742,

_passim_. [N.] See also "Memoirs Relating to that Change," etc., in vol.

v. of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 23: P. Fitzgerald adds "(to which, however, she hath been

thought not entirely a stranger)." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 24: See note in vol. v., p. 368, of present edition. [T.S.]]

The next in order to be mentioned is the Earl of Godolphin.[25] It is

said, he was originally intended for a trade, before his friends

preferred him to be a page at court; which some have very unjustly

objected as a reproach. He hath risen gradually in four reigns, and was

much more constant to his second master King James than some others, who

had received much greater obligations; for he attended the abdicated

King to the sea-side, and kept constant correspondence with him till the

day of his death. He always professed a sort of passion for the Queen at

St. Germain's; and his letters were to her in the style of what the

French call _double entendre_. In a mixture of love and respect, he used

frequently to send her from hence little presents of those things which

are agreeable to ladies, for which he always asked King William's leave,

as if without her privity; because, if she had known that circumstance,

it was to be supposed she would not accept them. Physiognomists would

hardly discover, by consulting the aspect of this lord, that his

predominant passions were love and play; that he could sometimes scratch

out a song in praise of his mistress, with a pencil and card; or that he

hath tears at command, like a woman, to be used either in an intrigue of

gallantry or politics. His alliance with the Marlborough family, and his

passion for the Duchess, were the cords which dragged him into a party,

whose principles he naturally disliked, and whose leaders he personally

hated, as they did him. He became a thorough convert by a perfect

trifle; taking fire at a nickname[26] delivered by Dr. Sacheverell, with

great indiscretion, from the pulpit, which he applied to himself: and

this is one among many instances given by his enemies, that magnanimity

is none of his virtues.

[Footnote 25: See note in vol. v., p. 68, of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 26: Volpone. [ORIGINAL NOTE.]]

The Earl of Sunderland[27] is another of that alliance. It seems to have

been this gentleman's fortune, to have learned his divinity from his

uncle,[28] and his politics from his tutor.[29] It may be thought a

blemish in his character, that he hath much fallen from the height of

those republican[30] principles with which he began; for in his father's

lifetime, while he was a Member of the House of Commons, he would often,

among his familiar friends, refuse the title of Lord (as he hath done to

myself), swear he would never be called otherwise than Charles Spencer,

and hoped to see the day when there should not be a peer in England. His

understanding, at the best, is of the middling size; neither hath he

much improved it, either in reality, or, which is very unfortunate, even

in the opinion of the world, by an overgrown library.[31] It is hard to

decide, whether he learned that rough way of treating his sovereign from

the lady he is allied to,[32] or whether it be the result of his own

nature. The sense of the injuries he hath done, renders him (as it is

very natural) implacable towards those to whom he hath given greatest

cause to complain; for which reason he will never forgive either the

Queen or the present treasurer.

[Footnote 27: See note in vol. v., pp. 377-378 of present edition.

[T.S.]]

[Footnote 28: John Digby, third earl of Bristol. [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 29: Dr. Trimnel, since Bishop of Winton. [ORIGINAL NOTE.] He

was Bishop of Norwich, 1708-1721, and of Winchester from 1721 till his

death in 1723. [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 30: P. Fitzgerald says "Whiggish." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 31: The library that made such a sensation in the

bibliographical world when it was sold at auction in the latter part of

the last century. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 32: His lordship married the Duchess of Marlborough's second

daughter. "Account, etc.," p. 286. [N.]]

The Earl of Wharton[33] hath filled the province allotted him by his

colleagues, with sufficiency equal to the ablest of them all. He hath

imbibed his father's[34] principles in government; but dropped his

religion, and took up no other in its stead: excepting that

circumstance, he is a firm Presbyterian. He is perfectly skilled in all

the arts of managing at elections, as well as in large baits of pleasure

for making converts of young men of quality, upon their first

appearance; in which public service he contracted such large debts, that

his brethren were forced, out of mere justice, to leave Ireland at his

mercy, where he had only time to set himself right. Although the graver

heads of his party think him too profligate and abandoned, yet they dare

not be ashamed of him; for, beside his talents above mentioned, he is

very useful in Parliament, being a ready speaker, and content to employ

his gift upon such occasions, where those who conceive they have any

remainder of reputation or modesty are ashamed to appear. In short, he

is an uncontestable instance to discover the true nature of faction;

since, being overrun with every quality which produceth contempt and

hatred, in all other commerce of the world, he hath, notwithstanding,

been able to make so considerable a figure.

[Footnote 33: See also "A Short Character," etc. in vol. v. and "The

Examiner," Nos. 18 and 23, in vol. ix. of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 34: The Earl, his father, was a rigid Presbyterian. [ORIGINAL

NOTE.]]

The Lord Cowper,[35] although his merits are later than the rest,

deserveth a rank in this great council. He was considerable in the

station of a practising lawyer; but, as he was raised to be a

chancellor, and a peer, without passing through any of the intermediate

steps, which in late times hath been the constant practice, and little

skilled[36] in the nature of government, or the true interests of

princes, further than the municipal or common law of England; his

abilities, as to foreign affairs, did not equally appear in the council.

Some former passages of his life were thought to disqualify him for that

office, by which he was to be the guardian of the Queen's

conscience;[37] but these difficulties were easily overruled by the

authors of his promotion, who wanted a person that would be subservient

to all their designs; wherein they were not disappointed. As to his

other accomplishments, he was what we usually call a piece of a scholar,

and a good logical reasoner; if this were not too often allayed, by a

fallacious way of managing an argument, which made him apt to deceive

the unwary, and sometimes to deceive himself.

[Footnote 35: See vol. v., p. 372 of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 36: P. Fitzgerald says "altogether unskilled." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 37: See "The Examiner," Nos. 18 and 23, in vol. ix. of this

edition. [W.S.J.]]

The last to be spoken of in this list is the Earl of Nottingham,[38] a

convert and acquisition to that party since their fall, to which he

contributed his assistance; I mean his words, and probably his wishes;

for he had always lived under the constant visible profession of

principles, directly opposite to those of his new friends. His vehement

and frequent speeches against admitting the Prince of Orange to the

throne are yet to be seen; and although a numerous family gave a

specious pretence to his love of power and money, for taking an

employment under that monarch, yet he was allowed to have always kept a

reserve of allegiance to his exiled master; of which his friends produce

several instances, and some while he was secretary of state to King

William. His outward regularity of life, his appearance of religion, and

seeming zeal for the Church, as they are an effect, so they are the

excuse for that stiffness and formality with which his nature[39] is

fraught. His adust complexion disposeth him to rigour[40] and severity,

which his admirers palliate with the name of zeal. No man had ever a

sincerer countenance, or more truly representing his mind and manners.

He hath some knowledge in the law, very amply sufficient to defend his

property at least.[41] A facility of utterance, descended to him from

his father,[42] and improved by a few sprinklings of literature, hath

brought himself, and some few admirers, into an opinion of his

eloquence. He is every way inferior to his brother Guernsey,[43] but

chiefly in those talents which he most values and pretends to; over

whom, nevertheless, he preserveth an ascendant.[44] His great ambition

was to be the head of those who were called the Church party; and,

indeed, his grave solemn deportment and countenance, seconded by

abundance of professions for their service, had given many of them an

opinion of his veracity,[45] which he interpreted as their sense of his

judgment and wisdom;[46] and this mistake lasted till the time of his

defection, of which it was partly the cause; but then it plainly

appeared, that he had not credit to bring over one single proselyte, to

keep himself in countenance.

[Footnote 38: See notes in vol. v., pp. 246-248 of present edition.

[T.S.]]

[Footnote 39: P. Fitzgerald says "that stiffness, pride, and formality

with which his intractable nature." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 40: P. Fitzgerald says "to cruelty." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote: 41 P. Fitzgerald says "some smattering in the law, which

makes it not very safe or easy to deal with him, where property is

concerned." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 42: P. Fitzgerald adds "grafted upon a wrong understanding."

[W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 43: Heneage Finch was created Lord Guernsey in 1703, and Earl

of Aylesford in 1714. He died in 1719. [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 44: P. Fitzgerald adds "I suppose by the right of

primogeniture." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 45: P. Fitzgerald says "of his honesty." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 46: He acquired, from his solemnity of deportment, the

nickname of _Diego_ and from his gravity, that of _Dismal_. [S.]]

These lineaments, however imperfectly drawn, may help the reader's

imagination to conceive what sort of persons those were, who had the

boldness to encounter the Queen and ministry, at the head of a great

majority of the landed interest; and this upon a point where the quiet

of Her Majesty's reign, the security, or at least the freedom, of her

person, the lives of her most faithful friends, and the settling of the

nation by a peace, were, in the consequences, deeply concerned.[47]

[Footnote 47: It was these "lineaments, imperfectly drawn," that Erasmus

Lewis specially emphasized for omission, in his letter to Swift already

referred to. "Now I have mentioned characters," wrote Lewis, "I must

tell you that they [the friends who had met to read the 'History' in

manuscript] were clearly of opinion, that if those you have drawn should

be published as they now stand, nothing could save the author's printer

and publishers from some grievous punishment. As we have no traces of

liberty now left but the freedom of the press, it is the most earnest

desire of your friends that you would strike out all that you have said

on that subject" (Sir W. Scott's edit., vol. xix., pp. 133-136). [T.S.]]

During the dominion of the late men in power, addresses had been

procured from both Houses to the Queen, representing their opinion, that

no peace could be secure for Britain, while Spain or the West Indies

remained in the possession of the Bourbon family. But Her Majesty

having, for reasons which have been often told to the world, and which

will not soon be forgotten, called a new Parliament, and chose a new set

of servants, began to view things and persons in another light. She

considered the necessities of her people, the distant prospect of a

peace upon such an improbable condition, which was never mentioned or

understood in the grand alliance; the unequal burthen she bore in the

war, by the practices of the allies upon the corruption of some whom she

most trusted, or perhaps by the practices of these upon the allies; and,

lastly, by the changes which death had brought about in the Austrian and

Bourbon families. Upon all which motives she was prevailed upon to

receive some overtures from France, in behalf of herself and the whole

confederacy. The several steps of this negotiation, from its first rise

to the time I am now writing, shall be related in another part of this

History. Let it suffice for the present to say, that such proposals were

received from France as were thought sufficient by our court whereupon

to appoint time and place for a general treaty; and soon after the

opening of the session, the Bishop[48] of Bristol, lord privy seal, was

dispatched to Utrecht, where he and the Earl of Strafford were appointed

plenipotentiaries for the Queen of Great Britain.

[Footnote 48: Dr. Robinson, afterwards Bishop of London. [ORIGINAL

NOTE.]]

The managers of the discontented party, who, during the whole summer,

had observed the motions of the court running fast towards a peace,

began to gather up all their forces, in order to oppose Her Majesty's

designs, when the Parliament should meet. Their only strength was in the

House of Lords, where the Queen had a very crazy majority, made up by

those whose hearts were in the other interest; but whose fears,

expectations, or immediate dependence, had hitherto kept them within

bounds. There were two lords upon whose abilities and influence, of a

very different nature, the managers built their strongest hopes. The

first was the Duke of Somerset, master of the horse. This duke, as well

as his duchess, was in a good degree of favour with the Queen, upon the

score of some civilities and respects Her Majesty had received from

them, while she was princess.[49] For some years after the Revolution,

he never appeared at court, but was looked upon as a favourer of the

abdicated family; and it was the late Earl of Rochester who first

presented him to King William. However, since the time he came into

employment, which was towards the close of the last reign, he hath been

a constant zealous member of the other party; but never failed in either

attendance or respect towards the Queen's person, or, at most, only

threatened sometimes, that he would serve no longer, while such or such

men were employed; which, as things went then, was not reckoned any

offence at all against duty or good behaviour. He had been much caressed

and flattered by the Lords of the Junto,[50] who sometimes went so far

as to give him hopes of the crown, in reversion to his family, upon

failure of the house of Hanover. All this worked so far upon his

imagination, that he affected to appear the head of their party, to

which his talents were no way proportioned; for they soon grew weary of

his indigested schemes, and his imperious manner of obtruding them: they

began to drop him at their meetings, or contradicted him, with little

ceremony, when he happened to be there, which his haughty nature[51] was

not able to brook. Thus a mortal quarrel was kindled between him and the

whole assembly of party leaders; so that, upon the Queen's first

intentions of changing her ministry, soon after the trial of Dr.

Sacheverell, he appointed several meetings with Mr. Harley alone, in the

most private manner, in places and at times least liable to suspicion.

He employed all his credit with the Queen to drive on the removal of my

Lord Godolphin, and the rest; and, in the council, treated the small

remainder, who continued some time longer in their places, with all

possible marks of hatred or disdain. But when the question came for

dissolving the Parliament, he stopped short: he had already satiated his

resentments, which were not against things, but persons: he furiously

opposed that counsel, and promised to undertake for the Parliament

himself. When the Queen had declared her pleasure for the dissolution,

he flew off in greater rage than ever; opposed the court in all

elections, where he had influence or power; and made very humble[52]

advances to reconcile himself with the discarded lords, especially the

Earl of Godolphin, who is reported to have treated him at Newmarket in a

most contemptuous manner. But the sincerity of his repentance, which

appeared manifestly in the first session of the new Parliament, and the

use he might be of by his own remaining credit, or rather that of his

duchess, with the Queen, at length begat a reconcilement. He still kept

his employment, and place in the cabinet council; but had never appeared

there, from an avowed dislike of all persons and proceedings. It

happened about the end of summer, one thousand seven hundred and eleven,

at Windsor, when the cabinet council was summoned, this duke, whether by

directions from his teachers, or the instability of his nature, took a

fancy to resume his place, and a chair was brought accordingly; upon

which Mr. Secretary St. John refused to assist, and gave his reasons,

that he would never sit in council with a man who had so often betrayed

them, and was openly engaged with a faction which endeavoured to

obstruct all Her Majesty's measures. Thus the council was put off to

next day, and the duke made no farther attempts to be there.[53] But,

upon this incident, he declared open war against the ministry; and, from

that time to the session, employed himself in spiriting up several

depending lords to adhere to their friends, when an occasion should

offer. The arguments he made use of, were, that those in power designed

to make an ignominious and insecure peace, without consulting the

allies; that this could be no otherwise prevented than by an address

from the Lords, to signify their opinion, that no peace could be

honourable or secure, while Spain or the West Indies remained in any of

the Bourbon family:[54] upon which several farther resolutions and

inquiries would naturally follow; that the differences between the two

Houses, upon this point, must either be made up by the Commons agreeing

with the Lords, or must end in a dissolution, which would be followed by

a return of the old ministry, who, by the force of money and management,

could easily get another Parliament to their wishes. He farther assured

them boldly, that the Queen herself was at the bottom of this design,

and had empowered him to desire their votes against the peace, as a

point that would be for her service; and therefore they need not be in

pain upon account of their pensions, or any farther marks of favour they

expected. Thus, by reviving the old art of using Her Majesty's authority

against her person, he prevailed over some, who were not otherwise in a

station of life to oppose the crown; and his proselytes may pretend to

some share of pity, since he offered for an argument his own example,

who kept his place and favour, after all he had done to deserve the loss

of both.

[Footnote 49: In 1692, on a difference which the princess had with King

William and his Queen, occasioned by her warm attachment to the Duchess

of Marlborough, she quitted The Cockpit, and accepted the Duke of

Somerset's offer of Sion House for a temporary residence. [N.]]

[Footnote 50: A cant name given to five lords of that party. [ORIGINAL

NOTE.]]

[Footnote 51: P. Fitzgerald says "the pride of his nature." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 52: P. Fitzgerald says "the meanest." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 53: "I had almost forgot to tell you," writes Lewis to Swift

in the same letter, "you have mistaken the case of the D---- of S----,

which, in truth, was this, that his grace appearing at court, in the

chamber next to the council chamber, it was apprehended he would come

into the cabinet council, and therefore the intended meeting was put

off; whereas one would judge, by your manner of stating it, that the

council had met, and adjourned abruptly upon his taking his place

there." Sir W. Scott's edit. vol. xix., pp. 133-136. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 54: It was Nottingham who moved this argument in the form of

an amendment to the address on 7th December, 1711. See _infra_, and also

vol. v., p. 444 of present edition. [T.S.]]

The other lord, in whom the discontented managers placed much of their

hopes, was the Earl of Nottingham, already mentioned; than whom no man

ever appeared to hate them more, or to be more pleased at their fall,

partly from his avowed principles, but chiefly from the hopes he had of

sharing in their spoils. But it fell out, that he was no way acceptable

to the Queen or her new servants: these apprehended no little trouble

and impediment to the public business, from his restless, talkative,

overweening manner, if once he was suffered to have any part in affairs;

and he stood very ill with the court, having made a motion in the House

of Lords, and in Her Majesty's presence, that the Electoral Prince of

Hanover might be invited to reside in England, although he had before

declared to the Queen how much he was against that proposal, when it was

first offered by the other party. However, some very considerable

employments had been given to his nearest relations, and he had one or

two offers for himself, which he thought fit to refuse, as not equal to

his merits and character. Upon the Earl of Rochester's decease, he

conceived that the crown would hardly overlook him for president of the

council, and deeply resented that disappointment. But the Duke of

Newcastle, lord privy seal, dying some time after, he found that office

was first designed for the Earl of Jersey, and, upon this lord's sudden

death, was actually disposed of to the Bishop of Bristol by which he

plainly saw, that the Queen was determined against giving him any

opportunity of directing in affairs, or displaying his eloquence in the

cabinet council. He had now shaken off all remains of patience or

temper, and, from the contemplation of his own disappointments, fell, as

it is natural, to find fault with the public management, and to assure

his neighbours in the country, that the nation was in imminent danger of

being ruined. The discontented[55] lords were soon apprised of this

great change, and the Duke of Roxburgh,[56] the earl's son-in-law, was

dispatched to Burleigh on the Hill, to cultivate his present

dispositions, and offer him whatever terms he pleased to insist on. The

Earl immediately agreed to fall in with any measures for distressing or

destroying the ministry but, in order to preserve his reputation with

the Church party, and perhaps bring them over to his interests, he

proposed, that a bill should be brought into the House of Lords for

preventing occasional conformity, and be unanimously agreed to by all

the peers of the low-church[57] principle, which would convince the

world of their good intentions to the established religion,[58] and that

their oppositions to the court wholly proceeded from their care of the

nation, and concern for its honour and safety.[59]

[Footnote 55: P. Fitzgerald says "factious." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 56: John Ker, Earl of Roxburgh, was created Earl of Kelso,

Marquess of Cessford and Beaumont, and Duke of Roxburgh in 1707.

[W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 57: P. Fitzgerald says "Whig." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 58: P. Fitzgerald says "established Church." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 59: Nottingham succeeded in carrying the bill against

Occasional Conformity on December 15th, 1711. See Swift's "Letter to a

Whig Lord," in vol. v. of present edition. [T.S.]]

These preparations were public enough, and the ministers had sufficient

time to arm themselves; but they seem to have acted, in this juncture,

like men who trusted to the goodness of their cause, and the general

inclinations of the kingdom, rather than to those arts which our

corruptions have too often made necessary. Calculations were indeed

taken, by which it was computed, that there would be a majority of ten

upon the side of the court. I remember to have told my Lord Harcourt and

Mr. Prior, that a majority of ten was only a majority of five, because

if their adversaries could bring off five, the number would be equal:

and so it happened to prove; for the mistake lay in counting upon the

bare promises of those who were wholly in the interest of the old

ministry, and were only kept in awe by the fear of offending the crown,

and losing their subsistence, wherein the Duke of Somerset had given

them full satisfaction.

With these dispositions of both parties, and fears and hopes of the

event, the Parliament met upon the seventh of December, one thousand

seven hundred and eleven. The Queen's speech (excepting what related to

supplies) was chiefly taken up in telling both Houses what progress she

had made towards a general peace, and her hopes of bringing it to a

speedy conclusion. As soon as Her Majesty was withdrawn, the House of

Lords, in a committee, resolved upon an address of thanks; to which the

Earl of Nottingham proposed an addition of the following clause.

"And we do beg leave to represent it to Your Majesty, as the humble

opinion and advice of this House, that no peace can be safe or

honourable to Great Britain and Europe, if Spain and the West Indies are

to be allotted to any branch of the house of Bourbon."

He was seconded by the Earl of Scarborough; and, after a debate of

several hours, the question for the clause was carried, as I remember,

by not above two voices.[60] The next day the House agreed with the

committee. The depending lords, having taken fresh courage from their

principals, and some who professed themselves very humble servants to

the present ministry, and enemies to the former, went along with the

stream, pretending not to see the consequences that must visibly follow.

The address was presented on the eleventh, to which Her Majesty's answer

was short and dry. She distinguished their thanks from the rest of the

piece; and, in return to Lord Nottingham's clause, said, She should be

sorry that any body could think she would not do her utmost to recover

Spain and the West Indies from the house of Bourbon.

[Footnote 60: The previous question in favour of the Earl of

Nottingham's amendment was carried by a single vote, the main question

by a majority of no less than eight! [S.] But Bishop Burnet says "by

three voices" ("Hist. Own Time," ii. 584), and Coxe says "by a majority

of 64 to 52." [W.S.J.]]

Upon the fifteenth of December the Earl of Nottingham likewise brought

in the bill to prevent occasional conformity (although under a disguised

title), which met with no opposition; but was swallowed by those very

lords, who always appeared with the utmost violence against the least

advantage to the established Church.

But in the House of Commons there appeared a very different spirit; for

when one Mr. Robert Walpole offered a clause of the same nature with

that of the Earl of Nottingham, it was rejected with contempt by a very

great majority. Their address was in the most dutiful manner, approving

of what Her Majesty had done towards a peace, and trusting entirely to

her wisdom in the future management of it. This address was presented to

the Queen a day before that of the Lords, and received an answer

distinguishedly gracious. But the other party[61] was no ways

discouraged by either answer, which they looked upon as only matter of

course, and the sense of the ministry, contrary to that of the Queen.

[Footnote 61: P. Fitzgerald says "faction." [W.S.J.]]

The Parliament sat as long as the approaching festival would allow; and

upon the twenty-second, the land-tax and occasional bills having

received the royal assent, the House of Commons adjourned to the

fourteenth of January following: but the adjournment of the Lords was

only to the second, the prevailing party there being in haste to pursue

the consequences of the Earl of Nottingham's clause, which they hoped

would end in the ruin of the treasurer, and overthrow the ministry; and

therefore took the advantage of this interval, that they might not be

disturbed by the Commons.

When this address against any peace without Spain, &c. was carried in

the House of Lords, it is not easy to describe the effects it had upon

most men's passions. The partisans of the old ministry triumphed loudly,

and without any reserve, as if the game were their own. The Earl of

Wharton was observed in the House to smile, and put his hands to his

neck when any of the ministry was speaking, by which he would have it

understood that some heads were in danger. Parker, the chief justice,

began already with great zeal and officiousness to prosecute authors and

printers of weekly and other papers, writ in defence of the

administration: in short, joy and vengeance sat visible in every

countenance of that party.[62]

[Footnote 62: See "Journal to Stella," December 13th (vol. ii., p. 299

of present edition). [W.S.J.]]

On the other side, all well-wishers to the Queen, the Church, or the

peace, were equally dejected; and the treasurer stood the foremost mark

both of his enemies' fury, and the censure of his friends: among the

latter, some imputed this fatal miscarriage to his procrastinating

nature; others, to his unmeasurable public thrift: both parties agreed,

that a first minister, with very moderate skill in affairs, might easily

have governed the event: and some began to doubt, whether the great fame

of his abilities, acquired in other stations, were what he justly

deserved: all this he knew well enough, and heard it with great phlegm;

neither did it make any alteration in his countenance or humour. He told

Monsieur Buys, the Dutch envoy, two days before the Parliament sat, that

he was sorry for what was like to pass, because the States would be the

first sufferers, which he desired the envoy to remember: and to his

nearest friends, who appeared in pain about the public or themselves, he

only said that all would be well, and desired them not to be

frighted.[63]

[Footnote 63: See Swift's account of an interview with the lord

treasurer in his "Journal to Stella," December 8th (_ibid.,_ p. 296).

[W.S.J.]]

It was, I conceive, upon these motives, that the treasurer advised Her

Majesty to create twelve new lords,[64] and thereby disable the sting of

faction for the rest of her lifetime: this promotion was so ordered,

that a third part were of those on whom, or their posterity, the peerage

would naturally devolve; and the rest were such, whose merit, birth, and

fortune, could admit of no exception.

[Footnote 64: See note, vol. ii., p. 308, and note, vol. v., p. 446.

[W.S.J.]]

The adverse party, being thus driven down by open force, had nothing

left but to complain, which they loudly did; that it was a

pernicious[65] example set for ill princes to follow, who, by the same

rule, might make at any time an hundred as well as twelve, and by these

means become masters of the House of Lords whenever they pleased, which

would be dangerous to our liberties. To this it was answered, that ill

princes seldom trouble themselves to look for precedents; that men of

great estates will not be less fond of preserving their liberties when

they are created peers; that in such a government as this, where the

Prince holds the balance between two great powers, the nobility and

people, it is the very nature of his office to remove from one scale

into the other, or sometimes put his own weight in the lightest, so as

to bring both to an equilibrium; and lastly, that the other party had

been above twenty years corrupting the nobility with republican

principles, which nothing but the royal prerogative could hinder from

overspreading us.

[Footnote 65: P. Fitzgerald says "dangerous." [W.S.J.]]

The conformity bill above mentioned was prepared by the Earl of

Nottingham before the Parliament met, and brought in at the same time

with the clause against peace, according to the bargain made between him

and his new friends: this he hoped would not only save his credit with

the Church party, but bring them over to his politics, since they must

needs be convinced, that instead of changing his own principles, he had

prevailed on the greatest enemies to the established religion to be the

first movers in a law for the perpetual settlement of it. Here it was

worth observing, with what resignation the Junto Lords (as they were

then called) were submitted to by their adherents and followers; for it

is well known, that the chief among the dissenting teachers in town were

consulted upon this affair, and such arguments used, as had power to

convince them, that nothing could be of greater advantage to their cause

than the passing this bill. I did, indeed, see a letter at that time

from one of them to a great[66] man, complaining, that they were

betrayed and undone by their pretended friends; but they were in general

very well satisfied upon promises that this law should soon be repealed,

and others more in their favour enacted, as soon as their friends should

be re-established.

[Footnote 66: It was to the Treasurer himself. [ORIGINAL NOTE.] Scott

says that it was written by Mr. Shower on December 20th, and that the

writer complained that the Dissenters had "been shamefully abandoned,

sold, and sacrificed, by their professed friends." [W.S.J.]]

But nothing seemed more extraordinary than the event of this refined

management, by which the Earl of Nottingham was so far from bringing

over proselytes (wherein his abilities fell very short even of the Duke

of Somerset's); or preserving the reputation of a firm churchman, that

very few people did so much as imagine he had any such design; only when

he brought in the bill, they conceived it was some wonderful deep reach

of politics, which they could not comprehend: however, they liked the

thing, and without troubling themselves about the persons or motives

from whence it rose, it had a very speedy passage through both Houses.

It must be confessed, that some attempt of this nature was much more

necessary to the leaders of that party, than is generally thought. The

desire of power and revenge was common to them all; but several among

them were also conscious that they stood in need of protection, whose

safety was therefore concerned in the design of ruining the ministry, as

well as their ambition. The Duke of Marlborough foresaw those

examinations, which were afterwards made into some parts of his

management, and was apprehensive of a great deal more; that the

Parliament would perhaps enquire into the particulars of the negotiation

at The Hague in one thousand seven hundred and nine; for what ends, and

by whose advice the propositions of peace from France were rejected:

besides, he dreaded lest that mysterious policy might be laid open to

the world, of desiring the Queen to constitute him general for life,

which was a very tender point, and would admit of much proof. It is

true, indeed, that whilst the Duke's affair was under the consideration

of the House of Commons, one of his creatures[67] (whether by direction

or otherwise) assured the Speaker, with a very serious countenance, that

the world was mistaken in censuring his lord upon this article; for it

was the Queen who pressed the Duke to accept that commission; and upon

his humble refusal conceived her first displeasure against him. How such

a defence would have passed, if it had been offered in form, is easier

to be conceived, than how any person in his wits could have the

confidence to affirm it; which last it would indeed be hard to believe,

if there were any room left for doubt.

[Footnote 67: Craggs, father to the secretary. [ORIGINAL NOTE.]]

The Earl of Godolphin wanted protection, notwithstanding the act of

general pardon, which had been procured by his credit, and was

principally calculated for his own security. He knew that his long

neglect of compelling the accomptants to pass their accompts, might be

punished as a breach of trust. He had run the kingdom into immense

debts, by taking up stores for the navy upon a vast discount, without

parliamentary security; for which he could be able to plead neither law

nor necessity: and he had given way, at least, to some proceedings, not

very justifiable, in relation to remittances of money, whereby the

public had suffered considerable losses. The Barrier Treaty sat heavy

upon the Lord Townshend's spirits, because if it should be laid before

the House of Commons, whoever negotiated that affair, might be subject

to the most severe animadversions: and the Earl of Wharton's

administration in Ireland was looked upon as a sufficient ground to

impeach him, at least, for high crimes and misdemeanours.

The managers in Holland were sufficiently apprised of all this; and

Monsieur Buys, their minister here, took care to cultivate that good

correspondence between his masters and their English friends, which

became two confederates, pursuing the same end.

This man[68] had been formerly employed in England from that republic,

and understood a little of our language. His proficiency in learning has

been such, as to furnish now and then a Latin quotation, of which he is

as liberal as his stock will admit. His knowledge in government reaches

no farther than that of his own country, by which he forms and

cultivates matters of state for the rest of the world. His reasonings

upon politics are with great profusion at all meetings; and he leaves

the company with entire satisfaction that he hath fully convinced them.

He is well provided with that inferior sort of cunning, which is the

growth of his country, of a standard with the genius of the people, and

capable of being transferred into every condition of life among them,

from the boor to the burgomaster. He came into England with

instructions, authorizing him to accommodate all differences between Her

Majesty and the States; but having first advised with the confederate

lords, he assured the ministry he had powers to hear their proposals,

but none to conclude: and having represented to his masters what had

been told him by the adverse party, he prevailed with them to revoke his

powers. He found the interest of those who withstood the court, would

exactly fall in with the designs of the States, which were to carry on

the war as they could, at our expense, and to see themselves at the head

of a treaty of peace, whenever they were disposed to apply to France, or

to receive overtures from thence.[69]

[Footnote 68: P. Fitzgerald says "gentleman." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 69: Erasmus Lewis, in the letter already cited, refers to

Buys, and gives the opinion of the gentlemen who had read the "History,"

on this matter, as follows: "They think the transactions with Mr. Buys

might have been represented in a more advantageous light, and more to

the honour of that administration; and, undoubtedly they would have been

so by your pen, had you been master of all the facts." And yet the facts

as related by Swift in this and the last book of this "History" are

substantially the facts as disclosed in Bolingbroke's Political

Correspondence. [T.S.]]

The Emperor, upon many powerful reasons, was utterly averse from all

counsels which aimed at putting an end to the war, without delivering

him the whole dominion of Spain; nay, the Elector of Hanover himself,

although presumptive heir to the crown of England, and obliged by all

sorts of ties to cultivate Her Majesty's friendship, was so far deceived

by misrepresentations from hence, that he seemed to suffer Monsieur

Bothmar, his envoy here, to print and publish a Memorial in English,

directly disapproving all Her Majesty's proceedings; which Memorial, as

appeareth by the style and manner of it, was all drawn up, or at least

digested, by some party pen on this side of the water.[70]

[Footnote 70: See Swift's "Some Free Thoughts upon the Present State of

Affairs," and the note on p. 410 of vol. v. of present edition. [T.S.]]

Cautious writers, in order to avoid offence or danger, and to preserve

the respect even[71] due to foreign princes, do usually charge the wrong

steps in a court altogether upon the persons employed; but I should have

taken a securer method, and have been wholly silent in this point, if I

had not then conceived some hope, that his Electoral Highness might

possibly have been a stranger[72] to the Memorial of his resident: for,

first, the manner of delivering it to the secretary of state was out of

all form, and almost as extraordinary as the thing itself. Monsieur

Bothmar having obtained an hour of Mr. Secretary St. John, talked much

to him upon the subject of which that Memorial consists; and upon going

away, desired he might leave a paper with the secretary, which he said

contained the substance of what he had been discoursing. This paper Mr.

St. John laid aside, among others of little consequence; and a few

days[73] saw a Memorial in print,[74] which he found upon comparing to

be the same with what Bothmar had left.

[Footnote 71: Edition of 1775 has "ever due." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 72: P. Fitzgerald says "If I had not very good reason to

believe that his Electoral Highness was altogether a stranger."

[W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 73: Edition of 1775 has "a few days after." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 74: This was published as a broadside, with the title: "The

Elector of Hanover's Memorial to the Queen of Great-Britain, relating to

the Peace with France." It was dated 28th of Nov/9th of Dec., 1711.

[W.S.J.]]

During this short recess of Parliament, and upon the fifth day of

January, Prince Eugene, of Savoy, landed in England. Before he left his

ship he asked a person who came to meet him, whether the new lords were

made, and what was their number? He was attended through the streets

with a mighty rabble of people to St. James's, where Mr. Secretary St.

John introduced him to the Queen, who received him with great civility.

His arrival had been long expected, and the project of his journey had

as long been formed here by the party leaders, in concert with Monsieur

Buys, and Monsieur Bothmar, the Dutch and Hanover envoys. This prince

brought over credentials from the Emperor, with offers to continue the

war upon a new foot, very advantageous to Britain; part of which, by Her

Majesty's commands, Mr. St. John soon after produced to the House of

Commons; where they were rejected, not without some indignation, by a

great majority. The Emperor's proposals, as far as they related to

Spain, were communicated to the House in the words following.

"His Imperial Majesty judges, that forty thousand men will be sufficient

for this service, and that the whole expense of the war in Spain, may

amount to four millions of crowns, towards which His Imperial Majesty

offers to make up the troops, which he has in that country, to thirty

thousand men, and to take one million of crowns upon himself".

On the other side the House of Commons voted a third part of those four

millions as a sufficient quota for Her Majesty toward that service, for

it was supposed the Emperor ought to bear the greatest proportion in a

point that so nearly concerned him, or at least, that Britain

contributing one third, the other two might be paid by his Imperial

Majesty and the States, as they could settle it between them.

The design of Prince Eugene's journey, was to raise a spirit in the

Parliament and people for continuing the war, for nothing was thought

impossible to a prince of such high reputation in arms, in great favour

with the Emperor, and empowered to make such proposals from his master,

as the ministry durst not reject. It appeared by an intercepted letter

from Count Gallas, (formerly the Emperor's envoy here) that the prince

was wholly left to his liberty of making what offers he pleased in the

Emperor's name, for if the Parliament could once be brought to raise

funds, and the war go on, the ministry here must be under a necessity of

applying and expending those funds, and the Emperor could afterwards

find twenty reasons and excuses, as he had hitherto done, for not

furnishing his quota; therefore Prince Eugene, for some time, kept

himself within generals, until being pressed to explain himself upon

that particular of the war in Spain, which the house of Austria

pretended to have most at heart, he made the offer above mentioned, as a

most extraordinary effort, and so it was, considering how little they

had ever done before, towards recovering that monarchy to themselves;

but shameful as these proposals were, few believed the Emperor would

observe them, or, indeed, that he ever intended to spare so many men, as

would make up an army of thirty thousand men, to be employed in Spain.

Prince Eugene's visit to his friends in England continued longer than

was expected; he was every day entertained magnificently by persons of

quality of both parties; he went frequently to the treasurer, and

sometimes affected to do it in private; he visited the other ministers

and great officers of the court, but on all occasions publicly owned the

character and appellation of a Whig; and in secret, held continual

meetings with the Duke of Marlborough, and the other discontented lords,

where M. Bothmar usually assisted. It is the great ambition of this

prince to be perpetually engaged in war, without considering the cause

or consequence; and to see himself at the head of an army, where only he

can make any considerable figure. He is not without a natural tincture

of that cruelty, sometimes charged upon the Italians; and being nursed

in arms, hath so far extinguished pity and remorse, that he will at any

time sacrifice a thousand men's lives, to a caprice of glory or revenge.

He had conceived an incurable hatred for the treasurer, as the person

who principally opposed this insatiable passion for war; said he had

hopes of others, but that the treasurer was _un méchant diable_, not to

be moved; therefore, since it was impossible for him or his friends to

compass their designs, while that minister continued at the head of

affairs, he proposed an expedient, often practised by those of his

country, that the treasurer (to use his own expression) should be taken

off, _à la négligence_; that this might easily be done, and pass for an

effect of chance, if it were preceded by encouraging some proper people

to commit small riots in the night: and in several parts of the town, a

crew of obscure ruffians were accordingly employed about that time, who

probably exceeded their commission; and mixing themselves with those

disorderly people that often infest the streets at midnight, acted

inhuman outrages on many persons, whom they cut and mangled in the face

and arms, and other parts of the body, without any provocation; but an

effectual stop was soon put to these enormities, which probably

prevented the execution of the main design.[75]

[Footnote 75: Erasmus Lewis, Lord Oxford, and the others who read the

MS., advised the elimination of this insinuation against Prince Eugene.

They thought there was truth in it, but "a matter of so high a nature,"

as Lewis expressed it to Swift, "ought not to be asserted without

exhibiting the proofs." The paragraph following the one in the text,

containing the imputation, seems as if it had been written after Swift

had received Lewis's strictures. [T.S.]]

I am very sensible, that such an imputation ought not to be charged upon

any person whatsoever, upon slight grounds or doubtful surmises; and

that those who think I am able to produce no better, will judge this

passage to be fitter for a libel than a history; but as the account was

given by more than one person who was at the meeting, so it was

confirmed past all contradiction by several intercepted letters and

papers: and it is most certain, that the rage of the defeated party,

upon their frequent disappointments, was so far inflamed, as to make

them capable of some counsels yet more violent and desperate than this,

which, however, by the vigilance of those near the person of Her

Majesty, were happily prevented.

On the thirtieth day of December, one thousand seven hundred and eleven,

the Duke of Marlborough was removed from all his employments: the Duke

of Ormonde succeeding him as general, both here and in Flanders. This

proceeding of the court (as far as it related to the Duke of

Marlborough) was much censured both at home and abroad, and by some who

did not wish ill to the present situation of affairs. There were few

examples of a commander being disgraced, after an uninterrupted course

of success for many years against a formidable enemy, and this before a

period was put to the war: those who had least esteem for his valour and

conduct, thought it not prudent to remove a general, whose troops were

perpetually victorious, while he was at their head; because this had

infused into his soldiers an opinion that they should always conquer,

and into the enemy that they should always be beaten; than which,

nothing is to be held of greater moment, either in the progress of a

war, or upon the day of battle; and I have good grounds to affirm, that

these reasons had sufficient weight with the Queen and ministry to have

kept the Duke of Marlborough in his post, if a way could have been found

out to have done it with any assurance of safety to the nation. It is

the misfortune of princes, that the effects of their displeasure make

usually much more noise than the causes: thus, the sound of the Duke's

fall was heard farther than many of the reasons which made it necessary;

whereof, though some were visible enough, yet others lay more in the

dark. Upon the Duke's last return from Flanders, he had fixed his

arrival to town (whether by accident or otherwise) upon the seventeenth

of November, called Queen Elizabeth's day, when great numbers of his

creatures and admirers had thought fit to revive an old ceremony among

the rabble, of burning the Pope in effigy; for the performance of which,

with more solemnity, they had made extraordinary preparations.[76] From

the several circumstances of the expense of this intended pageantry, and

of the persons who promoted it, the court, apprehensive of a design to

inflame the common people, thought fit to order, that the several

figures should be seized as popish trinkets; and guards were ordered to

patrol, for preventing any tumultuous assemblies. Whether this frolic

were only intended for an affront to the court, or whether it had a

deeper meaning, I must leave undetermined. The Duke, in his own nature,

is not much turned to be popular; and in his flourishing times, whenever

he came back to England upon the close of a campaign, he rather affected

to avoid any concourse of the _mobile_, if they had been disposed to

attend him; therefore, so very contrary a proceeding at this juncture,

made it suspected as if he had a design to have placed himself at their

head. "France," "Popery," "The Pretender," "Peace without Spain," were

the words to be given about at this mock parade; and if what was

confidently asserted be true, that a report was to have been spread at

the same time of the Queen's death, no man can tell what might have been

the event.

[Footnote 76: See Swift's "Journal to Stella," Letter xxxv. (vol. ii.,

pp. 283-84), and "A True Relation of the Intended Riot," printed in

Scott's edition, vol. v., pp. 399-413. [W.S.J.]

"The burning of a Pope in effigy," notes Scott--in his reprint of what

Swift called "the Grub Street account of the tumult"--"upon the 17th

November, the anniversary of Queen Elizabeth's coronation, was a

favourite pastime with the mob of London, and often employed by their

superiors as a means of working upon their passions and prejudices." A

full account of this ceremony is given in his edition of Dryden's Works,

1808, vol. vi., p. 222. An account of the attempt "to revive an old

ceremony," referred to by Swift, was published also in "The Post Boy"

for November 20th, 1711. [T.S.]]

But this attempt, to whatever purposes intended, proving wholly abortive

by the vigilance of those in power, the Duke's arrival was without any

noise or consequence; and upon consulting with his friends, he soon fell

in with their new scheme for preventing the peace. It was believed by

many persons, that the ministers might, with little difficulty, have

brought him over, if they had pleased to make a trial; for as he would

probably have accepted any terms to continue in a station of such

prodigious[77] profit, so there was sufficient room to work upon his

fears, of which he is seldom unprovided[78] (I mean only in his

political capacity) and his infirmity very much increased by his

unmeasurable possessions, which have rendered him, _ipsique[79] onerique

timentem;_ but reason, as well as the event, proved this to be a

mistake: for the ministers being determined to bring the war to as

speedy an issue as the honour and safety of their country would permit,

could not possibly recompense the Duke for the mighty incomes he held by

the continuance of it. Then the other party had calculated their

numbers; and by the accession of the Earl of Nottingham, whose example

they hoped would have many followers, and the successful solicitations

of the Duke of Somerset, found they were sure of a majority in the House

of Lords: so that in this view of circumstances, the Duke of Marlborough

thought he acted with security, as well as advantage: he therefore

boldly fell, with his whole weight, into the design of ruining the

ministry, at the expense of his duty to his sovereign, and the welfare

of his country, after the mighty obligations he had received from both.

WHIG and TORY were now no longer the dispute, but THE QUEEN or THE DUKE

OF MARLBOROUGH: He was at the head of all the cabals and consults with

Bothmar, Buys, and the discontented lords. He forgot that government of

his passion, for which his admirers used to celebrate him, fell into all

the impotencies of anger and violence upon every party debate: so that

the Queen found herself under a necessity, either on the one side to

sacrifice those friends, who had ventured their lives in rescuing her

out of the power of some, whose former treatment she had little reason

to be fond of, to put an end[80] to the progress she had made towards a

peace, and dissolve her Parliament; or, on the other side, by removing

one person from so great a trust, to get clear of all her difficulties

at once: Her Majesty therefore determined upon the latter, as the

shorter and safer course; and during the recess at Christmas, sent the

Duke a letter, to tell him she had no farther occasion for his

service.[81]

[Footnote 77: P. Fitzgerald says "immense." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 78: P. Fitzgerald adds "being in his nature the most timorous

person alive." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 79: P. Fitzgerald says "sibique." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 80: P. Fitzgerald says "to complete." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 81: See the Duchess of Marlborough's narrative of this

transaction in the "Account of her Conduct," etc., pp. 264-269, where

his Grace's letter to the Queen, on his dismission from her service, is

printed. [N.]]

There hath not perhaps in the present age been a clearer instance to

shew the instability of greatness which is not founded upon virtue; and

it may be an instruction to princes, who are well in the hearts of their

people, that the overgrown power of any particular person, although

supported by exorbitant wealth, can by a little resolution be reduced in

a moment, without any dangerous consequences. This lord, who was, beyond

all comparison, the greatest subject in Christendom, found his power,

credit, and influence, crumble away on a sudden; and, except a few

friends or followers, by inclination, the rest dropped off in course.

From directing in some manner the affairs of Europe, he descended to be

a member of a faction, and with little distinction even there: that

virtue of subduing his resentments, for which he was so famed when he

had little or no occasion to exert it, having now wholly forsaken him

when he stood most in need of its assistance; and upon trial was found

unable to bear a reverse of fortune, giving way to rage, impatience,

envy, and discontent.

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST

YEARS OF THE QUEEN.

BOOK II.

The House of Lords met upon the second day of January, according to

their adjournment; but before they could proceed to business, the twelve

new-created peers were, in the usual form, admitted to their seats in

that assembly, who, by their numbers, turned the balance on the side of

the court, and voted an adjournment to the same day with the Commons.

Upon the fourteenth of January the two Houses met; but the Queen, who

intended to be there in person, sent a message to inform them, that she

was prevented by a sudden return of the gout, and to desire they would

adjourn for three days longer, when Her Majesty hoped she should be able

to speak to them. However, her indisposition still continuing, Mr.

Secretary St. John brought another message to the House of Commons from

the Queen, containing the substance of what she intended to have spoken;

"That she could now tell them, her plenipotentiaries were arrived at

Utrecht; had begun, in pursuance of her instructions, to concert the

most proper ways of procuring a just satisfaction to all powers in

alliance with her, according to their several treaties, and particularly

with relation to Spain and the West Indies; that she promised to

communicate to them the conditions of peace, before the same should be

concluded; that the world would now see how groundless those reports

were, and without the least colour, that a separate peace had been

treated; that her ministers were directed to propose, that a day might

be fixed for the finishing, as was done for the commencement of this

treaty; and that, in the mean time, all preparations were hastening for

an early campaign," etc.

Her Majesty's endeavours towards this great work having been in such a

forwardness at the time that her message was sent, I shall here, as in

the most proper place, relate the several steps by which the intercourse

between the courts of France and Britain was begun and carried on.

The Marquis de Torcy,[1] sent by the Most Christian King to The Hague,

had there, in the year one thousand seven hundred and nine, made very

advantageous offers to the allies, in his master's name; which our

ministers, as well as those of the States, thought fit to refuse, and

advanced other proposals in their stead, but of such a nature as no

prince could digest, who did not lie at the immediate mercy of his

enemies. It was demanded, among other things, "That the French King

should employ his own troops, in conjunction with those of the allies,

to drive his grandson out of Spain." The proposers knew very well, that

the enemy would never consent to this; and if it were possible they

could at first have any such hopes, Mons. de Torcy assured them to the

contrary, in a manner which might well be believed; for then the British

and Dutch plenipotentiaries were drawing up their demands. They desired

that minister to assist them in the style and expression; which he very

readily did, and made use of the strongest words he could find to please

them. He then insisted to know their last resolution, whether these were

the lowest terms the allies would accept; and having received a

determinate answer in the affirmative, he spoke to this effect:

[Footnote 1: Jean Baptiste Colbert (1665-1746), Marquis de Torcy, was

nephew of the celebrated Colbert. [W.S.J.]]

"That he thanked them heartily for giving him the happiest day he had

ever seen in his life: that, in perfect obedience to his master, he had

made concessions, in his own opinion, highly derogatory to the King's

honour and interest: that he had not concealed the difficulties of his

court, or the discontents of his country, by a long and unsuccessful

war, which could only justify the large offers he had been empowered to

make: that the conditions of peace, now delivered into his hands by the

allies, would raise a new spirit in the nation, and remove the greatest

difficulty the court lay under, putting it in his master's power to

convince all his subjects how earnestly His Majesty desired to ease them

from the burthen of the war; but that his enemies would not accept of

any terms, which could consist either with their safety or his honour."

Mons. Torcy assured the pensionary, in the strongest manner, and bid him

count upon it, that the King his master would never sign those articles.

It soon appeared, that the Marquis de Torcy's predictions were true; for

upon delivering to his master the last resolutions of the allies, that

Prince took care to publish them all over his kingdom, as an appeal to

his subjects against the unreasonableness and injustice of his enemies:

which proceeding effectually answered the utmost he intended by it; for

the French nation, extremely jealous of their monarch's glory, made

universal offers of their lives and fortunes, rather than submit to such

ignominious terms; and the clergy, in particular, promised to give the

King their consecrated plate, towards continuing the war. Thus that

mighty kingdom, generally thought to be wholly exhausted of its wealth,

yet, when driven to a necessity by the imprudence of the allies, or by

the corruption of particular men, who influenced their councils,

recovered strength enough to support itself for three following

campaigns: and in the last, by the fatal blindness or obstinacy of the

Dutch (venturing to act without the assistance of Britain, which they

had shamefully abandoned), was an overmatch for the whole confederate

army.[2]

[Footnote 2: Alluding to the defeat at Denain (July 24th, 1712). [S.]]

Those who, in order to defend the proceedings of the allies, have given

an account of this negotiation, do wholly omit the circumstance I have

now related, and express the zeal of the British and Dutch ministers for

a peace, by informing us how frequently they sent after Mons. de Torcy,

and Mons. Rouille, for a farther conference. But in the mean time, Mr.

Horatio Walpole, secretary to the Queen's plenipotentiaries, was

dispatched over hither, to have those abortive articles signed and

ratified by Her Majesty at a venture, which was accordingly done. A

piece of management altogether absurd, and without example; contrived

only to deceive our people into a belief that a peace was intended, and

to shew what great things the ministry designed to do.

But this hope expiring, upon the news that France had refused to sign

those articles, all was solved by recourse to the old topic of the

French perfidiousness. We loaded them plentifully with ignominious

appellations; "they were a nation never to be trusted." The Parliament

cheerfully continued their supplies, and the war went on. The winter

following began the second and last session of the preceding Parliament,

noted for the trial of Dr. Sacheverell, and the occasions thereby given

to the people to discover and exert their dispositions, very opposite to

the designs of those who were then in power. In the summer of one

thousand seven hundred and ten, ensued a gradual change of the ministry;

and in the beginning of that winter the present Parliament was called.

The King of France, whose real interests made him sincerely desirous of

any tolerable peace, found it impossible to treat upon equal conditions

with either of the two maritime powers engaged against him, because of

the prevalency of factions in both, who acted in concert to their mutual

private advantage, although directly against the general dispositions of

the people in either, as well as against their several maxims of

government. But upon the great turn of affairs and councils here in

England, the new Parliament and ministers acting from other motives, and

upon other principles, that Prince hoped an opportunity might arise of

resuming his endeavours towards a peace.

There was at this time in England a French ecclesiastic, called the Abbé

Gaultier,[3] who had resided several years in London, under the

protection of some foreign ministers, in whose families he used, upon

occasion, to exercise his function of a priest. After the battle of

Blenheim, this gentleman went down to Nottingham, where several French

prisoners of quality were kept, to whom he rendered those offices of

civility suitable to persons in their condition, which, upon their

return to France, they reported to his advantage. Among the rest, the

Chevalier de Croissy told his brother, the Marquis de Torcy, that

whenever the French court would have a mind to make overtures of peace

with England, Mons. Gaultier might be very usefully employed in handing

them to the ministers here. This was no farther thought on at present.

In the mean time the war went on, and the conferences at The Hague and

Gertruydenberg miscarried, by the allies insisting upon such demands as

they neither expected, nor perhaps desired, should be granted.

[Footnote 3: See note prefixed to "A New Journey to Paris" in vol. v. of

present edition. Gaultier, although a priest, was nothing more than a

superior spy in the pay of the French Court. He had been chaplain to

Tallard and the disgraced Count Gallas, and was a sort of _protégé_ of

the Earl of Jersey; but his character does not bear very close scrutiny.

The Duke of Berwick could not have had any high opinion either of the

man or his abilities, since in the "Mémoires de Berwick" (vol. ii., p.

122, edit. 1780) he is thus referred to: "Sa naissance étoit toute des

plus ordinaires, et ses facultés à l'avenant, c'est à dire, très

pauvre." St. John called Gaultier his "Mercury," and De Torcy styled him

"the Angel of Peace" (Torcy's "Memoires," vol. ii., p. 148, edition of

1828). [T.S.]]

Some time in July, one thousand seven hundred and ten, Mons. Gaultier

received a letter from the Marquis de Torcy, signifying, that a report

being spread of Her Majesty's intentions to change her ministry, to take

Mr. Harley into her councils, and to dissolve her Parliament, the Most

Christian King thought it might be now a favourable conjuncture to offer

new proposals of a treaty: Mons. Gaultier was therefore directed to

apply himself, in the Marquis's name, either to the Duke of Shrewsbury,

the Earl of Jersey, or Mr. Harley, and inform the French court how such

a proposition would be relished. Gaultier chose to deliver his message

to the second of those, who had been ambassador from the late king to

France; but the Earl excused himself from entering into particulars with

a stranger, and a private person, who had no authority for what he said,

more than a letter from Mons. de Torcy. Gaultier offered to procure

another from that minister to the Earl himself; and did so, in a month

after: but obtained no answer till December following, when the Queen

had made all necessary changes, and summoned a free Parliament to her

wishes. About the beginning of January, the abbé (after having procured

his dismission from Count Gallas, the emperor's envoy, at that time his

protector) was sent to Paris, to inform Mons. Torcy, that Her Majesty

would be willing his master should resume the treaty with Holland,

provided the demands of England might be previously granted. Gaultier

came back, after a short stay, with a return to his message, that the

Dutch had used the Most Christian King and his ministers in such a

manner, both at The Hague and Gertruydenberg, as made that Prince

resolve not to expose himself any more to the like treatment; that he

therefore chose to address himself to England, and was ready to make

whatever offers Her Majesty could reasonably expect, for the advantage

of her own kingdoms, and the satisfaction of her allies.

After this message had been duly considered by the Queen and her

ministers, Mons. Gaultier was dispatched a second time to France, about

the beginning of March, one thousand seven hundred and ten-eleven, with

an answer to the following purpose: "That since France had their

particular reasons for not beginning again to treat with Holland,

England was willing to remove that difficulty, and proposed it should be

done in this manner: That France should send over hither the

propositions for a treaty, which should be transmitted by England to

Holland, to be jointly treated on that side of the water; but it was to

be understood, that the same proposition formerly offered to Holland,

was to be made to England, or one not less advantageous to the allies;

for although England would enter most sincerely into such a treaty, and

shew, in the course of it, the clearness of their intentions; yet they

could not, with honour, entertain a less beneficial proposal than what

was offered to the States."

That Prince, as well as his minister, Mons. de Torcy, either felt, or

affected, so much resentment of the usage the latter had met at The

Hague and Gertruydenberg, that they appeared fully determined against

making any application to the States, where the same persons continued

still in power, of whose treatment they so heavily complained.[4]

[Footnote 4: There can be little doubt that De Torcy's resentment

against the Dutch, as expressed in the first of the propositions above

cited, was an affected one, since it is well known that the Dutch were,

at the very time these propositions were sent to England, and even for

some time previously, engaged in separate overtures with the French

Court. Indeed, according to Prior ("History of his Own Time"), they had

been so engaged ever since the breaking up of the Gertruydenberg

Conference; and when Prior arrived in France in August, 1711, he was

shown three letters written as from the Pensionary, but probably by

Petecum, promising Louis every advantage if the Conference so unhappily

broken off at Gertruydenberg were renewed. "The negotiations must be

secret and separate," reported Prior, "His Most Christian Majesty need

only name his own terms." Swift knew of the existence of at least one of

these letters, because he was very anxious to obtain it "to get some

particulars for my History," as he notes in his "Journal," "one letter

of Petecum's showing the roguery of the Dutch." See also "Portland

Manuscripts," vol. v., p. 34 _et seq_. [T.S.]]

They seemed altogether to distrust the inclination of that republic

towards a peace; but at the same time shewed a mighty complaisance to

the English nation, and a desire to have Her Majesty at the head of a

treaty. This appears by the first overture in form sent from that

kingdom, and signed by Mons. de Torcy, on the twenty-second of April,

N.S. one thousand seven hundred and eleven, to the following effect:

"That as it could not be doubted but the King was in a condition of

continuing the war with honour, so it could not be looked on as a mark

of weakness in His Majesty to break the silence he had kept since the

conferences at Gertruydenberg; and that, before the opening of the

campaign, he now gives farther proof of the desire he always had to

procure the repose of Europe. But after what he hath found, by

experience, of the sentiments of those persons who now govern the

republic of Holland, and of their industry in rendering all negotiations

without effect, His Majesty will, for the public good, offer to the

English nation those propositions, which he thinks fit to make for

terminating the war, and for settling the tranquillity of Europe upon a

solid foundation. It is with this view that he offers to enter into a

treaty of peace, founded on the following conditions.

"First, The English nation shall have real securities for carrying on

their trade in Spain, the Indies, and ports of the Mediterranean.

"Secondly, The King will consent to form a sufficient barrier in the Low

Countries, for the security of the republic of Holland; and this barrier

shall be such as England shall agree upon and approve; His Majesty

promising, at the same time, an entire liberty and security to the trade

of the Dutch.

"Thirdly, All reasonable methods shall be thought on, with sincerity and

truth, for giving satisfaction to the allies of England and Holland.

"Fourthly, Whereas the affairs of the King of Spain are in so good a

condition as to furnish new expedients for putting an end to the

disputes about that monarchy, and for settling it to the satisfaction of

the several parties concerned, all sincere endeavours shall be used for

surmounting the difficulties arisen upon this occasion; and the trade

and interest of all parties engaged in the present war shall be secured.

"Fifthly, The conferences, in order to treat of a peace upon these

conditions, shall be immediately opened; and the plenipotentiaries, whom

the King shall name to assist thereat, shall treat with those of England

and Holland, either alone, or in conjunction with those of their allies,

as England shall choose.

"Sixthly, His Majesty proposes the towns of Aix la Chapelle or Liège,

for the place where the plenipotentiaries shall assemble, leaving the

choice likewise to England of either of the said towns, wherein to treat

a general peace."

These overtures, although expressing much confidence in the ministry

here, great deference to the Queen, and displeasure against the Dutch,

were immediately transmitted by Her Majesty's command to her ambassador

in Holland, with orders, that they should be communicated to the

pensionary. The Abbé Gaultier was desired to signify this proceeding to

the Marquis de Torcy; at the same time to let that minister understand,

that some of the above articles ought to be explained. The Lord Raby,

now Earl of Stafford, was directed to tell the Pensionary, that Her

Majesty being resolved, in making peace as in making war, to act in

perfect concert with the States, would not lose a moment in transmitting

to him a paper of this importance: that the Queen earnestly desired,

that the secret might be kept among as few as possible; and that she

hoped the Pensionary would advise upon this occasion with no person

whatsoever, except such, as by the constitution of that government, are

unavoidably necessary: that the terms of the several propositions were

indeed too general; but, however, they contained an offer to treat: and

that, although there appeared an air of complaisance to England through

the whole paper, and the contrary to Holland, yet this could have no ill

consequences, as long as the Queen and the States took care to

understand each other, and to act with as little reserve as became two

powers, so nearly allied in interest; which rule, on the part of

Britain, should be inviolably observed. It was signified likewise to the

Pensionary, that the Duke of Marlborough had no communication of this

affair from England, and that it was supposed he would have none from

The Hague.

After these proposals had been considered in Holland, the ambassador was

directed to send back the opinion of the Dutch ministers upon them. The

court here was, indeed, apprehensive, that the Pensionary would be

alarmed at the whole frame of Monsieur de Torcy's paper, and

particularly at these expressions, "That the English shall have real

securities for their trade, &c." and "that the barrier for the

States-General shall be such as England shall agree upon and approve."

It was natural to think, that the fear which the Dutch would conceive of

our obtaining advantageous terms for Britain, might put them upon trying

underhand for themselves, and endeavouring to overreach us in the

management of the peace, as they had hitherto done in that of the war:

the ambassador was therefore cautioned to be very watchful in

discovering any workings, which might tend that way.

When the Lord Raby was first sent to The Hague, the Duke of Marlborough,

and Lord Townshend, had, for very obvious reasons, used their utmost

endeavours to involve him in as many difficulties as they could; upon

which, and other accounts, needless to mention, it was thought proper,

that his Grace, then in Flanders, should not be let into the secret of

this affair.

The proposal of Aix or Liège for a place of treaty, was only a farther

mark of their old discontent against Holland, to shew they would not

name any town which belonged to the States.

The Pensionary having consulted those who had been formerly employed in

the negotiations of peace, and enjoined them the utmost secrecy, to

avoid the jealousy of the foreign ministers there, desired the

ambassador to return Her Majesty thanks, for the obliging manner of

communicating the French overtures, for the confidence she placed in the

States, and for her promise of making no step towards a peace, but in

concert with them, assuring her of the like on their part: that although

the States endeavoured to hide it from the enemy, they were as weary of

the war as we, and very heartily desirous of a good and lasting peace,

as well as ready to join in any method, by which Her Majesty should

think proper to obtain it: that the States looked upon these

propositions as very dark and general; and they observed how the enemy

would create jealousies between the Queen, their republic, and the other

allies; but they were satisfied it would have no effect, and relied

entirely on the justness and prudence of Her Majesty, who they doubted

not, would make the French explain themselves more particularly in the

several points of their proposals, and send a plan of the particular

conditions whereupon they would make a peace: after which, the States

would be ready, either to join with Her Majesty, or to make their

objections, and were prepared to bring with them all the facility

imaginable, towards promoting so good a work.

This is the sum of the verbal answer made by the Pensionary, upon

communicating to him the French proposals; and I have chosen to set it

down, rather than transcribe the other given to the ambassador some days

after, which was more in form, and to the same purpose, but shorter, and

in my opinion not so well discovering the true disposition of the Dutch

ministers.

For after the Queen had transmitted the French overtures to Holland, and

the States found Her Majesty was bent in earnest upon the thoughts of a

peace, they began to cast about how to get the negotiation into their

own hands. They knew that whatever power received the first proposals,

would be wise enough to stipulate something for themselves, as they had

done in their own case, both at The Hague and Gertruydenberg, where they

carved as they pleased, without any regard to the interests of their

nearest allies. For this reason, while they endeavoured to amuse the

British court with expostulations upon the several preliminaries sent

from France, Monsieur Petecum, a forward meddling agent of Holstein, who

had resided some years in Holland, negotiated with Heinsius, the Grand

Pensionary, as well as with Vanderdussen and Buys, about restoring the

conferences between France and that republic, broke off in

Gertruydenberg. Pursuant to which, about the end of May, N.S. one

thousand seven hundred and eleven, Petecum wrote to the Marquis de

Torcy, with the privity of the Pensionary, and probably of the other

two. The substance of his letter was to inform the Marquis, that things

might easily be disposed, so as to settle a correspondence between that

crown and the republic, in order to renew the treaty of peace. That this

could be done with the greater secrecy, because Monsieur Heinsius, by

virtue of his oath as Pensionary, might keep any affair private as long

as he thought necessary, and was not obliged to communicate it, until he

believed things were ripe; and as long as he concealed it from his

masters, he was not bound to discover it, either to the ministers of the

Emperor, or those of her British Majesty. That since England thought it

proper for King Charles to continue the whole campaign in Catalonia,

(though he should be chosen emperor) in order to support the war in

Spain, it was necessary for France to treat in the most secret manner

with the States, who were not now so violently, as formerly, against

having Philip on the Spanish throne, upon certain conditions for

securing their trade, but were jealous of England's design to fortify

some trading towns in Spain for themselves. That Heinsius, extremely

desired to get out of the war for some reasons, which he (Petecum) was

not permitted to tell; and that Vanderdussen and Buys were impatient to

have the negotiations with France once more set on foot, which, if

Monsieur Torcy thought fit to consent to, Petecum engaged that the

States would determine to settle the preliminaries, in the midway

between Paris and The Hague, with whatever ministers the Most Christian

King should please to employ. But Monsieur Torcy refused this overture,

and in his answer to Monsieur Petecum, assigned for the reason the

treatment his master's former proposals had met with at The Hague and

Gertruydenberg, from the ministers of Holland. Britain and Holland

seemed pretty well agreed, that those proposals were too loose and

imperfect to be a foundation for entering upon a general treaty; and

Monsieur Gaultier was desired to signify to the French court, that it

was expected they should explain themselves more particularly on the

several articles.

But in the mean time the Queen was firmly resolved, that the interests

of her own kingdoms should not be neglected at this juncture, as they

had formerly twice been, while the Dutch were principal managers of a

negotiation with France. Her Majesty had given frequent and early notice

to the States, of the general disposition of her people towards a peace,

of her own inability to continue the war upon the old foot, under the

disadvantage of unequal quotas, and the universal backwardness of her

allies. She had likewise informed them of several advances made to her

on the side of France, which she had refused to hearken to, till she had

consulted with those, her good friends and confederates, and heard their

opinion on that subject: but the Dutch, who apprehended nothing more

than to see Britain at the head of a treaty, were backward and sullen,

disliked all proposals by the Queen's intervention, and said it was a

piece of artifice of France to divide the allies; besides, they knew the

ministry was young, and the opposite faction had given them assurances,

that the people of England would never endure a peace without Spain, nor

the men in power dare to attempt it, after the resolutions of one House

of Parliament to the contrary. But, in the midst of this unwillingness

to receive any overtures from France by the Queen's hands, the Dutch

ministers were actually engaged in a correspondence with that court,

where they urged our inability to begin a treaty, by reason of those

factions which themselves had inflamed, and were ready to commence a

negotiation upon much easier terms than what they supposed we demanded.

For not to mention the Duke of Lorraine's interposition in behalf of

Holland, which France absolutely refused to accept; the letters sent

from the Dutch to that court, were shewn some months after to a British

minister there,[5] which gave much weight to Monsieur de Torcy's

insinuations; that he knew where to meet with more compliance, if the

necessity of affairs should force him to it, by our refusal. And the

violence of the States against our entertaining of that correspondence,

was only because they knew theirs would never be accepted, at least till

ours were thrown off.

[Footnote 5: Matthew Prior. See note, _ante_, p. 55. [T.S.]] The Queen,

sensible of all this, resolved to provide for her own kingdoms; and

having therefore prepared such demands for her principal allies, as

might be a ground for proceeding to a general treaty, without pretending

to adjust their several interests, she resolved to stipulate in a

particular manner the advantage of Britain: the following preliminary

demands were accordingly drawn up, in order to be transmitted to France.

"Great Britain will not enter into any negotiation of peace, otherwise

than upon these conditions, obtained beforehand.

"That the union of the two crowns of France and Spain shall be

prevented: that satisfaction shall be given to all the allies, and trade

settled and maintained.

"If France be disposed to treat upon this view, it is not to be doubted

that the following propositions will be found reasonable.

"A barrier shall be formed in the Low Countries for the States-General;

and their trade shall be secured.

"A barrier likewise shall be formed for the Empire.

"The pretensions of all the allies, founded upon former treaties, shall

be regulated and determined to their general satisfaction.

"In order to make a more equal balance of power in Italy, the dominions

and territories, which in the beginning of the present war belonged to

the Duke of Savoy, and are now in the possession of France, shall be

restored to his Royal Highness; and such other places in Italy shall be

yielded to him, as will be found necessary and agreeable to the sense of

former treaties made with this prince.

"As to Great Britain in particular, the succession to the crown of the

kingdoms, according to the present establishment, shall be acknowledged.

"A new treaty of commerce between Great Britain and France shall be

made, after the most just and reasonable manner.

"Dunkirk shall be demolished.

"Gibraltar and Port-Mahon shall remain in the hands of the present

possessors.

"The English shall have the Assiento in the same manner the French now

enjoy it; and such places in the Spanish West Indies shall be assigned

to those concerned in this traffic, for the refreshment and sale of

their negroes, as shall be found necessary and convenient.

"All advantages, rights, and privileges already granted, and which may

hereafter be granted by Spain to the subjects of France, or to any other

nation whatsoever, shall be equally granted to the subjects of Great

Britain.

"And for better securing the British trade in the Spanish West Indies,

certain places to be named in the treaty of peace, shall be put into

possession of the English.

"Newfoundland, with the Bay and Straits of Hudson, shall be entirely

restored to the English; and Great Britain and France shall severally

keep and possess all those countries and territories in North America,

which each of the said nations shall be in possession of at the time

when the ratification of this treaty shall be published in those parts

of the world.

"These demands, and all other proceedings between Great Britain and

France, shall be kept inviolably secret, until they are published by the

mutual consent of both parties."

The last article was not only intended for avoiding, if possible, the

jealousy of the Dutch, but to prevent the clamours of the abettors here

at home, who, under the pretended fears of our doing injustice to the

Dutch, by acting without the privity of that republic, in order to make

a separate peace, would be ready to drive on the worst designs against

the Queen and ministry, in order to recover the power they had lost.

In June, one thousand seven hundred and eleven, Mr. Prior, a person of

great distinction, not only on account of his wit, but for his abilities

in the management of affairs, and who had been formerly employed at the

French court, was dispatched thither by Her Majesty with the foregoing

demands. This gentleman was received at Versailles with great civility.

The King declared, that no proceeding, in order to a general treaty,

would be so agreeable to him as by the intervention of England; and that

His Majesty, being desirous to contribute with all his power towards the

repose of Europe, did answer to the demands which had been made,

"That he would consent freely and sincerely to all just and reasonable

methods, for hindering the crowns of France and Spain from being ever

united under the same prince; His Majesty being persuaded, that such an

excess of power would be as contrary to the general good and repose of

Europe, as it was opposite to the will of the late Catholic King Charles

the Second. He said his intention was, that all parties in the present

war should find their reasonable satisfaction in the intended treaty of

peace; and that trade should be settled and maintained for the future,

to the advantage of those nations which formerly possessed it.

"That as the King will exactly observe the conditions of peace, whenever

it shall be concluded, and as the object he proposeth to himself, is to

secure the frontiers of his own kingdom, without giving any sort of

disturbance to his neighbours, he promiseth to agree, that by the future

treaty of peace, the Dutch shall be put into possession of all such

fortified places as shall be specified in the said treaty to serve for a

barrier to that republic, against all attempts on the side of France. He

engages likewise to give all necessary securities, for removing the

jealousies raised among the German princes of His Majesty's designs.

"That when the conferences, in order to a general treaty, shall be

formed, all the pretensions of the several princes and states engaged in

the present war, shall be fairly and amicably discussed; nor shall any

thing be omitted, which may regulate and determine them to the

satisfaction of all parties.

"That, pursuant to the demands made by England, His Majesty promiseth to

restore to the Duke of Savoy these demesnes and territories, which

belonged to that prince at the beginning of this war, and which His

Majesty is now in possession of; and the King consents further, that

such other places in Italy shall be yielded to the Duke of Savoy, as

shall be found necessary, according to the sense of those treaties made

between the said Duke and his allies.

"That the King's sentiments of the present government of Great Britain,

the open declaration he had made in Holland of his resolution to treat

of peace, by applications to the English; the assurances he had given of

engaging the King of Spain to leave Gibraltar in their hands (all which

are convincing proofs of his perfect esteem for a nation still in war

with him); leave no room to doubt of His Majesty's inclination to give

England all securities and advantages for their trade, which they can

reasonably demand. But as His Majesty cannot persuade himself, that a

government, so clear-sighted as ours, will insist upon conditions which

must absolutely destroy the trade of France and Spain, as well as that

of all other nations of Europe, he thinks the demands made by Great

Britain may require a more particular discussion.

"That, upon this foundation, the King thought the best way of advancing

and perfecting a negotiation, the beginning of which he had seen with so

much satisfaction, would be to send into England a person instructed in

his intention, and authorized by him to agree upon securities for

settling the trade of the subjects of England; and those particular

advantages to be stipulated in their favour, without destroying the

trade of the French and Spaniards, or of other nations in Christendom.

"That therefore His Majesty had charged the person chosen for this

commission, to answer the other articles of the memorial given him by

Mr. Prior, the secret of which should be exactly observed."

Mons. de Torcy had, for some years past, used all his endeavours to

incline his master towards a peace, pursuant to the maxim of his uncle

Colbert, "That a long war was not for the interest of France." It was

for this reason the King made choice of him in the conferences at The

Hague; the bad success whereof, although it filled him with resentments

against the Dutch, did not alter his opinion: but he was violently

opposed by a party both in the court and kingdom, who pretended to fear

he would sacrifice the glory of the prince and country by too large

concessions; or perhaps would rather wish that the first offers should

have been still made to the Dutch, as a people more likely to be less

solicitous about the interest of Britain, than Her Majesty would

certainly be for theirs: and the particular design of Mr. Prior was to

find out, whether that minister had credit enough with his prince, and a

support from others in power, sufficient to overrule the faction against

peace.

Mr. Prior's journey[6] could not be kept a secret, as the court here at

first seemed to intend it. He was discovered at his return by an officer

of the port at Dover, where he landed, after six weeks absence; upon

which the Dutch Gazettes and English newspapers were full of

speculations.

[Footnote 6: See Swift's "A New Journey to Paris" (vol. v. of this

edition, pp. 187-205). [W.S.J.]]

At the same time with Mr. Prior there arrived from France Mons.

Mesnager, knight of the order of St. Michael, and one of the council of

trade to the Most Christian King. His commission was, in general,

empowering him to treat with the minister of any prince engaged in the

war against his master. In his first conferences with the Queen's

ministers, he pretended orders to insist, that Her Majesty should enter

upon particular engagements in several articles, which did not depend

upon her, but concerned only the interest of the allies reciprocally

with those of the Most Christian King; whereas the negotiation had begun

upon this principle, that France should consent to adjust the interests

of Great Britain in the first place, whereby Her Majesty would be

afterwards enabled, by her good offices on all sides, to facilitate the

general peace. The Queen resolved never to depart from this principle;

but was absolutely determined to remit the particular interests of the

allies to general conferences, where she would do the utmost in her

power to procure the repose of Europe, and the satisfaction of all

parties. It was plain, France could run no hazard by this proceeding,

because the preliminary articles would have no force before a general

peace was signed: therefore it was not doubted but Mons. Mesnager would

have orders to waive this new pretension, and go on in treating upon

that foot which was at first proposed. In short, the ministers required

a positive and speedy answer to the articles in question, since they

contained only such advantages and securities as Her Majesty thought she

had a right to require from any prince whatsoever, to whom the dominions

of Spain should happen to fall.

The particular demands of Britain were formed into eight articles; to

which Mons. Mesnager, having transmitted them to his court and received

new powers from thence, had orders to give his master's consent, by way

of answers to the several points, to be obligatory only after a general

peace. These demands, together with the answers of the French King, were

drawn up and signed by Mons. Mesnager, and Her Majesty's two principal

secretaries of state; whereof I shall here present an extract to the

reader.

In the preamble the Most Christian King sets forth, "That being

particularly informed by the last memorial which the British ministers

delivered to Mons. Mesnager, of the dispositions of this crown to

facilitate a general peace, to the satisfaction of the several parties

concerned; and His Majesty finding, in effect, as the said memorial

declares, that he runs no hazard by engaging himself in the manner there

expressed, since the preliminary articles will be of no force, until the

signing of the general peace; and being sincerely desirous to advance,

to the utmost of his power, the repose of Europe, especially by a way so

agreeable as the interposition of a Princess, whom so many ties of blood

ought to unite to him, and whose sentiments for the public tranquillity

cannot be doubted; His Majesty, moved by these considerations, hath

ordered Mons. Mesnager, knight, &c. to give the following answers, in

writing, to the articles contained in the memorial transmitted to him,

intituled, 'Preliminary Demands for Great Britain in particular.'"

The articles were these that follow.

"First, The succession to the crown to be acknowledged, according to the

present establishment.

"Secondly, A new treaty of commerce between Great Britain and France to

be made, after the most just and reasonable manner.

"Thirdly, Dunkirk to be demolished.

"Fourthly, Gibraltar and Port-Mahon to continue in the hands of those

who now possess them.

"Fifthly, The Assiento (or liberty of selling negroes to the Spanish

West Indies) to be granted to the English, in as full a manner as the

French possess it at present; and such places in the said West Indies to

be assigned to the persons concerned in this trade, for the refreshment

and sale of their negroes, as shall be found necessary and convenient.

"Sixthly, Whatever advantages, privileges, and rights are already, or

may hereafter be, granted by Spain to the subjects of France, or any

other nation, shall be equally granted to the subjects of Great Britain.

"Seventhly, For better protecting their trade in the Spanish West

Indies, the English shall be put into possession of such places as shall

be named in the treaty of peace.

"Or, as an equivalent for this article, that the Assiento be granted to

Britain for the term of thirty years.

"That the isle of St. Christopher's be likewise secured to the English.

"That the advantages and exemption from duties, promised by Monsieur

Mesnager, which he affirms will amount to fifteen _per cent_. upon all

goods of the growth and manufacture of Great Britain, be effectually

allowed.

"That whereas, on the side of the river of Plate, the English are not in

possession of any colony, a certain extent of territory be allowed them

on the said river, for refreshing and keeping their negroes, till they

are sold to the Spaniards; subject, nevertheless, to the inspection of

an officer appointed by Spain.

"Eighthly, Newfoundland and the Bay and Straits of Hudson, shall be

entirely restored to the English; and Great Britain and France shall

respectively keep whatever dominions in North America each of them shall

be in possession of, when the ratification of this treaty shall be

published in those parts of the world."

The six first articles were allowed without any difficulty, except that

about Dunkirk, where France was to have an equivalent, to be settled in

a general treaty.

Difficulty arising upon the seventh article, the proposed equivalent was

allowed instead thereof.

The last article was referred to the general treaty of peace, only the

French insisted to have the power of fishing for cod, and drying them on

the island of Newfoundland.

These articles were to be looked upon as conditions, which the Most

Christian King consented to allow; and whenever a general peace should

be signed, they were to be digested into the usual form of a treaty, to

the satisfaction of both crowns.

The Queen having thus provided for the security and advantage of her

kingdoms, whenever a peace should be made, and upon terms no way

interfering with the interest of her allies; the next thing in order,

was to procure from France such preliminary articles, as might be a

ground upon which to commence a general treaty. These were adjusted, and

signed the same day with the former; and having been delivered to the

several ministers residing here from the powers in alliance with

England, were quickly made public. But the various constructions and

censures which passed upon them, have made it necessary to give the

reader the following transcript:

"The King being willing to contribute all that is in his power, to the

re-establishing of the general peace. His Majesty declares,

"I. That he will acknowledge the Queen of Great Britain in that quality,

as also the succession of that crown, according to the settlement,

"II. That he will freely, and _bonâ fide_, consent to the taking all

just and reasonable measures, for hindering that the crowns of France

and Spain may ever be united on the head of the same prince; His Majesty

being persuaded, that this excess of power would be contrary to the good

and quiet of Europe.

"III. The King's intention is, that all the parties engaged in the

present war, without excepting any of them, may find their reasonable

satisfaction in the treaty of peace, which shall be made: That commerce

may be re-established and maintained for the future, to the advantage of

Great Britain, of Holland, and of the other nations, who have been

accustomed to exercise commerce.

"IV. As the King will likewise maintain exactly the observance of the

peace, when it shall be concluded, and the object, the King proposes to

himself, being to secure the frontiers of his kingdom, without

disturbing in any manner whatever the neighbouring states, he promises

to agree, by the treaty which shall be made, that the Dutch shall be put

in possession of the fortified places, which shall be mentioned, in the

Netherlands, to serve hereafter for a barrier; which may secure the

quiet of the republic of Holland against any enterprise from the part of

France.

"V. The King consents likewise, that a secure and convenient barrier

should be formed for the empire, and for the house of Austria.

"VI. Notwithstanding Dunkirk cost the King very great sums, as well to

purchase it, as to fortify it; and that it is further necessary to be at

very considerable expense for razing the works. His Majesty is willing

however to engage to cause them to be demolished, immediately after the

conclusion of the peace, on condition, that, for the fortifications of

that place, a proper equivalent, that may content him, be given him:

And, as England cannot furnish that equivalent, the discussion of it

shall be referred to the conferences to be held for the negotiation of

the peace.

"VII. When the conferences for the negotiation of the peace shall be

formed, all the pretensions of the princes and states, engaged in the

present war, shall be therein discussed _bonâ fide_, and amicably: And

nothing shall be omitted to regulate and terminate them, to the

satisfaction of all the parties.

"MESNAGER."

These overtures are founded upon the eighth article of the Grand

Alliance, made in one thousand seven hundred and one; wherein are

contained the conditions, without which a peace is not to be made; and

whoever compares both, will find the preliminaries to reach every point

proposed in that article, which those who censured them at home, if they

spoke their thoughts, did not understand: for nothing can be plainer,

than what the public hath often been told, that the recovery of Spain

from the house of Bourbon was a thing never imagined, when the war

began, but a just and reasonable satisfaction to the Emperor. Much less

ought such a condition to be held necessary at present, not only because

it is allowed on all hands to be impracticable, but likewise because, by

the changes in the Austrian and Bourbon families, it would not be safe:

neither did those, who were loudest in blaming the French preliminaries,

know any thing of the advantages privately stipulated for Britain, whose

interests, they assured us, were all made a sacrifice to the corruption

or folly of the managers; and therefore, because the opposers of peace

have been better informed by what they have since heard and seen, they

have changed their battery, and accused the ministers for betraying the

Dutch.

The Lord Raby, Her Majesty's ambassador at The Hague, having made a

short journey to England, where he was created Earl of Strafford, went

back to Holland about the beginning of October, one thousand seven

hundred and eleven, with the above preliminaries, in order to

communicate them to the Pensionary, and other ministers of the States.

The Earl was instructed to let them know, "That the Queen had, according

to their desire, returned an answer to the first propositions signed by

Mons. Torcy, signifying, that the French offers were thought, both by

Her Majesty and the States, neither so particular nor so full as they

ought to be; and insisting to have a distinct project formed, of such a

peace as the Most Christian King would be willing to conclude: that this

affair having been for some time transacted by papers, and thereby

subject to delays, Mons. Mesnager was at length sent over by France, and

had signed those preliminaries now communicated to them: that the

several articles did not, indeed, contain such particular concessions as

France must and will make in the course of a treaty; but that, however,

Her Majesty thought them a sufficient foundation whereon to open the

general conferences.

"That Her Majesty was unwilling to be charged with determining the

several interests of her allies, and therefore contented herself with

such general offers as might include all the particular demands, proper

to be made during the treaty; where the confederates must resolve to

adhere firmly together, in order to obtain from the enemy the utmost

that could be hoped for, in the present circumstances of affairs; which

rule, Her Majesty assured the States, she would, on her part, firmly

observe."

If the ministers of Holland should express any uneasiness, that Her

Majesty may have settled the interests of her own kingdoms, in a future

peace, by any private agreement, the ambassador was ordered to say,

"That the Queen had hitherto refused to have the treaty carried on in

her own kingdom, and would continue to do so, unless they (the Dutch)

constrained her to take another measure: That by these means the States,

and the rest of the allies, would have the opportunity of treating and

adjusting their different pretensions; which Her Majesty would promote

with all the zeal she had shewn for the common good, and the particular

advantage of that republic (as they must do her the justice to confess),

in the whole course of her reign: That the Queen had made no stipulation

for herself, which might clash with the interests of Holland; and that

the articles to be inserted in a future treaty, for the benefit of

Britain, were, for the most part, such as contained advantages, which

must either be continued to the enemy, or be obtained by Her Majesty;

but, however, that no concession should tempt her to hearken to a peace,

unless her good friends and allies the States General had all reasonable

satisfaction, as to their trade and barrier, as well as in all other

respects."

After these assurances given in the Queen's name, the Earl was to

insinuate, "That Her Majesty should have just reason to be offended, and

to think the proceeding between her and the States very unequal, if they

should pretend to have any further uneasiness upon this head: That being

determined to accept no advantages to herself, repugnant to their

interests, nor any peace, without their reasonable satisfaction, the

figure she had made during the whole course of the war, and the part she

had acted, superior to any of the allies, who were more concerned in

danger and interest, might justly entitle her to settle the concerns of

Great Britain, before she would consent to a general negotiation."

If the States should object the engagements the Queen was under, by

treaties, of making no peace but in concert with them, or the particular

obligations of the Barrier Treaty, the ambassador was to answer, "That,

as to the former, Her Majesty had not in any sort acted contrary

thereto; That she was so far from making a peace without their consent,

as to declare her firm resolution not to make it without their

satisfaction; and that what had passed between France and her, amounted

to no more than an introduction to a general treaty." As to the latter,

the Earl had orders to represent very earnestly, "How much it was even

for the interest of Holland itself, rather to compound the advantage of

the Barrier Treaty, than to insist upon the whole, which the house of

Austria, and several other allies, would never consent to: That nothing

could be more odious to the people of England than many parts of this

treaty; which would have raised universal indignation, if the utmost

care had not been taken to quiet the minds of those who were acquainted

with the terms of that guaranty, and to conceal them from those who were

not: That it was absolutely necessary to maintain a good harmony between

both nations, without which it would be impossible at any time to form a

strength for reducing an exorbitant power, or preserving the balance of

Europe: from whence it followed, that it could not be the true interest

of either country to insist upon any conditions, which might give just

apprehension to the other.

"That France had proposed Utrecht, Nimeguen, Aix, or Liège, wherein to

hold the general treaty; and Her Majesty was ready to send her

plenipotentiaries, to whichever of those towns the States should

approve."

If the imperial ministers, or those of the other allies, should object

against the preliminaries as no sufficient ground for opening the

conferences, and insist that France should consent to such articles as

were signed on the part of the allies in the year one thousand seven

hundred and nine, the Earl of Strafford was in answer directed to

insinuate, "That the French might have probably been brought to explain

themselves more particularly, had they not perceived the uneasiness,

impatience, and jealousy among the allies, during our transactions with

that court." However, he should declare to them, in the Queen's name,

"That if they were determined to accept of peace upon no terms inferior

to what was formerly demanded, Her Majesty was ready to concur with

them; but would no longer bear those disproportions of expense, yearly

increased upon her, nor the deficiency of the confederates in every part

of the war: That it was therefore incumbent upon them to furnish, for

the future, such quotas of ships and forces as they were now wanting in,

and to increase their expense, while Her Majesty reduced hers to a

reasonable and just proportion."

That if the ministers of Vienna and Holland should urge their inability

upon this head, the Queen insisted, "They ought to comply with her in

war or in peace; Her Majesty desiring nothing, as to the first, but what

they ought to perform, and what is absolutely necessary: and as to the

latter, that she had done, and would continue to do, the utmost in her

power towards obtaining such a peace as might be to the satisfaction of

all her allies."

Some days after the Earl of Stafford's departure to Holland, Mons. Buys,

pensionary of Amsterdam, arrived here from thence with instructions from

his masters, to treat upon the subject of the French preliminaries, and

the methods for carrying on the war. In his first conference with a

committee of council, he objected against all the articles, as too

general and uncertain; and against some of them, as prejudicial. He

said, "The French promising that trade should be re-established and

maintained for the future, was meant in order to deprive the Dutch of

their tariff of one thousand six hundred and sixty-four; for the

plenipotentiaries of that crown would certainly expound the word

_rétablir_, to signify no more than restoring the trade of the States to

the condition it was in immediately before the commencement of the

present war." He said, "That in the article of Dunkirk, the destruction

of the harbour was not mentioned; and that the fortifications were only

to be razed upon condition of an equivalent, which might occasion a

difference between Her Majesty and the States, since Holland would think

it hard to have a town less in their barrier for the demolition of

Dunkirk; and England would complain to have this thorn continue in their

side, for the sake of giving one town more to the Dutch."

Lastly, he objected, "That where the French promised effectual methods

should be taken to prevent the union of France and Spain under the same

king, they offered nothing at all for the cession of Spain, which was

the most important point of the war.

"For these reasons, Mons. Buys hoped Her Majesty would alter her

measures, and demand specific articles, upon which the allies might

debate whether they would consent to a negotiation or no."

The Queen, who looked upon all these difficulties, raised about the

method of treating, as endeavours to wrest the negotiation out of her

hands, commanded the lords of the committee to let Mons. Buys know,

"That the experience she formerly had of proceeding by particular

preliminaries towards a general treaty, gave her no encouragement to

repeat the same method any more: That such a preliminary treaty must be

negotiated either by some particular allies, or by all. The first, Her

Majesty could never suffer, since she would neither take upon her to

settle the interests of others, nor submit that others should settle

those of her own kingdoms. As to the second, it was liable to Mons.

Buys's objection, because the ministers of France would have as fair an

opportunity of sowing division among the allies, when they were all

assembled upon a preliminary treaty, as when the conferences were open

for a negotiation of peace: That this method could therefore have no

other effect than to delay the treaty, without any advantage: That Her

Majesty was heartily disposed, both then and during the negotiation, to

insist on every thing necessary for securing the barrier and commerce of

the States; and therefore hoped the conferences might be opened, without

farther difficulties.

"That Her Majesty did not only consent, but desire to have a plan

settled for carrying on the war, as soon as the negotiation of peace

should begin; but expected to have the burthen more equally laid, and

more agreeable to treaties; and would join with the States in pressing

the allies to perform their parts, as she had endeavoured to animate

them by her example."

Mons. Buys seemed to know little of his masters' mind, and pretended he

had no power to conclude upon any thing.[1] Her Majesty's minister

proposed to him an alliance between the two nations, to subsist after a

peace. To this he hearkened very readily, and offered to take the matter

_ad referendum_, having authority to do no more. His intention was, that

he might appear to negotiate, in order to gain time to pick out, if

possible, the whole secret of the transactions between Britain and

France; to disclose nothing himself, nor bind his masters to any

conditions; to seek delays till the Parliament met, and then observe

what turn it took, and what would be the issue of those frequent cabals

between himself and some other foreign ministers, in conjunction with

the chief leaders of the discontented faction.

[Footnote 1: Buys's mission seemed to have been to act on behalf of the

States General for the purpose of preventing England obtaining any

commercial advantage which the States did not share, and for causing

delays. He certainly had no powers to treat definitely, and Swift's

remark is emphasized by the statement in the Bolingbroke Correspondence

(vol. ii. p. 25) about him, he could "only speak as Monsieur Buys."

[T.S.]]

The Dutch hoped, that the clamours raised against the proceedings of the

Queen's ministers towards a peace, would make the Parliament disapprove

what had been done; whereby the States would be at the head of the

negotiation, which the Queen did not think fit to have any more in their

hands, where it had miscarried twice already; although Prince Eugene

himself owned, "that France was then disposed to conclude a peace upon

such conditions, as it was not worth the life of a grenadier to refuse

them." As to insisting upon specific preliminaries, Her Majesty thought

her own method much better, for each ally, in the course of the

negotiation, to advance and manage his own pretensions, wherein she

would support and assist them, rather than for two ministers of one ally

to treat solely with the enemy, and report what they pleased to the

rest, as was practised by the Dutch at Gertruydenberg.

One part of Mons. Buys's instructions was to desire the Queen not to be

so far amused by a treaty of peace, as to neglect her preparation for

war against the next campaign. Her Majesty, who was firmly resolved

against submitting any longer to that unequal burthen of expense she had

hitherto lain under, commanded Mr. Secretary St. John to debate the

matter with that minister, who said he had no power to treat; only

insisted, that his masters had fully done their part, and that nothing

but exhortations could be used to prevail on the other allies to act

with greater vigour.

On the other side, the Queen refused to concert any plan for the

prosecution of the war, till the States would join with her in agreeing

to open the conferences of peace; which therefore, by Mons. Buys's

application to them, was accordingly done, by a resolution taken in

Holland upon the twenty first of November, one thousand seven hundred

and eleven, NS.

About this time the Count de Gallas[7] was forbid the court, by order

from the Queen, who sent him word, that she looked upon him no longer as

a public minister.

[Footnote 7: The Austrian ambassador [T.S.]]

This gentleman thought fit to act a very dishonourable part here in

England, altogether inconsistent with the character he bore of envoy

from the late and present emperors, two princes under the strictest ties

of gratitude to the Queen, especially the latter, who had then the title

of King of Spain. Count Gallas, about the end of August, one thousand

seven hundred and eleven, with the utmost privacy, dispatched an

Italian, one of his clerks, to Frankfort, where the Earl of Peterborough

was then expected. This man was instructed to pass for a Spaniard, and

insinuate himself into the Earl's service, which he accordingly did, and

gave constant information to the last emperor's secretary at Frankfort

of all he could gather up in his lordship's family, as well as copies of

several letters he had transcribed. It was likewise discovered that

Gallas had, in his dispatches to the present emperor, then in Spain,

represented the Queen and her ministers as not to be confided in, that

when Her Majesty had dismissed the Earl of Sunderland, she promised to

proceed no farther in the change of her servants, yet soon after turned

them all out, and thereby ruined the public credit, as well as abandoned

Spain, that the present ministers wanted the abilities and good

dispositions of the former, were persons of ill designs, and enemies to

the common cause, and he (Gallas) could not trust them. In his letters

to Count Zinzendorf[8] he said, "That Mr. Secretary St John complained

of the house of Austria's backwardness, only to make the King of Spain

odious to England, and the people here desirous of a peace, although it

were ever so bad one," to prevent which, Count Gallas drew up a memorial

which he intended to give the Queen, and transmitted a draught of it to

Zinzendorf for his advice and approbation. This memorial, among other

great promises to encourage the continuance of the war, proposed the

detaching a good body of troops from Hungary to serve in Italy or Spain,

as the Queen should think fit.

[Footnote 8: The Austrian envoy at The Hague, characterized by Mr Walter

Sichel as "a martyr to etiquette, and devoured by zeal for the Holy

Roman Empire" ("Bolingbroke and his Times," p 392) [T.S.]]

Zinzendorf thought this too bold a step, without consulting the Emperor:

to which Gallas replied, that his design was only to engage the Queen to

go on with the war; that Zinzendorf knew how earnestly the English and

Dutch had pressed to have these troops from Hungary, and therefore they

ought to be promised, in order to quiet those two nations, after which

several ways might be found to elude that promise; and, in the mean

time, the great point would be gained of bringing the English to declare

for continuing the war: that the Emperor might afterwards excuse

himself, by the apprehension of a war in Hungary, or of that between the

Turks and Muscovites: that if these excuses should be at an end, a

detachment of one or two regiments might be sent, and the rest deferred,

by pretending want of money; by which the Queen would probably be

brought to maintain some part of those troops, and perhaps the whole

body. He added, that this way of management was very common among the

allies; and gave for an example, the forces which the Dutch had promised

for the service of Spain, but were never sent; with several other

instances of the same kind, which he said might be produced.

Her Majesty, who had long suspected that Count Gallas was engaged in

these and the like practices, having at last received authentic proofs

of this whole intrigue, from original letters, and the voluntary

confession of those who were principally concerned in carrying it on,

thought it necessary to show her resentment, by refusing the count any

more access to her person or her court.

Although the Queen, as it hath been already observed, was resolved to

open the conferences upon the general preliminaries, yet she thought it

would very much forward the peace to know what were the utmost

concessions which France would make to the several allies, but

especially to the States General and the Duke of Savoy: therefore, while

Her Majesty was pressing the former to agree to a general treaty, the

Abbé Gaultier was sent to France with a memorial, to desire that the

Most Christian King would explain himself upon those preliminaries,

particularly with relation to Savoy and Holland, whose satisfaction the

Queen had most at heart, as well from her friendship to both these

powers, as because, if she might engage to them that their just

pretensions would be allowed, few difficulties would remain, of any

moment, to retard the general peace.

The French answer to this memorial contained several schemes and

proposals for the satisfaction of each ally, coming up very near to what

Her Majesty and her ministers thought reasonable. The greatest

difficulties seemed to be about the Elector of Bavaria, for whose

interests France appeared to be as much concerned, as the Queen was for

those of the Duke of Savoy: however, those were judged not very hard to

be surmounted.

The States having at length agreed to a general treaty, the following

particulars were concerted between Her Majesty and that republic:

"That the congress should be held at Utrecht.

"That the opening of the congress should be upon the twelfth of January,

N.S. one thousand seven hundred and eleven-twelve.

"That, for avoiding all inconveniences of ceremony, the ministers of the

Queen and States, during the treaty, should only have the characters of

plenipotentiaries, and not take that of ambassadors, till the day on

which the peace should be signed.

"Lastly, The Queen and States insisted, that the ministers of the Duke

of Anjou, and the late Electors of Bavaria and Cologne, should not

appear at the congress, until the points relating to their masters were

adjusted; and were firmly resolved not to send their passports for the

ministers of France, till the Most Christian King declared, that the

absence of the forementioned ministers should not delay the progress of

the negotiation."

Pursuant to the three former articles, Her Majesty wrote circular

letters to all the allies engaged with her in the present war: and

France had notice, that as soon as the King declared his compliance with

the last article, the blank passports should be filled up with the names

of the Maréchal d'Uxelles,[9] the Abbé de Polignac, and Mons. Mesnager,

who were appointed plenipotentiaries for that crown.

[Footnote 9: In his "Letter to Sir William Windham," Bolingbroke thus

refers to M. d'Uxelles: "The minister who had the principal direction of

foreign affairs I lived in friendship with, and I must own to his

honour, that he never encouraged a design which he knew that his court

had no intention of supporting" (p. 141). This was written of the time

when Bolingbroke was in Paris, an adherent of the Pretender. [T.S.]]

From what I have hitherto deduced, the reader sees the plan which the

Queen thought the most effectual for advancing a peace. As the

conferences were to begin upon the general preliminaries, the Queen was

to be empowered by France to offer separately to the allies what might

be reasonable for each to accept; and her own interests being previously

settled, she was to act as a general mediator: a figure that became her

best, from the part she had in the war, and more useful to the great end

at which she aimed, of giving a safe and honourable peace to Europe.

Besides, it was absolutely necessary, for the interests of Britain, that

the Queen should be at the head of the negotiation, without which Her

Majesty could find no expedient to redress the injuries her kingdoms

were sure to suffer by the Barrier Treaty. In order to settle this point

with the States, the ministers here had a conference with Mons. Buys, a

few days before the Parliament met. He was told, how necessary it was,

by previous concert between the Emperor, the Queen, and the States, to

prevent any difference which might arise in the course of the treaty at

Utrecht: That, under pretence of a barrier for the States General, as

their security against France, infinite prejudice might arise to the

trade of Britain in the Spanish Netherlands; for, by the fifteenth

article of the Barrier Treaty, in consequence of what was stipulated by

that of Minister, the Queen was brought to engage that commerce shall

not be rendered more easy, in point of duties, by the sea-ports of

Flanders, than it is by the river Scheldt, and by the canals on the side

of the Seven Provinces, which, as things now stood, was very unjust;

for, while the towns in Flanders were in the hands of France or Spain,

the Dutch and we traded to them upon equal foot; but now, since by the

Barrier Treaty those towns were to be possessed by the States, that

republic might lay what duties they pleased upon British goods, after

passing by Ostend, and make their own custom-free, which would utterly

ruin our whole trade with Flanders.

Upon this, the lords told Mons. Buys very frankly, "That if the States

expected the Queen should support their barrier, as well as their

demands from France and the house of Austria upon that head, they ought

to agree, that the subjects of Britain should trade as freely to all the

countries and places, which, by virtue of any former or future treaty,

were to become the barrier of the States, as they did in the time of the

late King Charles the Second of Spain; or as the subjects of the States

General themselves shall do: and that it was hoped, their High

Mightinesses would never scruple to rectify a mistake so injurious to

that nation, without whose blood and treasure they would have had no

barrier at all." Mons. Buys had nothing to answer against these

objections, but said, he had already wrote to his masters for further

instructions.

Greater difficulties occurred about settling what should be the barrier

to the States after a peace: the envoy insisting to have all the towns

that were named in the Treaty of Barrier and Succession; and the Queen's

ministers excepting those towns, which, if they continued in the hands

of the Dutch, would render the trade of Britain to Flanders precarious.

At length it was agreed in general, that the States ought to have what

is really essential to the security of their barrier against France; and

that some amicable expedient should be found, for removing the fears

both of Britain and Holland upon this point.

But at the same time Mons. Buys was told, "That although the Queen would

certainly insist to obtain all those points from France, in behalf of

her allies the States, yet she hoped his masters were too reasonable to

break off the treaty, rather than not obtain the very utmost of their

demands, which could not be settled here, unless he were fully

instructed to speak and conclude upon that subject: That Her Majesty

thought the best way of securing the common interest, and preventing the

division of the allies, by the artifices of France, in the course of a

long negotiation, would be to concert between the Queen's ministers and

those of the States, with a due regard to the other confederates, such a

plan as might amount to a safe and honourable peace." After which the

Abbé Polignac, who of the French plenipotentiaries was most in the

secret of his court, might be told, "That it was in vain to amuse each

other any longer; that on such terms the peace would be immediately

concluded; and that the conferences must cease, if those conditions were

not, without delay, and with expedition, granted."

A treaty between Her Majesty and the States, to subsist after a peace,

was now signed, Mons. Buys having received full powers to that purpose.

His masters were desirous to have a private article added, _sub spe

rati_, concerning those terms of peace; without the granting of which,

we should stipulate not to agree with the enemy. But neither the

character of Buys, nor the manner in which he was empowered to treat,

would allow the Queen to enter into such an engagement. The congress

likewise approaching, there was not time to settle a point of so great

importance. Neither, lastly, would Her Majesty be tied down by Holland,

without previous satisfaction upon several articles in the Barrier

Treaty, so inconsistent with her engagements to other powers in the

alliance, and so injurious to her own kingdoms.

The lord privy seal, and the Earl of Stafford, having, about the time

the Parliament met, been appointed Her Majesty's plenipotentiaries for

treating a general peace, I shall here break off the account of any

further progress made in that great affair, until I resume it in the

last book of this History.

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST

YEARS OF THE QUEEN.

BOOK III.

The House of Commons seemed resolved, from the beginning of the session,

to inquire strictly not only into all abuses relating to the accounts of

the army, but likewise into the several treaties between us and our

allies, upon what articles and conditions they were first agreed to, and

how these had been since observed. In the first week of their sitting,

they sent an address to the Queen, to desire that the treaty, whereby

Her Majesty was obliged to furnish forty thousand men, to act in

conjunction with the forces of her allies in the Low Countries, might be

laid before the House. To which the secretary of state brought an

answer, "That search had been made, but no footsteps could be found of

any treaty or convention for that purpose." It was this unaccountable

neglect in the former ministry, which first gave a pretence to the

allies for lessening their quotas, so much to the disadvantage of Her

Majesty, her kingdoms, and the common cause, in the course of the war.

It had been stipulated by the Grand Alliance, between the Emperor,

Britain, and the States, that those three powers should assist each

other with their whole force, and that the several proportions should be

specified in a particular convention. But if any such convention were

made, it was never ratified; only the parties agreed, by common consent,

to take each a certain share of the burthen upon themselves, which the

late King William communicated to the House of Commons by his secretary

of state; and which afterwards the other two powers, observing the

mighty zeal in our ministry for prolonging the war, eluded as they

pleased.

The commissioners for stating the public accounts of the kingdom, had,

in executing their office the preceding summer, discovered several

practices relating to the affairs of the army, which they drew up in a

report, and delivered to the House.

The Commons began their examination of the report with a member of their

own, Mr. Robert Walpole, already mentioned; who, during his being

secretary at war, had received five hundred guineas, and taken a note

for five hundred pounds more, on account of two contracts for forage of

the queen's troops quartered in Scotland. He endeavoured to excuse the

first contract; but had nothing to say about the second. The first

appeared so plain and so scandalous to the Commons, that they voted the

author of it guilty of a high breach of trust, and notorious corruption,

committed him prisoner to the Tower, where he continued to the end of

the session, and expelled him the House.[1] He was a person much

caressed by the opposers of the Queen and ministry, having been first

drawn into their party by his indifference to any principles, and

afterwards kept steady by the loss of his place. His bold, forward

countenance, altogether a stranger to that infirmity which makes men

bashful, joined to a readiness of speaking in public, hath justly

entitled him, among those of his faction, to be a sort of leader of the

second form. The reader must excuse me for being so particular about

one, who is otherwise altogether obscure.[2]

[Footnote 1: See "Part Hist," vi. 1071. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 2: Walpole was not too obscure, however, to be then the object

of Bolingbroke's attack; and in 1726, when Bolingbroke had again

attacked Walpole, this time in a letter, the latter replied: "Whatever

contradictions these gentlemen may have observed in my character; there

is one which I'll venture to assure you, you will never discover, which

is my ever being alarmed at an opposition from one in the impotence of

disgrace, who could never terrify me in the zenith of his prosperity."

"An Answer to the Occasional Writer." [T.S.]]

Another part of the report concerned the Duke of Marlborough, who had

received large sums of money, by way of gratuity, from those who were

the undertakers for providing the army with bread.[3] This the Duke

excused, in a letter to the commissioners, from the like practice of

other generals: but that excuse appeared to be of little weight, and the

mischievous consequences of such a corruption were visible enough; since

the money given by these undertakers were but bribes for connivance at

their indirect dealings with the army. And as frauds, that begin at the

top, are apt to spread through all the subordinate ranks of those who

have any share in the management, and to increase as they circulate: so,

in this case, for every thousand pounds given to the general, the

soldiers at least suffered fourfold.

[Footnote 3: See "The Examiner," Nos. 17 and 28, in vol. ix. of this

edition. [W.S.J.]]

Another article of this report, relating to the Duke, was yet of more

importance. The greatest part of Her Majesty's forces in Flanders were

mercenary troops, hired from several princes of Europe. It was found

that the Queen's general subtracted two and a half _per cent_, out of

the pay of those troops, for his own use, which amounted to a great

annual sum. The Duke of Marlborough, in his letter already mentioned,

endeavouring to extenuate the matter, told the commissioners, "That this

deduction was a free gift from the foreign troops, which he had

negotiated with them by the late King's orders, and had obtained the

Queen's warrant for reserving and receiving it: That it was intended for

secret service, the ten thousand pounds a year given by Parliament not

proving sufficient, and had all been laid out that way." The

commissioners observed, in answer, "That the warrant was kept dormant

for nine years, as indeed no entry of it appeared in the secretary of

state's books, and the deduction of it concealed all that time from the

knowledge of Parliament: That, if it had been a free gift from the

foreign troops, it would not have been stipulated by agreement, as the

Duke's letter confessed, and as his warrant declared, which latter

affirmed this stoppage to be intended for defraying extraordinary

contingent expenses of the troops, and therefore should not have been

applied to secret services." They submitted to the House, whether the

warrant itself were legal, or duly countersigned. The commissioners

added, "That no receipt was ever given for this deducted money, nor was

it mentioned in any receipts from the foreign troops, which were always

taken in full. And lastly, That the whole sum, on computation, amounted

to near three hundred thousand pounds."

The House, after a long debate, resolved, "That the taking several sums

from the contractors for bread by the Duke of Marlborough, was

unwarrantable and illegal; and that the two and a half _per cent_,

deducted from the foreign troops, was public money, and ought to be

accounted for:" which resolutions were laid before the Queen by the

whole House, and Her Majesty promised to do her part in redressing what

was complained of. The Duke and his friends had, about the beginning of

the war, by their credit with the Queen, procured a warrant from Her

Majesty for this perquisite of two and a half _per cent_. The warrant

was directed to the Duke of Marlborough, and countersigned by Sir

Charles Hedges, then secretary of state; by virtue of which the

paymaster-general of the army was to pay the said deducted money to the

general, and take a receipt in full from the foreign troops.

It was observed, as very commendable and becoming the dignity of such an

assembly, that this debate was managed with great temper, and with few

personal reflections upon the Duke of Marlborough. They seemed only

desirous to come at the truth, without which they could not answer the

trust reposed in them by those whom they represented, and left the rest

to Her Majesty's prudence. The attorney-general was ordered to commence

an action against the Duke for the subtracted money, which would have

amounted to a great sum, enough to ruin any private person, except

himself. This process is still depending, although very moderately

pursued, either by the Queen's indulgence to one whom she had formerly

so much trusted, or perhaps to be revived or slackened, according to the

future demeanour of the defendant.[4]

[Footnote 4: Marlborough's defence of himself may be found in the

"Parliamentary History," vol. vi., 1079. Writing to the Earl of

Strafford, under date January 27, 1711, Bolingbroke speaking of this

debate on Marlborough says: "What passed on Thursday in the House of

Commons, will, I hope, show people abroad, as well as at home, that no

merit, no grandeur, no riches can excuse, or save any one, who sets

himself up in opposition to the Queen;" and, he might have added, to

Mrs. Masham. It is to be questioned if Marlborough would have had to

undergo the ordeal of this debate had it not been for the animosity

against him on the part of this lady and her royal mistress, so deftly

aroused by Harley. [T.S.]]

Some time after, Mr. Cardonnell,[5] a Member of Parliament, and

secretary to the general in Flanders, was expelled the House, for the

offence of receiving yearly bribes from those who had contracted to

furnish bread for the army; and met with no further punishment for a

practice, voted to be unwarrantable and corrupt.

These were all the censures of any moment which the Commons, under so

great a weight of business, thought fit to make, upon the reports of

their commissioners for inspecting the public accounts. But having

promised, in the beginning of this History, to examine the state of the

nation, with respect to its debts; by what negligence or corruption they

first began, and in process of time made such a prodigious increase;

and, lastly, what courses have been taken, under the present

administration, to find out funds for answering so many unprovided

incumbrances, as well as put a stop to new ones; I shall endeavour to

satisfy the reader upon this important article.

By all I have yet read of the history of our own country, it appears to

me, that the national debts, secured upon parliamentary funds of

interest, were things unknown in England before the last Revolution

under the Prince of Orange. It is true, that in the grand rebellion the

king's enemies borrowed money of particular persons, upon what they

called the public faith; but this was only for short periods, and the

sums no more than what they could pay at once, as they constantly did.

Some of our kings have been very profuse in peace and war, and are

blamed in history for their oppressions of the people by severe taxes,

and for borrowing money which they never paid:[6] but national debts was

a style, which, I doubt, would hardly then be understood. When the

Prince of Orange was raised to the throne, and a general war began in

these parts of Europe, the King and his counsellors thought it would be

ill policy to commence his reign with heavy taxes upon the people, who

had lived long in ease and plenty, and might be apt to think their

deliverance too dearly bought: wherefore one of the first actions of the

new government was to take off the tax upon chimneys, as a burthen very

ungrateful to the commonalty. But money being wanted to support the war

(which even the convention-parliament, that put the crown upon his head,

were very unwilling he should engage in), the present Bishop of

Salisbury[7] is said to have found out that expedient (which he had

learned in Holland) of raising money upon the security of taxes, that

were only sufficient to pay a large interest. The motives which

prevailed on people to fall in with this project were many, and

plausible; for supposing, as the ministers industriously gave out, that

the war could not last above one or two campaigns at most, it might be

carried on with very moderate taxes; and the debts accruing would, in

process of time, be easily cleared after a peace. Then the bait of large

interest would draw in a great number of those whose money, by the

dangers and difficulties of trade, lay dead upon their hands; and

whoever were lenders to the government, would, by surest principle, be

obliged to support it. Besides, the men of estates could not be

persuaded, without time and difficulty, to have those taxes laid on

their lands, which custom hath since made so familiar; and it was the

business of such as were then in power to cultivate a moneyed interest;

because the gentry of the kingdom did not very much relish those new

notions in government, to which the King, who had imbibed his politics

in his own country, was thought to give too much way. Neither perhaps

did that Prince think national incumbrances to be any evil at all, since

the flourishing republic, where he was born, is thought to owe more than

ever it will be able or willing to pay. And I remember, when I mentioned

to Mons. Buys the many millions we owed, he would advance it as a maxim,

that it was for the interest of the public to be in debt: which perhaps

may be true in a commonwealth so crazily instituted, where the governors

cannot have too many pledges of their subjects' fidelity, and where a

great majority must inevitably be undone by any revolution, however

brought about: but to prescribe the same rules to a monarchy, whose

wealth ariseth from the rents and improvements of lands, as well as

trade and manufactures, is the mark of a confined and cramped

understanding.

[Footnote 5: Adam Cardonnell, Esq., secretary to the Duke of

Marlborough, shared in his disgrace. See "The Examiner," No. 28.

[W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 6: P. Fitzgerald says "which they have not been able or

willing to pay." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 7: Dr. Gilbert Burnet. [ORIGINAL NOTE.]]

I was moved to speak thus, because I am very well satisfied, that the

pernicious counsels of borrowing money upon public funds of interest, as

well as some other state lessons, were taken indigested from the like

practices among the Dutch, without allowing in the least for any

difference in government, religion, law, custom, extent of country, or

manners and dispositions of the people.

But when this expedient of anticipations and mortgages was first put in

practice, artful men, in office and credit, began to consider what uses

it might be applied to; and soon found it was likely to prove the most

fruitful seminary, not only to establish a faction they intended to set

up for their own support, but likewise to raise vast wealth for

themselves in particular, who were to be the managers and directors in

it. It was manifest, that nothing could promote these two designs so

much, as burthening the nation with debts, and giving encouragement to

lenders: for, as to the first, it was not to be doubted, that moneyed

men would be always firm to the party of those who advised the borrowing

upon such good security, and with such exorbitant premiums and interest;

and every new sum that was lent, took away as much power from the landed

men, as it added to theirs: so that the deeper the kingdom was engaged,

it was still the better for them. Thus a new estate and property sprung

up in the hands of mortgagees, to whom every house and foot of land in

England paid a rent-charge, free of all taxes and defalcations, and

purchased at less than half value. So that the gentlemen of estates

were, in effect, but tenants to these new landlords; many of whom were

able, in time, to force the election of boroughs out of the hands of

those who had been the old proprietors and inhabitants. This was arrived

at such a height, that a very few years more of war and funds would have

clearly cast the balance on the moneyed side.

As to the second, this project of borrowing upon funds, was of mighty

advantage to those who were in the management of it, as well as to their

friends and dependants; for, funds proving often deficient, the

government was obliged to strike tallies for making up the rest, which

tallies were sometimes (to speak in the merchants' phrase) at above

forty _per cent_, discount. At this price those who were in the secret

bought them up, and then took care to have that deficiency supplied in

the next session of Parliament, by which they doubled their principal in

a few months; and, for the encouragement of lenders, every new project

of lotteries or annuities proposed some farther advantage, either as to

interest or premium.

In the year one thousand six hundred and ninety-seven, a general

mortgage was made of certain revenues and taxes already settled, which

amounted to near a million a year. This mortgage was to continue till

one thousand seven hundred and six, to be a fund for the payment of

about five millions one hundred thousand pounds. In the first Parliament

of the Queen, the said mortgage was continued till one thousand seven

hundred and ten, to supply a deficiency of two millions three hundred

thousand pounds, and interest of above a million; and in the

intermediate years a great part of that fund was branched out into

annuities for ninety-nine years; so that the late ministry raised all

their money to one thousand seven hundred and ten, only by continuing

funds which were already granted to their hands. This deceived the

people in general, who were satisfied to continue the payments they had

been accustomed to, and made the administration seem easy, since the war

went on without any new taxes raised, except the very last year they

were in power; not considering what a mighty fund was exhausted, and

must be perpetuated, although extremely injurious to trade, and to the

true interest of the nation.

This great fund of the general mortgage was not only loaded, year after

year, by mighty sums borrowed upon it, but with the interests due upon

those sums; for which the treasury was forced to strike tallies, payable

out of that fund, after all the money already borrowed upon it, there

being no other provision of interest for three or four years: till at

last the fund was so overloaded, that it could neither pay principal nor

interest, and tallies were struck for both, which occasioned their great

discount.

But to avoid mistakes upon a subject, where I am not very well versed

either in the style or matter, I will transcribe an account sent me by a

person[8] who is thoroughly instructed in these affairs.

[Footnote 8: Sir John Blunt. [ORIGINAL NOTE.] He was one of the first

projectors of the South Sea Company, and died in January, 1733. [W.S.J.]]

"In the year one thousand seven hundred and seven, the sum of eight

hundred twenty-two thousand three hundred and eighty one pounds, fifteen

shillings and sixpence, was raised, by continuing part of the general

mortgage from one thousand seven hundred and ten to one thousand seven

hundred and twelve; but with no provision of interest till August the

first, one thousand seven hundred and ten, otherwise than by striking

tallies for it on that fund, payable after all the other money borrowed.

"In one thousand seven hundred and eight, the same funds were continued

from one thousand seven hundred and twelve to one thousand seven hundred

and fourteen, to raise seven hundred twenty-nine thousand sixty-seven

pounds fifteen shillings and sixpence; but no provision for interest

till August the first, one thousand seven hundred and twelve, otherwise

than as before, by striking tallies for it on the same fund, payable

after all the rest of the money borrowed. And the discount of tallies

then beginning to rise, great part of that money remains still unraised;

and there is nothing to pay interest for the money lent, till August the

first, one thousand seven hundred and twelve. But the late lord

treasurer struck tallies for the full sum directed by the act to be

borrowed, great part of which have been delivered in payment to the navy

and victualling offices, and some are still in the hands of the

government.

"In one thousand seven hundred and nine, part of the same fund was

continued from August the first, one thousand seven hundred and

fourteen, to August the first, one thousand seven hundred and sixteen,

to raise six hundred and forty-five thousand pounds; and no provision

for interest till August the first, one thousand seven hundred and

fourteen (which was about five years), but by borrowing money on the

same fund, payable after the sums before lent; so that little of that

money was lent But the tallies were struck for what was unlent, some of

which were given out for the payment of the navy and victualling, and

some still remain in the hands of the government.

"In one thousand seven hundred and ten, the sums which were before given

from one thousand seven hundred and fourteen, to one thousand seven

hundred and sixteen, were continued from thence to one thousand seven

hundred and twenty, to raise one million two hundred and ninety-six

thousand five hundred and fifty-two pounds nine shillings and

elevenpence three farthings; and no immediate provision for interest

till August the first, one thousand seven hundred and sixteen; only,

after the duty of one shilling _per_ bushel on salt should be cleared

from the money it was then charged with, and which was not so cleared

till Midsummer one thousand seven hundred and twelve last, then that

fund was to be applied to pay the interest till August the first, one

thousand seven hundred and sixteen, which interest amounted to about

seventy-seven thousand seven hundred and ninety-three pounds _per

annum_: and the said salt fund produceth but about fifty-five thousand

pounds _per annum_; so that no money was borrowed upon the general

mortgage in one thousand seven hundred and ten, except one hundred and

fifty thousand pounds lent by the Swiss cantons; but tallies were struck

for the whole sum. These all remained in the late treasurer's hands at

the time of his removal, yet the money was expended, which occasioned

those great demands upon the commissioners of the treasury who succeeded

him, and were forced to pawn those tallies to the bank, or to remitters,

rather than sell them at twenty or twenty-five _per cent_. discount, as

the price then was. About two hundred thousand pounds of them they paid

to clothiers of the army, and others; and all the rest, being above

ninety thousand pounds, have been subscribed into the South Sea Company

for the use of the public."

When the Earl of Godolphin was removed from his employment, he left a

debt upon the navy of ---- millions,[9] all contracted under his

administration,[10] which had no Parliament-security, and was daily

increased. Neither could I ever learn, whether that lord had the

smallest prospect of clearing this incumbrance, or whether there were

policy, negligence, or despair at the bottom of this unaccountable

management. But the consequences were visible and ruinous; for by this

means navy-bills grew to be forty _per cent_. discount, and upwards; and

almost every kind of stores, bought by the navy and victualling offices,

cost the government double rates, and sometimes more: so that the public

hath directly lost several millions upon this one article, without any

sort of necessity, that I could ever hear assigned by the ablest

vindicators of that party.

[Footnote 9: "Of millions" in original. "Of ---- millions" in 1775.

[W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 10: See "The Examiner," No. 45, and note in vol. ix. of this

edition, p. 295. [W.S.J.]]

In this oppressed and entangled state was the kingdom, with relation to

its debts, when the Queen removed the Earl of Godolphin from his office,

and put it into commission, of which the present treasurer was one. This

person had been chosen speaker successively to three Parliaments, was

afterwards secretary of state, and always in great esteem with the Queen

for his wisdom and fidelity. The late ministry, about two years before

their fall, had prevailed with Her Majesty, much against her

inclination, to dismiss him from her service; for which they cannot be

justly blamed, since he had endeavoured the same thing against them, and

very narrowly failed; which makes it the more extraordinary that he

should succeed in a second attempt against those very adversaries, who

had such fair warning by the first. He is firm and steady in his

resolutions, not easily diverted from them after he hath once possessed

himself of an opinion that they are right, nor very communicative where

he can act by himself, being taught by experience, that a secret is

seldom safe in more than one breast. That which occurs to other men

after mature deliberation, offers to him as his first thoughts; so that

he decides immediately what is best to be done, and therefore is seldom

at a loss upon sudden exigencies. He thinks it a more easy and safe rule

in politics to watch incidents as they come, and then turn them to the

advantage of what he pursues, than pretend to foresee them at a great

distance. Fear, cruelty, avarice, and pride, are wholly strangers to his

nature; but he is not without ambition. There is one thing peculiar in

his temper, which I altogether disapprove, and do not remember to have

heard or met with in any other man's character: I mean, an easiness and

indifference under any imputation, although he be never so innocent, and

although the strongest probabilities and appearance are against him; so

that I have known him often suspected by his nearest friends, for some

months, in points of the highest importance, to a degree, that they were

ready to break with him, and only undeceived by time and accident. His

detractors, who charge him with cunning, are but ill acquainted with his

character; for, in the sense they take the word, and as it is usually

understood, I know no man to whom that mean talent could be with less

justice applied, as the conduct of affairs, while he hath been at the

helm, doth clearly demonstrate, very contrary to the nature and

principles of cunning, which is always employed in serving little turns,

proposing little ends, and supplying daily exigencies by little shifts

and expedients. But to rescue a prince out of the hands of insolent

subjects, bent upon such designs as must probably end in the ruin of the

government; to find out means for paying such exorbitant debts as this

nation hath been involved in, and reduce it to a better management; to

make a potent enemy offer advantageous terms of peace, and deliver up

the most important fortress of his kingdom, as a security;[11] and this

against all the opposition, mutually raised and inflamed by parties and

allies; such performances can only be called cunning by those whose want

of understanding, or of candour, puts them upon finding ill names for

great qualities of the mind, which themselves do neither possess, nor

can form any just conception of. However, it must be allowed, that an

obstinate love of secrecy in this minister seems, at distance, to have

some resemblance of cunning; for he is not only very retentive of

secrets, but appears to be so too, which I number amongst his defects.

He hath been blamed by his friends for refusing to discover his

intentions, even in those points where the wisest man may have need of

advice and assistance, and some have censured him, upon that account, as

if he were jealous of power but he hath been heard to answer, "That he

seldom did otherwise, without cause to repent"

[Footnote 11: This is surely a piece of Swift's partiality for Oxford;

since it practically deprives Bolingbroke of whatever credit was his for

the Peace of Utrecht, and that was not a little; certainly more than may

be given to Oxford. [T.S.]]

However, so undistinguished a caution cannot, in my opinion, be

justified, by which the owner loseth many advantages, and whereof all

men, who deserved to be confided in, may with some reason complain. His

love of procrastination (wherein doubtless nature hath her share) may

probably be increased by the same means, but this is an imputation laid

upon many other great ministers, who, like men under too heavy a load,

let fall that which is of the least consequence, and go back to fetch it

when their shoulders are free, for time is often gained, as well as

lost, by delay, which at worst is a fault on the securer side.[12]

Neither probably is this minister answerable for half the clamour raised

against him upon that article: his endeavours are wholly turned upon the

general welfare of his country, but perhaps with too little regard to

that of particular persons, which renders him less amiable, than he

would otherwise have been from the goodness of his humour, and agreeable

conversation in a private capacity, and with few dependers. Yet some

allowance may perhaps be given to this failing, which is one of the

greatest he hath, since he cannot be more careless of other men's

fortunes than he is of his own. He is master of a very great and

faithful memory, which is of mighty use in the management of public

affairs; and I believe there are few examples to be produced in any age,

of a person who hath passed through so many employments in the state,

endowed with a great share, both of divine and human learning.

[Footnote 12: Unfortunately, procrastination too often ended for Harley

in very unpleasant results, and it is not too much to say, this failing

was the indirect cause of his downfall. Swift's character of Oxford, as

given in this "History," should be compared with that given of him in

"An Enquiry into the Behaviour of the Queen's Last Ministry" (vol v, pp

431-434, of present edition). Dr William King, to whom Swift had written

in 1736, for certain dates and official extracts to be included in this

"History," wrote to Swift (December 7th, 1736), referring to this very

matter of Oxford's character. As the letter applies to some other

portions of this "History," it will be better if it be given here.

"London, December 7th, 1736

SIR,

I arrived here yesterday [King had been on a visit to Paris], and I am

now ready to obey your commands. I hope you are come to a positive

resolution concerning the History. You need not hesitate about the

dates, or the references which are to be made to any public papers, for

I can supply them without the least trouble. As well as I remember,

there is but one of those public pieces which you determined should be

inserted at length; I mean Sir Thomas Hanmer's Representation; this I

have now by me. If you incline to publish the two tracts as an Appendix

to the History, you will be pleased to see if the character given of the

Earl of Oxford in the pamphlet of 1715 agrees with the character given

of the same person in the History. Perhaps on a review, you may think

proper to leave one of them quite out. You have (I think) barely

mentioned the attempt of Guiscard, and the quarrel between Rechteren and

Mesnager. But as these are facts which are probably now forgot or

unknown, it would not be amiss if they were related at large in the

notes, which may be done from the Gazettes, or any other newspapers of

those times," etc. See Sir W. Scott's edit, vol xix, pp 20-21 [T.S.]]

I am persuaded that foreigners, as well as those at home, who live too

remote from the scene of business to be rightly informed, will not be

displeased with this account of a person, who in the space of two years,

hath been so highly instrumental in changing the face of affairs in

Europe, and hath deserved so well of his own Prince and country.[13]

[Footnote 13: See also Swift's "Enquiry" (vol. v., pp. 425-476).

[W.S.J.]]

In that perplexed condition of the public debts, which I have already

described, this minister was brought into the treasury and exchequer,

and had the chief direction of affairs. His first regulation was that of

exchequer bills, which, to the great discouragement of public credit,

and scandal to the crown, were three _per cent._ less in value than the

sums specified in them. The present treasurer, being then chancellor of

the exchequer, procured an Act of Parliament, by which the Bank of

England should be obliged, in consideration of forty-five thousand

pounds, to accept and circulate those bills without any discount. He

then proceeded to stop the depredations of those who dealt in

remittances of money to the army, who, by unheard of exactions in that

kind of traffic, had amassed prodigious wealth at the public cost, to

which the Earl of Godolphin had given too much way,[14] _possibly by

neglect; for I think he cannot be accused of corruption_.

[Footnote 14: Added in the author's own handwriting. [ORIGINAL NOTE.] P.

Fitzgerald gives the addition as "either through ignorance, connivance,

or neglect." [W.S.J.]]

But the new treasurer's chief concern was to restore the credit of the

nation, by finding some settlement for unprovided debts, amounting in

the whole to ten millions, which hung on the public as a load equally

heavy and disgraceful, without any prospect of being removed, and which

former ministers never had the care or courage to inspect. He resolved

to go at once to the bottom of this evil; and having computed and summed

up the debt of the navy, and victualling, ordnance, and transport of the

army, and transport debentures made out for the service of the last war,

of the general mortgage tallies for the year one thousand seven hundred

and ten, and some other deficiencies, he then found out a fund of

interest sufficient to answer all this, which, being applied to other

uses, could not raise present money for the war, but in a very few years

would clear the debt it was engaged for. The intermediate accruing

interest was to be paid by the treasurer of the navy; and, as a farther

advantage to the creditors, they should be erected into a company for

trading to the South Seas, and for encouragement of fishery. When all

this was fully prepared and digested, he made a motion in the House of

Commons (who deferred extremely to his judgment and abilities) for

paying the debts of the navy, and other unprovided deficiencies, without

entering into particulars, which was immediately voted. But a sudden

stop was put to this affair by an unforeseen accident. The chancellor of

the exchequer (which was then his title) being stabbed with a penknife,

the following day, at the Cockpit, in the midst of a dozen lords of the

council, by the Sieur de Guiscard, a French papist; the circumstances of

which fact being not within the compass of this History, I shall only

observe, that after two months' confinement, and frequent danger of his

life, he returned to his seat in Parliament.[15]

[Footnote 15: See the particular account in "The Examiner." [ORIGINAL

NOTE.] The reference is to Nos. 33, 41, and 42 of that paper (see vol.

ix, of this edition). [W.S.J.]]

The overtures made by this minister, of paying so vast a debt, under the

pressures of a long war, and the difficulty of finding supplies for

continuing it, was, during the time of his illness, ridiculed by his

enemies as an impracticable and visionary project: and when, upon his

return to the House, he had explained his proposal, the very proprietors

of the debt were, many of them, prevailed on to oppose it; although the

obtaining this trade, either through Old Spain, or directly to the

Spanish West Indies, had been one principal end we aimed at by this war.

However, the bill passed; and, as an immediate consequence, the naval

bills rose to about twenty _per cent_., nor ever fell within ten of

their discount. Another good effect of this work appeared by the

parliamentary lotteries, which have been since erected. The last of that

kind, under the former ministry, was eleven weeks in filling; whereas

the first, under the present, was filled in a very few hours, although

it cost the government less; and the others, which followed, were full

before the Acts concerning them could pass. And to prevent incumbrances

of this kind from growing for the future, he took care, by the utmost

parsimony, or by suspending payments, where they seemed less to press,

that all stores for the navy should be bought with ready money; by which

_cent. per cent._ hath been saved in that mighty article of our expense,

as will appear from an account taken at the victualling office on the

9th of August, one thousand seven hundred and twelve. And the payment of

the interest was less a burthen upon the navy, by the stores being

bought at so cheap a rate.

It might look invidious to enter into farther particulars upon this

head, but of smaller moment. What I have above related, may serve to

shew in how ill a condition the kingdom stood, with relation to its

debts, by the corruption as well as negligence of former management; and

what prudent, effectual measures have since been taken to provide for

old incumbrances, and hinder the running into new. This may be

sufficient for the information of the reader, perhaps already tired with

a subject so little entertaining as that of accounts: I shall therefore

now return to relate some of the principal matters that passed in

Parliament, during this session.

Upon the eighteenth of January the House of Lords sent down a bill to

the Commons, for fixing the precedence of the Hanover family, which

probably had been forgot in the Acts for settling the succession of the

crown. That of Henry VIII. which gives the rank to princes of the blood,

carries it no farther than to nephews, nieces, and grandchildren of the

crown, by virtue of which the Princess Sophia is a princess of the

blood, as niece to King Charles I of England, and precedes accordingly,

but this privilege doth not descend to her son the Elector, or the

electoral prince. To supply which defect, and pay a compliment to the

presumptive heirs of the crown, this bill, as appeareth by the preamble,

was recommended by Her Majesty to the House of Lords, which the Commons,

to shew their zeal for every thing that might be thought to concern the

interest or honour of that illustrious family, ordered to be read thrice,

passed _nemine contradicente_ and returned to the Lords, without any

amendment, on the very day it was sent down.

But the House seemed to have nothing more at heart than a strict inquiry

into the state of the nation, with respect to foreign alliances. Some

discourses had been published in print, about the beginning of the

session, boldly complaining of certain articles in the Barrier Treaty,

concluded about three years since by the Lord Viscount Townshend,

between Great Britain and the States General, and shewing, in many

particulars, the unequal conduct of these powers in our alliance, in

furnishing their quotas and supplies. It was asserted by the same

writers, "That these hardships, put upon England, had been countenanced

and encouraged by a party here at home, in order to preserve their

power, which could be no otherwise maintained than by continuing the

war, as well as by Her Majesty's general abroad, upon account of his own

peculiar interest and grandeur." These loud accusations spreading

themselves throughout the kingdom, delivered in facts directly charged,

and thought, whether true or not, to be but weakly confuted, had

sufficiently prepared the minds of the people, and, by putting arguments

into every body's mouth, had filled the town and country with

controversies, both in writing and discourse. The point appeared to be

of great consequence, whether the war continued or not for, in the

former case, it was necessary that the allies should be brought to a

more equal regulation, and that the States in particular, for whom Her

Majesty had done such great things, should explain and correct those

articles in the Barrier Treaty which were prejudicial to Britain, and,

in either case, it was fit the people should have at least the

satisfaction of knowing by whose counsels, and for what designs, they

had been so hardly treated.

In order to this great inquiry, the Barrier Treaty, with all other

treaties and agreements entered into between Her Majesty and her allies,

during the present war, for the raising and augmenting the proportions

for the service thereof, were, by the Queen's directions, laid before

the House.

Several resolutions were drawn up, and reported at different times, upon

the deficiencies of the allies in furnishing their quotas, upon certain

articles in the Barrier Treaty, and upon the state of the war; by all

which it appeared, that whatever had been charged by public discourses

in print against the late ministry, and the conduct of the allies, was

much less than the truth. Upon these resolutions (by one of which the

Lord Viscount Townshend, who negotiated and signed the Barrier Treaty,

was declared an enemy to the Queen and kingdom), and upon some farther

directions to the committee, a Representation was formed; and soon after

the Commons in a body presented it to the Queen, the endeavours of the

adverse party not prevailing to have it re-committed.

This Representation (supposed to be the work of Sir Thomas Hanmer's[16]

pen) is written with much energy and spirit, and will be a very useful

authentic record, for the assistance of those who at any time shall

undertake to write the history of the present times.

[Footnote 16: But to which the Dean himself contributed a large share.

[S.] Swift writes in his "Journal," under date February 21st: "I left

them at 7, being engaged to go to Sir Tho. Hanmer, who desired I would

see him at that hour. His business was, that I would help him to draw up

the representation, which I consented to do" (vol. ii., p. 340). [W.S.J.]]

I did intend, for brevity sake, to have given the reader only an

abstract of it; but, upon trial, found myself unequal to such a task,

without injuring so excellent a piece. And although I think historical

relations are but ill patched up with long transcripts already printed,

which, upon that account, I have hitherto avoided; yet this being the

sum of all debates and resolutions of the House of Commons in that great

affair of the war, I conceived it could not well be omitted.[1]

[Footnote 17: This "Representation" was printed by S. Keble by order of

the Speaker, and is also to be found in the "Journals of the House of

Commons," vol. xvii., pp. 119-123. [W.S.J.]]

"MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,

"We your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of Great

Britain in Parliament assembled, having nothing so much at heart, as to

enable your Majesty to bring this long and expensive war to an

honourable and happy conclusion, have taken it into our most serious

consideration, how the necessary supplies to be provided by us may be

best applied, and the common cause may in the most effectual manner be

carried on, by the united force of the whole confederacy; we have

thought ourselves obliged, in duty to your Majesty, and in discharge of

the trust reposed in us, to inquire into the true state of the war, in

all its parts; we have examined what stipulations have been entered into

between your Majesty and your allies; and how far such engagements have

on each side been made good. We have considered the different interests

which the confederates have in the success of this war, and the

different shares they have contributed to its support: we have with our

utmost care and diligence endeavoured to discover the nature, extent,

and charge of it, to the end, that by comparing the weight thereof with

our own strength, we might adapt the one to the other in such measure,

as neither to continue your Majesty's subjects under a heavier burden,

than in reason and justice they ought to bear; nor deceive your Majesty,

your allies, and ourselves, by undertaking more than the nation in its

present circumstances is able to perform.

"Your Majesty has been graciously pleased, upon our humble applications,

to order such materials to be laid before us, as have furnished us with

the necessary information upon the particulars we have inquired into;

and when we shall have laid before your Majesty our observations, and

humble advice upon this subject, we promise to ourselves this happy

fruit from it, that if your Majesty's generous and good purposes, for

the procuring a safe and lasting peace, should, through the obstinacy of

the enemy, or by any other means, be unhappily defeated, a true

knowledge and understanding of the past conduct of the war will be the

best foundation for a more frugal and equal management of it for the

time to come.

"In order to take the more perfect view of what we proposed, and that we

might be able to set the whole before your Majesty in a true light, we

have thought it necessary to go back to the beginning of the war, and

beg leave to observe the motives and reasons, upon which his late

Majesty King William engaged first in it. The treaty of the Grand

Alliance, explains those reasons to be for the supporting the

pretensions of his Imperial Majesty, then actually engaged in a war with

the French King, who had usurped the entire Spanish monarchy for his

grandson the Duke of Anjou; and for the assisting the States General,

who, by the loss of their barrier against France, were then in the same,

or a more dangerous condition, than if they were actually invaded. As

these were the just and necessary motives for undertaking this war, so

the ends proposed to be obtained by it, were equally wise and

honourable; for as they are set forth in the eighth article of the same

treaty, they appear to have been _the procuring an equitable and

reasonable satisfaction to his Imperial Majesty, and sufficient

securities for the dominions, provinces, navigation, and commerce of the

King of Great Britain, and the States General, and the making effectual

provision, that the two kingdoms of France and Spain should never be

united under the same government;_ and particularly, that the French

should never get into the possession of the Spanish West Indies, or be

permitted to sail thither, upon the account of traffic, under any

pretence whatsoever; and lastly, the securing to the subjects of the

King of Great Britain, and the States General, all the same privileges,

and rights of commerce, throughout the whole dominions of Spain, as they

enjoyed before the death of Charles the Second King of Spain, by virtue

of any treaty, agreement, or custom, or any other way whatsoever. For

the obtaining these ends, the three confederated powers engaged to

assist one another with their whole force, according to such proportions

as should be specified in a particular convention, afterwards to be made

for that purpose: we do not find that any such convention was ever

ratified; but it appears, that there was an agreement concluded, which,

by common consent, was understood to be binding upon each party

respectively, and according to which the proportions of Great Britain

were from the beginning regulated and founded. The terms of that

agreement were, That for the service at land, his Imperial Majesty

should furnish ninety thousand men, the King of Great Britain forty

thousand, and the States General one hundred and two thousand, of which

there were forty-two thousand intended to supply their garrisons, and

sixty thousand to act against the common enemy in the field; and with

regard to the operations of the war at sea, they were agreed to be

performed jointly by Great Britain and the States General, the quota of

ships to be furnished for that service being five-eighths on the part of

Great Britain, and three-eighths on the part of the States General.

"Upon this foot, the war began in the year one thousand seven hundred

and two, at which time the whole yearly expense of it to England

amounted to three millions, seven hundred and six thousand four hundred

ninety-four pounds; a very great charge, as it was then thought by your

Majesty's subjects, after the short interval of ease they had enjoyed

from the burden of the former war, but yet a very moderate proportion,

in comparison with the load which hath since been laid upon them: for it

appears, by estimates given in to your Commons, that the sums necessary

to carry on the service for this present year, in the same manner as it

was performed the last year, amount to more than six millions nine

hundred and sixty thousand pounds, besides interest for the public

debts, and the deficiencies accruing the last year, which two articles

require one million one hundred and forty-three thousand pounds more: so

that the whole demands upon your Commons are arisen to more than eight

millions for the present annual supply. We know your Majesty's tender

regard for the welfare of your people, will make it uneasy to you to

hear of so great a pressure as this upon them; and as we are assured, it

will fully convince your Majesty of the necessity of our present

inquiry; so we beg leave to represent to you, from what causes, and by

what steps, this immense charge appears to have grown upon us.

"The service at sea, as it has been very large and extensive in itself,

so it has been carried on, through the whole course of the war, in a

manner highly disadvantageous to your Majesty and your kingdom: for the

necessity of affairs requiring that great fleets should be fitted out

every year, as well for the maintaining a superiority in the

Mediterranean, as for opposing any force which the enemy might prepare,

either at Dunkirk, or in the ports of West France, your Majesty's

example and readiness in fitting out your proportion of ships, for all

parts of that service, have been so far from prevailing with the States

General to keep pace with you, that they have been deficient every year

to a great degree, in proportion to what your Majesty hath furnished;

sometimes no less than two-thirds, and generally more than half of their

quota: from hence your Majesty has been obliged, for the preventing

disappointments in the most pressing services, to supply those

deficiencies by additional reinforcements of your own ships; nor hath

the single increase of such a charge been the only ill consequence that

attended it; for by this means the debt of the navy hath been enhanced,

so that the discounts arising upon the credit of it have affected all

other parts of the service. From the same cause, your Majesty's ships of

war have been forced in greater numbers to continue in remote seas, and

at unseasonable times of the year, to the great damage and decay of the

British navy. This also hath been the occasion that your Majesty hath

been straitened in your convoys for trade; your coasts have been

exposed, for want of a sufficient number of cruisers to guard them; and

you have been disabled from annoying the enemy, in their most beneficial

commerce with the West Indies, from whence they received those vast

supplies of treasure, without which they could not have supported the

expenses of this war.

"That part of the war which hath been carried on in Flanders, was at

first immediately necessary to the security of the States General, and

hath since brought them great acquisitions, both of revenue and

dominion; yet even there the original proportions have been departed

from, and, during the course of the war, have been sinking by degrees on

the part of Holland; so that in this last year, we find the number in

which they fell short of their three-fifths, to your Majesty's

two-fifths, have been twenty thousand eight hundred and thirty-seven

men: we are not unmindful, that in the year one thousand seven hundred

and three, a treaty was made between the two nations, for a joint

augmentation of twenty thousand men, wherein the proportions were

varied, and England consented to take half upon itself. But it having

been annexed as an express condition to the grant of the said

augmentation in Parliament, that the States General should prohibit all

trade and commerce with France, and that condition having not been

performed by them, the Commons think it reasonable, that the first rule

of three to two ought to have taken place again, as well in that as in

other subsequent augmentations, more especially when they consider, that

the revenues of those rich provinces which have been conquered, would,

if they were duly applied, maintain a great number of new additional

forces against the common enemy; notwithstanding which, the States

General have raised none upon that account, but make use of those fresh

supplies of money, only to ease themselves in the charge of their first

established quota.

"As in the progress of the war in Flanders, a disproportion was soon

created to the prejudice of England; so the very beginning of the war in

Portugal, brought an unequal share of burden upon us; for although the

Emperor and the States General were equally parties with your Majesty in

the treaty with the King of Portugal, yet the Emperor neither furnishing

his third part of the troops and subsidies stipulated for, nor the Dutch

consenting to take an equal share of his Imperial Majesty's defect upon

themselves, your Majesty hath been obliged to furnish two-thirds of the

entire expense created by that service. Nor has the inequality stopped

there; for ever since the year one thousand seven hundred and six, when

the English and Dutch forces marched out of Portugal into Castile, the

States General have entirely abandoned the war in Portugal, and left

your Majesty to prosecute it singly at your own charge, which you have

accordingly done, by replacing a greater number of troops there, than

even at first you took upon you to provide. At the same time your

Majesty's generous endeavours for the support and defence of the King of

Portugal, have been but ill seconded by that Prince himself; for

notwithstanding that by his treaty he had obliged himself to furnish

twelve thousand foot, and three thousand horse, upon his own account,

besides eleven thousand foot, and two thousand horse more, in

consideration of a subsidy paid him; yet, according to the best

information your Commons can procure, it appears, that he hath scarce at

any time furnished thirteen thousand men in the whole.

"In Spain the war hath been yet more unequal, and burdensome to your

Majesty, than in any other branch of it; for being commenced without any

treaty whatsoever, the allies have almost wholly declined taking any

part of it upon themselves. A small body of English and Dutch troops

were sent thither in the year one thousand seven hundred and five, not

as being thought sufficient to support a regular war, or to make the

conquest of so large a country; but with a view only of assisting the

Spaniards to set King Charles upon the throne; occasioned by the great

assurances which were given of their inclinations to the House of

Austria: but this expectation failing, England was insensibly drawn into

an established war, under all the disadvantages of the distance of the

place, and the feeble efforts of the other allies. The account we have

to lay before your Majesty, upon this head, is, that although the

undertaking was entered upon at the particular and earnest request of

the imperial court, and for a cause of no less importance and concern to

them, than the reducing the Spanish monarchy to the House of Austria;

yet neither the late emperors, nor his present Imperial Majesty, have

ever had any forces there on their own account, till the last year; and

then, only one regiment of foot, consisting of two thousand men. Though

the States General have contributed something more to this service, yet

their share also hath been inconsiderable; for in the space of four

years, from one thousand seven hundred and five, to one thousand seven

hundred and eight, both inclusive, all the forces they have sent into

that country have not exceeded twelve thousand two hundred men; and from

the year one thousand seven hundred and eight to this time, they have

not sent any forces or recruits whatsoever. To your Majesty's care and

charge the recovery of that kingdom hath been in a manner wholly left,

as if none else were interested or concerned in it. And the forces which

your Majesty hath sent into Spain, in the space of seven years, from one

thousand seven hundred and five to one thousand seven hundred and

eleven, both inclusive, have amounted to no less than fifty-seven

thousand nine hundred seventy-three men; besides thirteen battalions and

eighteen squadrons, for which your Majesty hath paid a subsidy to the

Emperor.

"How great the established expense of such a number of men hath been,

your Majesty very well knows, and your Commons very sensibly feel; but

the weight will be found much greater, when it is considered how many

heavy articles of unusual and extraordinary charge have attended this

remote and difficult service, all which have been entirely defrayed by

your Majesty, except that one of transporting the few forces, which were

sent by the States General, and the victualling of them during their

transportation only. The accounts delivered to your Commons shew, that

the charge of your Majesty's ships and vessels, employed in the service

of the war in Spain and Portugal, reckoned after the rate of four pounds

a man _per_ month, from the time they sailed from hence, till they

returned, were lost, or put upon other services, hath amounted to six

millions five hundred and forty thousand nine hundred and sixty-six

pounds fourteen shillings: the charge of transports on the part of Great

Britain, for carrying on the war in Spain and Portugal, from the

beginning of it till this time, hath amounted to one million three

hundred thirty-six thousand seven hundred and nineteen pounds, nineteen

shillings, and elevenpence; that of victualling land forces for the same

service, to five hundred eighty-three thousand seven hundred and seventy

pounds, eight shillings, and sixpence; and that of contingencies, and

other extraordinaries for the same service, to one million eight hundred

and forty thousand three hundred and fifty-three pounds.

"We should take notice to your Majesty of several sums paid upon account

of contingencies, and extraordinaries in Flanders, making together the

sum of one million one hundred and seven thousand and ninety-six pounds:

but we are not able to make any comparison of them, with what the States

General have expended upon the same head, having no such state of their

extraordinary charge before us. There remains therefore but one

particular more for your Majesty's observation, which arises from the

subsidies paid to foreign princes. These, at the beginning of the war,

were borne in equal proportion by your Majesty, and the States General;

but in this instance also, the balance hath been cast in prejudice of

your Majesty: for it appears, that your Majesty hath since advanced more

than your equal proportion, three millions one hundred and fifty-five

thousand crowns[18], besides extraordinaries paid in Italy, and not

included in any of the foregoing articles, which arise to five hundred

thirty-nine thousand five hundred and fifty-three pounds.

[Footnote 18: In the "Journals of the House of Commons," vol. xvii., p.

48, is an exact state of all the subsidies and extra expenses, from 1702

to 1711. [N.]]

"We have laid these several particulars before your Majesty in the

shortest manner we have been able; and by an estimate grounded on the

preceding facts, it does appear, that over and above the quotas on the

part of Great Britain, answering to those contributed by your allies,

more than nineteen millions have been expended by your Majesty, during

the course of this war, by way of surplusage, or exceeding in balance,

of which none of the confederates have furnished any thing whatsoever.

"It is with very great concern, that we find so much occasion given us,

to represent how ill an use hath been made of your Majesty's and your

subjects' zeal for the common cause; that the interest of that cause

hath not been proportionably promoted by it, but others only have been

eased at your Majesty's and your subjects' costs, and have been connived

at, in laying their part of the burden upon this kingdom, although they

have upon all accounts been equally, and in most respects, much more

nearly concerned than Britain in the issue of the war. We are persuaded

your Majesty will think it pardonable in us, with some resentment to

complain of the little regard, which some of those, whom your Majesty of

late years intrusted, have shewn to the interests of their country, in

giving way, at least, to such unreasonable impositions upon it, if not

in some measure contriving them. The course of which impositions hath

been so singular and extraordinary, that the more the wealth of this

nation hath been exhausted, and the more your Majesty's arms have been

attended with success, the heavier hath been the burden laid upon us;

whilst on the other hand, the more vigorous your Majesty's efforts have

been, and the greater the advantages which have redounded thence to your

allies, the more those allies have abated in their share of the expense.

"At the first entrance into this war, the Commons were induced to exert

themselves in the extraordinary manner they did, and to grant such large

supplies, as had been unknown to former ages, in hopes thereby to

prevent the mischiefs of a lingering war, and to bring that, in which

they were necessarily engaged, to a speedy conclusion; but they have

been very unhappy in the event, whilst they have so much reason to

suspect, that what was intended to shorten the war, hath proved the very

cause of its long continuance; for those, to whom the profits of it have

accrued, have been disposed not easily to forgo them. And your Majesty

will from thence discern _the true reason, why so many have delighted in

a war, which brought in so rich an harvest yearly from Great Britain_.

"We are as far from desiring, as we know your Majesty will be from

concluding any peace, but upon safe and honourable terms; and we are far

from intending to excuse ourselves from raising all necessary and

possible supplies, for an effectual prosecution of the war, till such a

peace can be obtained: all that your faithful Commons aim at, all that

they wish, is an equal concurrence from the other powers, engaged in

alliance with your Majesty; and a just application of what hath been

already gained from the enemy, towards promoting the common cause.

Several large countries and territories have been restored to the house

of Austria, such as the kingdom of Naples, the duchy of Milan, and other

places in Italy; others have been conquered, and added to their

dominions, as the two electorates of Bavaria and Cologne, the duchy of

Mantua, and the bishopric of Liège; these having been reduced in great

measure by our blood and treasure, may, we humbly conceive, with great

reason, be claimed to come in aid towards carrying on the war in Spain.

And therefore we make it our earnest request to your Majesty, that you

will give instructions to your ministers, to insist with the Emperor,

that the revenues of those several places, excepting only such a portion

thereof as is necessary for their defence, be actually so applied: and

as to the other parts of the war, to which your Majesty hath obliged

yourself by particular treaties to contribute, we humbly beseech your

Majesty, that you will be pleased to take effectual care, that your

allies do perform their parts stipulated by those treaties; and that

your Majesty will, for the future, no otherwise furnish troops, or pay

subsidies, than in proportion to what your allies shall actually furnish

and pay. When this justice is done to your Majesty, and to your people,

there is nothing which your Commons will not cheerfully grant, towards

supporting your Majesty in the cause in which you are engaged. And

whatever farther shall appear to be necessary for carrying on the war,

either at sea or land, we will effectually enable your Majesty to bear

your reasonable share of any such expense, and will spare no supplies

which your subjects are able, with their utmost efforts to afford.

"After having enquired into, and considered the state of the war, in

which the part your Majesty has borne, appears to have been, not only

superior to that of any one ally, but even equal to that of the whole

confederacy; your Commons naturally inclined to hope, that they should

find care had been taken of securing some particular advantages to

Britain, in the terms of a future peace; such as might afford a prospect

of making the nation amends, in time, for that immense treasure which

has been expended, and those heavy debts which have been contracted, in

the course of so long and burdensome a war. This reasonable expectation

could no way have been better answered, than by some provision made for

the further security, and the greater improvement of the commerce of

Great Britain; but we find ourselves so very far disappointed in these

hopes, that in a treaty not long since concluded between your Majesty

and the States General, under colour of a mutual guarantee, given for

two points of the greatest importance to both nations, the Succession,

and the Barrier; it appears, the interest of Great Britain hath been not

only neglected, but sacrificed; and that several articles in the said

treaty, are destructive to the trade and welfare of this kingdom, and

therefore highly dishonourable to your Majesty.

"Your Commons observe, in the first place, that several towns and places

are, by virtue of this treaty, to be put into the hands of the States

General, particularly Nieuport, Dendermonde, and the castle of Ghent,

which can in no sense be looked upon as part of a barrier against

France, but being the keys of the Netherlands towards Britain, must make

the trade of your Majesty's subjects in those parts precarious, and

whenever the States think fit, totally exclude them from it. The

pretended necessity of putting these places into the hands of the States

General, in order to secure to them a communication with their barrier,

must appear vain and groundless; for the sovereignty of the Low

Countries being not to remain to an enemy, but to a friend and an ally,

that communication must be always secure and uninterrupted; besides

that, in case of a rupture, or any attack, the States have full liberty

allowed them to take possession of all the Spanish Netherlands, and

therefore needed no particular stipulation for the towns above

mentioned.

"Having taken notice of this concession made to the States General, for

seizing upon the whole ten provinces; we cannot but observe to your

Majesty, that in the manner this article is framed, it is another

dangerous circumstance which attends this treaty; for had such a

provision been confined to the case of an apparent attack from France

only, the avowed design of this treaty had been fulfilled, and your

Majesty's instructions to your ambassador had been pursued: but this

necessary restriction hath been omitted, and the same liberty is granted

to the States, to take possession of all the Netherlands, whenever they

shall think themselves attacked by any other neighbouring nation, as

when they shall be in danger from France; so that if it should at any

time happen (which your Commons are very unwilling to suppose) that they

should quarrel, even with your Majesty, the riches, strength, and

advantageous situation of these countries, may be made use of against

yourself, without whose generous and powerful assistance they had never

been conquered.

"To return to those ill consequences which relate to the trade of your

kingdoms, we beg leave to observe to your Majesty, that though this

treaty revives, and renders your Majesty a party to the fourteenth and

fifteenth articles of the Treaty of Munster,[19] by virtue of which, the

impositions upon all goods and merchandises brought into the Spanish Low

Countries by the sea, are to equal those laid on goods and merchandises

imported by the Scheldt, and the canals of Sass and Swyn, and other

mouths of the sea adjoining; yet no care is taken to preserve that

equality upon the exportation of those goods out of the Spanish

provinces, into those countries and places, which, by virtue of this

treaty, are to be in the possession of the States; the consequence of

which must in time be, and your Commons are informed, that in some

instances it has already proved to be the case, that the impositions

upon goods carried into those countries and places, by the subjects of

the States General, will be taken off, while those upon the goods

imported by your Majesty's subjects remain: by which means, Great

Britain will entirely lose this most beneficial branch of trade, which

it has in all ages been possessed of, even from the time when those

countries were governed by the house of Burgundy, one of the most

ancient, as well as the most useful allies to the crown of England.

[Footnote 19: Concluded June 30th, 1643. See note in vol. v., p. 150, of

present edition. [T.S.]]

"With regard to the other dominions and territories of Spain, your

Majesty's subjects have always been distinguished in their commerce with

them, and both by ancient treaties, and an uninterrupted custom, have

enjoyed greater privileges and immunities of trade, than either the

Hollanders, or any other nation whatsoever. And that wise and excellent

treaty of the Grand Alliance, provides effectually for the security and

continuance of these valuable privileges to Britain, in such a manner,

as that each nation might be left, at the end of war, upon the same foot

as it stood at the commencement of it: but this treaty we now complain

of, instead of confirming your subjects' rights, surrenders and destroys

them; for although by the sixteenth and seventeenth articles of the

Treaty of Munster, made between his Catholic Majesty and the States

General, all advantages of trade are stipulated for, and granted to the

Hollanders, equal to what the English enjoyed; yet the crown of England

not being a party to that treaty, the subjects of England have never

submitted to those articles of it, nor even the Spaniards themselves

ever observed them; but this treaty revives those articles in prejudice

of Great Britain, and makes your Majesty a party to them, and even a

guarantee to the States General, for privileges against your own people.

"In how deliberate and extraordinary a manner your Majesty's ambassador

consented to deprive your subjects of their ancient rights, and your

Majesty of the power of procuring to them any new advantage, most

evidently appears from his own letters, which, by your Majesty's

directions, have been laid before your Commons:[20] for when matters of

advantage to your Majesty, and to your kingdom, had been offered, as

proper to be made parts of this treaty, they were refused to be admitted

by the States General, upon this reason and principle, that nothing

foreign to the guaranties of the Succession, and of the Barrier, should

be mingled with them; notwithstanding which, the States General had no

sooner received notice of a treaty of commerce concluded between your

Majesty and the present Emperor, but they departed from the rule

proposed before, and insisted upon the article, of which your Commons

now complain; which article your Majesty's ambassador allowed of,

although equally foreign to the Succession, or the Barrier; and although

he had for that reason departed from other articles, which would have

been for the service of his own country.

[Footnote 20: Printed in the "Journals," vol. xvii., pp. 87-89. [N.]]

"We have forborne to trouble your Majesty with general observations upon

this treaty, as it relates to and affects the empire, and other parts of

Europe. The mischiefs which arise from it to Great Britain, are what

only we have presumed humbly to represent to you, as they are very

evident, and very great: and as it appears, that the Lord Viscount

Townshend had not any orders, or authority, for concluding several of

those articles, which are most prejudicial to your Majesty's subjects;

we have thought we could do no less than declare your said ambassador,

who negotiated and signed, and all others who advised the ratifying of

this treaty, enemies to your Majesty and to your kingdom.

"Upon these faithful informations, and advices from your Commons, we

assure ourselves your Majesty, in your great goodness to your people,

will rescue them from those evils, which the private counsels of

ill-designing men have exposed them to; and that in your great wisdom

you will find some means for the explaining, and amending, the several

articles of this treaty, so as that they may consist with the interest

of Great Britain, and with real and lasting friendship between your

Majesty and the States General."[21]

[Footnote 21: This Representation was presented to Her Majesty March

4th, 171-1/2 and answered March 5th. [N.]]

Between the Representation and the first debates upon the subject of it,

several weeks had passed; during which time the Parliament had other

matters likewise before them, that deserve to be mentioned. For on the

ninth of February was repealed the Act for Naturalizing Foreign

Protestants, which had been passed under the last ministry, and, as many

people thought, to very ill purposes. By this Act any foreigner, who

would take the oaths to the government, and profess himself a

Protestant, of whatever denomination, was immediately naturalized, and

had all the privileges of an English born subject, at the expense of a

shilling.[22] Most Protestants abroad differ from us in the points of

church government; so that all the acquisitions by this Act would

increase the number of Dissenters; and therefore the proposal, that such

foreigners should be obliged to conform to the established worship, was

rejected. But because several persons were fond of this project, as a

thing that would be of mighty advantage to the kingdom, I shall say a

few words upon it.

[Footnote 22: See "The Examiner," Nos. 26 and 45, in vol. ix. of this

edition. [W.S.J.]]

The maxim, "That people are the riches of a nation," hath been crudely

understood by many writers and reasoners upon that subject. There are

several ways by which people are brought into a country. Sometimes a

nation is invaded and subdued; and the conquerors seize the lands, and

make the natives their under-tenants or servants. Colonies have been

always planted where the natives were driven out or destroyed, or the

land uncultivated and waste. In those countries where the lord of the

soil is master of the labour and liberty of his tenants, or of slaves

bought by his money, men's riches are reckoned by the number of their

vassals. And sometimes, in governments newly instituted, where there are

not people to till the ground, many laws have been made to encourage and

allure numbers from the neighbouring countries. And, in all these cases,

the new comers have either lands allotted them, or are slaves to the

proprietors. But to invite helpless families, by thousands, into a

kingdom inhabited like ours, without lands to give them, and where the

laws will not allow that they should be part of the property as

servants, is a wrong application of the maxim, and the same thing, in

great, as infants dropped at the doors, which are only a burthen and

charge to the parish. The true way of multiplying mankind to public

advantage, in such a country as England, is to invite from abroad only

able handicraftsmen and artificers, or such who bring over a sufficient

share of property to secure them from want; to enact and enforce

sumptuary laws against luxury, and all excesses in clothing, furniture,

and the like; to encourage matrimony, and reward, as the Romans did,

those who have a certain number of children. Whether bringing over the

Palatines were a mere consequence of this law for a general

naturalization; or whether, as many surmised, it had some other meaning,

it appeared manifestly, by the issue, that the public was a loser by

every individual among them; and that a kingdom can no more be the

richer by such an importation, than a man can be fatter by a wen, which

is unsightly and troublesome, at best, and intercepts that nourishment,

which would otherwise diffuse itself through the whole body.

About a fortnight after, the Commons sent up a bill for securing the

freedom of Parliaments, by limiting the number of Members in that House

who should be allowed to possess employments under the crown.[23] Bills

to the same effect, promoted by both parties, had, after making the like

progress, been rejected in former Parliaments; the court and ministry,

who will ever be against such a law, having usually a greater influence

in the House of Lords, and so it happened now. Although that influence

were less, I am apt to think that such a law would be too thorough a

reformation in one point, while we have so many corruptions in the rest;

and perhaps the regulations, already made on that article, are

sufficient, by which several employments incapacitate a man from being

chosen a Member, and all of them bring it to a new election.[24]

[Footnote 23: This self-denying ordinance easily passed through the

House of Commons, where probably men were ashamed of opposing it; and in

such a temper were the Peers, in whose House the ministry proposed to

make the stand, that it was very likely to have passed there also. But

an amendment was ingeniously thrown in, to suspend the operation of the

proposed Act until after the Queen's death; so that it was evaded for

the present, and never again revived. [S.] The Bill was rejected

February 29th, 171-1/2. [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 24: P. Fitzgerald adds, "Neither do I believe any man who

truly understands and loves our constitution will imagine that the

prerogative hath not been sufficiently humbled within twenty years

past." [W.S.J.]]

For my own part, when I consider the temper of particular persons, and

by what maxims they have acted (almost without exception) in their

private capacities, I cannot conceive how such a bill should obtain a

majority, unless every man expected to be one of the fifty, which, I

think, was the limitation intended.

About the same time, likewise, the House of Commons advanced one

considerable step towards securing us against farther impositions from

our allies, resolving that the additional forces should be continued;

but with a condition, that the Dutch should make good their proportion

of three-fifths to two-fifths, which those confederates had so long, and

in so great degree, neglected. The Duke of Marlborough's deduction of

two and a half _per cent._, from the pay of the foreign troops, was also

applied for carrying on the war.[25]

[Footnote 25: In the "Journals of the House of Commons," vol. xvii., pp.

15-18, the Report of the Commissioners is printed, in which is included

the Duke's justification of his conduct. See above, p. 85. [N.]]

Lastly, within this period is to be included the Act passed to prevent

the disturbing those of the Episcopal Communion in Scotland[26] in the

exercise of their religious worship, and in the use of the liturgy of

the Church of England.[27] It is known enough, that the most

considerable of the nobility and gentry there, as well as great numbers

of the people, dread the tyrannical discipline of those synods and

presbyteries; and at the same time have the utmost contempt for the

abilities and tenets of their teachers. It was besides thought an

inequality, beyond all appearance of reason or justice, that Dissenters

of every denomination here, who are the meanest and most illiterate part

amongst us, should possess a toleration by law, under colour of which

they might, upon occasion, be bold enough to insult the religion

established, while those of the Episcopal Church in Scotland[28] groaned

under a real persecution. The only specious objection against this bill

was, that it set the religion by law, in both parts of the island, upon

a different foot, directly contrary to the Union; because, by an Act

passed this very session against occasional conformity, our Dissenters

were shut out from all employments. A petition from Carstares, and other

Scotch professors, against this bill, was offered to the House, but not

accepted; and a motion made by the other party, to receive a clause that

should restrain all persons, who have any office in Scotland,[28] from

going to episcopal meetings, passed in the negative. It is manifest,

that the promoters of this clause were not moved by any regard for

Scotland,[28] which is by no means their favourite at present; only they

hoped, that, if it were made part of a law, it might occasion such a

choice of representatives in both Houses, from Scotland,[28] as would be

a considerable strength to their faction here. But the proposition was

in itself extremely absurd, that so many lords, and other persons of

distinction, who have great employments, pensions, posts in the army,

and other places of profit, many of whom are in frequent or constant

attendance at the court, and utterly dislike their national way of

worship, should be deprived of their liberty of conscience at home; not

to mention those who are sent thither from hence to take care of the

revenue, and other affairs, who would ill digest the changing of their

religion for that of Scotland.[28]

With a farther view of favour towards the episcopal clergy of

Scotland,[28] three Members of that country were directed to bring in a

bill for restoring the patrons to their ancient rights of presenting

ministers to the vacant churches there, which the kirk, during the

height of their power, had obtained for themselves[29] And, to conclude

this subject at once, the Queen, at the close of the session, commanded

Mr Secretary St John to acquaint the House, "That, pursuant to their

address, the profits arising from the bishops' estates in Scotland,

which remained in the crown, should be applied to the support of such of

the episcopal clergy there, as would take the oaths to Her Majesty."[30]

[Footnote 26: P. Fitzgerald says "North Britain." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 27: The "Act to prevent," etc. (10 Ann. c. 10) was ordered

January 21st, and received the Royal Assent March 3rd, 171-1/2,

[W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 28: P. Fitzgerald says "North Britain." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 29: The Scotch Patronage Bill was ordered March 13th, [1711],

passed April 7th, and received the Royal Assent May 22nd, 1712 (10 Ann c

21). It did not refer to the Episcopal Church. [W.S.J.]

The Church of Scotland viewed the bills for restoring to the gentry the

right of patronage, and for tolerating the exercise of the Episcopal

persuasion, with great jealousy. The Reverend Mr William Carstares, who

had been secretary to King William, and was Principal of the College of

Edinburgh, was deputed to go to London at the head of a commission of

the church, to oppose the bills while in dependence. His biographer has

justly remarked, that these enactments considered at the time as fatal

to the interests of Presbytery in Scotland, have, upon experience,

proved her best security.

"Upon the one hand, the Act of Toleration, by taking the weapon of

offence out of the hands of the Presbyterians, removed the chief grounds

of those resentments which the friends of prelacy entertained against

them, and in a few years almost annihilated Episcopacy in Scotland Upon

the other hand, the Act restoring Patronages, by restoring the nobility

and gentlemen of property to then wonted influence in the settlement of

the clergy, reconciled numbers of them to the established church, who

had conceived the most violent prejudices against that mode of election,

and against the Presbyterian clergy, who were settled upon it. It is

likewise an incontestable fact, that, from the date of these two Acts,

the Church of Scotland has enjoyed a state of tranquillity to which she

was an utter stranger before." (Life of Carstares, prefixed to

Carstares's "State Papers," 1774, p 85) [S]]

[Footnote 30: This message was reported to the House of Commons June

19th, 1712. [W.S.J]]

Nothing could more amply justify the proceedings of the Queen and her

ministers, for two years past, than that famous Representation above at

large recited, the unbiassed wisdom of the nation, after the strictest

inquiry, confirming those facts upon which Her Majesty's counsels were

grounded and many persons, who were before inclined to believe that the

allies and the late ministry had been too much loaded by the malice,

misrepresentations, or ignorance of writers, were now fully convinced of

their mistake by so great an authority. Upon this occasion I cannot

forbear doing justice to Mr. St. John,[31] who had been secretary of

war, for several years, under the former administration, where he had

the advantage of observing how affairs were managed both at home and

abroad. He was one of those who shared in the present treasurer's

fortune, resigning his employment at the same time; and upon that

minister's being again taken into favour, this gentleman was some time

after made secretary of state. There he began afresh, by the

opportunities of his station, to look into past miscarriages; and, by

the force of an extraordinary genius, and application to public affairs,

joined with an invincible eloquence, laid open the scene of miscarriages

and corruptions through the whole course of the war, in so evident a

manner, that the House of Commons seemed principally directed in their

resolutions, upon this inquiry, by his information and advice. In a

short time after the Representation was published, there appeared a

memorial in the Dutch "Gazette," as by order of the States, reflecting

very much upon the said Representation, as well as the resolutions on

which it was founded, pretending to deny some of the facts, and to

extenuate others. This memorial, translated into English, a common

writer of news had the boldness to insert in one of his papers. A

complaint being made thereof to the House of Commons, they voted the

pretended memorial to be a false, scandalous, malicious libel, and

ordered the printer to be taken into custody.[32]

[Footnote 31: See his character in Swift's "Enquiry," vol. v., pp.

430-431, of this edition. [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 32: The memorial appeared in the "Daily Courant" of 7th and

8th April, for which Samuel Buckley, the writer and printer, was ordered

by the House of Commons to be taken into custody on April 11th.

[W.S.J.]]

It was the misfortune of the ministers, that while they were baited by

their professed adversaries of the discontented faction, acting in

confederacy with emissaries of foreign powers, to break the measures Her

Majesty had taken towards a peace, they met at the same time with

frequent difficulties from those who agreed and engaged with them to

pursue the same general end; but sometimes disapproved the methods as

too slack and remiss, or, in appearance, now and then perhaps a little

dubious. In the first session of this Parliament, a considerable number

of gentlemen, all members of the House of Commons, began to meet by

themselves, and consult what course they ought to steer in this new

world. They intended to revive a new country party in Parliament, which

might, as in former times, oppose the court in any proceedings they

disliked. The whole body was of such who profess what is commonly called

high-church principles, upon which account they were irreconcilable

enemies to the late ministry and all its adherents. On the other side,

considering the temper of the new men in power, that they were persons

who had formerly moved between the two extremes, those gentlemen, who

were impatient for an entire change, and to see all their adversaries

laid at once as low as the dust, began to be apprehensive that the work

would be done by halves. But the juncture of affairs at that time, both

at home and abroad, would by no means admit of the least precipitation,

although the Queen and her first minister had been disposed to it, which

certainly they were not. Neither did the court seem at all uneasy at

this league, formed in appearance against it, but composed of honest

gentlemen who wished well to their country, in which both were entirely

agreed, although they might differ about the means; or if such a society

should begin to grow resty, nothing was easier than to divide them, and

render all their endeavours ineffectual.[33]

[Footnote 33: See Swift's "Advice to Members of the October Club," vol.

v., pp. 207-225. [W.S.J.]]

But in the course of that first session, many of this society became

gradually reconciled to the new ministry, whom they found to be greater

objects of the common enemy's hatred than themselves; and the attempt of

Guiscard, as it gained farther time for deferring the disposal of

employments, so it much endeared that person to the kingdom, who was so

near falling a sacrifice to the safety of his country. Upon the last

session of which I am now writing, this October Club (as it was called)

renewed their usual meetings, but were now very much altered from their

original institution, and seemed to have wholly dropped the design, as

of no further use. They saw a point carried in the House of Lords

against the court, that would end in the ruin of the kingdom; and they

observed the enemy's whole artillery directly levelled at the

treasurer's head. In short, the majority of the club had so good an

understanding with the great men at court, that two of the latter,[34]

to shew to the world how fair a correspondence there was between the

court and country party, consented to be at one of their dinners; but

this intercourse had an event very different from what was expected: for

immediately the more zealous members of that society broke off from the

rest, and composed a new one, made up of gentlemen, who seemed to expect

little of the court; and perhaps, with a mixture of others who thought

themselves disappointed, or too long delayed.[35] Many of these were

observed to retain an incurable jealousy of the treasurer, and to

interpret all delays, which they could not comprehend, as a reserve of

favour in this minister to the persons and principles of the abandoned

party.

[Footnote 34: Mr. St. John and Mr. Bromley. [N.]]

[Footnote 35: This was called the March Club, but did not long subsist.

It seems probable that it included those _Tories_ whose principles went

the length of Jacobitism. [S.]]

Upon an occasion offered about this time, some persons, out of distrust

to the treasurer, endeavoured to obtain a point, which could not have

been carried without putting all into confusion. A Bill was brought into

the House of Commons, appointing commissioners to examine into the value

of all lands, and other interests granted by the crown since the

thirteenth day of February, one thousand six hundred and eighty-eight,

and upon what considerations such grants had been made. The united

country interest in the House was extremely set upon passing this Bill.

They had conceived an opinion from former precedents, that the court

would certainly oppose all steps towards a resumption of grants; and

those who were apprehensive that the treasurer inclined the same way,

proposed the Bill should be tacked to another, for raising a fund by

duties upon soap and paper, which hath been always imputed, whether

justly or no, as a favourite expedient of those called the Tory party.

At the same time it was very well known, that the House of Lords had

made a fixed and unanimous resolution against giving their concurrence

to the passing such united bills: so that the consequences of this

project must have been to bring the ministry under difficulties, to stop

the necessary supplies, and endanger the good correspondence between

both Houses; notwithstanding all which the majority carried it for a

tack; and the committee was instructed accordingly to make the two Bills

into one, whereby the worst that could happen would have followed, if

the treasurer had not convinced the warm leaders in this affair, by

undeniable reasons, that the means they were using would certainly

disappoint the end; that neither himself, nor any other of the Queen's

servants, were at all against this enquiry; and he promised his utmost

credit to help forward the bill in the House of Lords. He prevailed at

last to have it sent up single; but their lordships gave it another kind

of reception. Those who were of the side opposite to the court,

withstood it to a man, as in a party case: among the rest, some very

personally concerned, and others by friends and relations, which they

supposed a sufficient excuse to be absent, or dissent. Even those, whose

grants were antecedent to this intended inspection, began to be alarmed

as men, whose neighbours' houses are on fire. A shew of zeal for the

late king's honour, occasioned many reflections upon the date of this

enquiry, which was to commence with his reign: and the Earl of

Nottingham, who had now flung away the mask which he had lately pulled

off, like one who had no other view but that of vengeance against the

Queen and her friends, acted consistently enough with his design, by

voting as a lord against the Bill, after he had directed his son in the

House of Commons to vote for the tack.

Thus miscarried this popular Bill for appointing commissioners to

examine into royal grants; but whether those chiefly concerned did

rightly consult their own interest, hath been made a question, which

perhaps time will resolve. It was agreed that the Queen, by her own

authority, might have issued out a commission for such an enquiry, and

every body believed, that the intention of the Parliament was only to

tax the grants with about three years' purchase, and at the same time

establish the proprietors in possession of the remainder for ever; so

that, upon the whole, the grantees would have been great gainers by such

an Act, since the titles of those lands, as they stood then, were hardly

of half value with others either for sale or settlement. Besides, the

examples of the Irish forfeitures might have taught these precarious

owners, that when the House of Commons hath once engaged in a pursuit,

which they think is right, although it be stopped or suspended for a

while, they will be sure to renew it upon every opportunity that offers,

and seldom fail of success: for instance, if the resumption should

happen to be made part of a supply, which can be easily done without the

objection of a tack, the grantees might possibly then have much harder

conditions given them; and I do not see how they could prevent it.

Whether the resuming of royal grants be consistent with good policy or

justice, would be too long a disquisition: besides, the profusion of

kings is not like to be a grievance for the future, because there have

been laws since made to provide against that evil, or, indeed, rather

because the crown has nothing left to give away. But the objection made

against the date of the intended enquiry was invidious and trifling; for

King James II. made very few grants: he was a better manager, and

squandering was none of his faults; whereas the late king, who came over

here a perfect stranger to our laws, and to our people, regardless of

posterity, wherein he was not likely to survive, thought he could no way

better strengthen a new title, than by purchasing friends at the expense

of every thing which was in his power to part with.

The reasonableness of uniting to a money bill one of a different nature,

which is usually called _tacking_ hath been likewise much debated, and

will admit of argument enough. In ancient times, when a Parliament was

held, the Commons first proposed their grievances to be redressed, and

then gave their aids; so that it was a perfect bargain between the king

and the subject. This fully answered the ends of tacking. Aids were then

demanded upon occasions which would hardly pass at present; such, for

instance, as those for making the king's son a knight, marrying his

eldest daughter, and some others of the like sort. Most of the money

went into the king's coffers for his private use; neither was he

accountable for any part of it. Hence arose the form of the king's

thanking his subjects for their benevolence, when any subsidies, tenths,

or fifteenths were given him: but the supplies now granted are of

another nature, and cannot be properly called a particular benefit to

the crown, because they are all appropriated to their several uses: so

that when the House of Commons tack to a money bill what is foreign and

hard to be digested, if it be not passed, they put themselves and their

country in as great difficulties as the prince. On the other side, there

have been several regulations made, through the course of time, in

parliamentary proceedings; among which it is grown a rule, that a Bill

once rejected shall not be brought up again the same session; whereby

the Commons seem to have lost the advantage of purchasing a redress of

their grievances, by granting supplies, which, upon some emergencies,

hath put them upon this expedient of tacking: so that there is more to

be said on each side of the case, than is convenient for me to trouble

the reader or myself in deducing.

Among the matters of importance during this session, we may justly

number the proceedings of the House of Commons with relation to the

press, since Her Majesty's message to the House, of January the

seventeenth, concludes with a paragraph, representing the great licences

taken in publishing false and scandalous libels, such as are a reproach

to any government; and recommending to them to find a remedy equal to

the mischief. The meaning of these words in the message, seems to be

confined to these weekly and daily papers and pamphlets, reflecting upon

the persons and the management of the ministry. But the House of

Commons, in their address, which answers this message, makes an addition

of the blasphemies against God and religion; and it is certain, that

nothing would be more for the honour of the legislature, than some

effectual law for putting a stop to this universal mischief: but as the

person,[36] who advised the Queen in that part of her message, had only

then in his thoughts the redressing of the political and factious

libels, I think he ought to have taken care, by his great credit in the

House, to have proposed some ways by which that evil might be removed;

the law for taxing single papers having produced a quite contrary

effect, as was then foreseen by many persons, and hath since been found

true by experience, For the adverse party, full of rage and leisure

since their fall, and unanimous in defence of their cause, employ a set

of writers by subscription, who are well versed in all the topics of

defamation, and have a style and genius levelled to the generality of

readers; while those who would draw their pens on the side of their

prince and country, are discouraged by this tax, which exceeds the

intrinsic value both of the materials and the work; a thing, if I be not

mistaken, without example.

[Footnote 36: Mr. Secretary St. John, now Lord Viscount Bolingbroke.

[ORIGINAL NOTE.]]

It must be acknowledged, that the bad practices of printers have been

such, as to deserve the severest animadversions of the public; and it is

to be wished, the party quarrels of the pen were always managed with

decency and truth: but in the mean time, to open the mouths of our

enemies and shut our own, is a turn of politics that wants a little to

be explained. Perhaps the ministry now in possession, because they are

in possession, may despise such trifles as this; and it is not to be

denied, that acting as they do upon a national interest, they may seem

to stand in less need of such supports, or may safely fling them down as

no longer necessary. But if the leaders of the other party had proceeded

by this maxim, their power would have been none at all, or of very short

duration: and had not some active pens fallen in to improve the good

dispositions of the people, upon the late change, and continued since to

overthrow the falsehood, plentifully, and sometimes not unplausibly,

scattered by the adversaries, I am very much in doubt, whether those at

the helm would now have reason to be pleased with their success. A

particular person may, with more safety, despise the opinion of the

vulgar, because it does a wise man no real harm or good, but the

administration a great deal; and whatever side has the sole management

of the pen, will soon find hands enough to write down their enemies as

low as they please. If the people had no other idea of those whom Her

Majesty trusts in her greatest affairs, than what is conveyed by the

passions of such as would compass sea and land for their destruction,

what could they expect, but to be torn in pieces by the rage of the

multitude? How necessary therefore was it, that the world should, from

time to time, be undeceived by true representations of persons and

facts, which have kept the kingdom steady to its interest, against all

the attacks of a cunning and virulent faction.

However, the mischiefs of the press were too exorbitant to be cured, by

such a remedy as a tax upon the smaller papers; and a Bill for a much

more effectual regulation of it was brought into the House of Commons,

but so late in the session, that there was no time to pass it: for there

hath hitherto always appeared, an unwillingness to cramp overmuch the

liberty of the press, whether from the inconveniencies apprehended from

doing too much, or too little; or whether the benefit proposed by each

party to themselves, from the service of their writers, towards

recovering or preserving of power, be thought to outweigh the

disadvantages. However it came about, this affair was put off from one

week to another, and the Bill not brought into the House till the eighth

of June. It was committed three days, and then heard of no more. In this

Bill there was a clause inserted, (whether industriously with design to

overthrow it) that the author's name, and place of abode, should be set

to every printed book, pamphlet, or paper; which I believe no man, who

hath the least regard to learning, would give his consent to: for,

besides the objection to this clause from the practice of pious men,

who, in publishing excellent writings for the service of religion, have

chosen, out of an humble Christian spirit, to conceal their names; it is

certain, that all persons of true genius or knowledge have an invincible

modesty and suspicion of themselves, upon their first sending their

thoughts into the world; and that those who are dull or superficial,

void of all-taste and judgment, have dispositions directly contrary: so

that if this clause had made part of a law, there would have been an

end, in all likelihood, of any valuable production for the future,

either in wit or learning: and that insufferable race of stupid people,

who are now every day loading the press, would then reign alone, in time

destroy our very first principles of reason, and introduce barbarity

amongst us, which is already kept out with so much difficulty by so few

hands.

Having given an account of the several steps made towards a peace, from

the first overtures begun by France, to the commencement of the second

session, I shall in the Fourth Book relate the particulars of this great

negotiation, from the period last mentioned to the present time; and

because there happened some passages in both Houses, occasioned by the

treaty, I shall take notice of them under that head. There only remains

to be mentioned one affair of another nature, which the Lords and

Commons took into their cognizance, after a very different manner,

wherewith I shall close this part of my subject.

The sect of Quakers amongst us, whose system of religion, first founded

upon enthusiasm, hath been many years growing into a craft, held it an

unlawful action to take an oath to a magistrate. This doctrine was

taught them by the author of their sect, from a literal application of

the text, "Swear not at all;" but being a body of people, wholly turned

to trade and commerce of all kinds, they found themselves on many

occasions deprived of the benefit of the law, as well as of voting at

elections, by a foolish scruple, which their obstinacy would not suffer

them to get over. To prevent this inconvenience, these people had credit

enough in the late reign to have an Act passed, that their solemn

affirmation and declaration should be accepted, instead of an oath in

the usual form. The great concern in those times, was to lay all

religion upon a level; in order to which, this maxim was advanced, "That

no man ought to be denied the liberty of serving his country upon

account of a different belief in speculative opinions," under which term

some people were apt to include every doctrine of Christianity: however,

this Act, in favour of the Quakers, was only temporary, in order to keep

them in constant dependence, and expired of course after a certain term,

if it were not continued. Those people had, therefore, very early in the

session, offered a petition to the House of Commons for a continuance of

the Act, which was not suffered to be brought up; upon this they applied

themselves to the Lords, who passed a Bill accordingly, and sent it down

to the Commons, where it was not so much as allowed a first reading.

And indeed it is not easy to conceive upon what motives the legislature

of so great a kingdom could descend so low, as to be ministerial and

subservient to the caprices of the most absurd heresy that ever appeared

in the world; and this in a point, where those deluding or deluded

people stand singular from all the rest of mankind who live under civil

government: but the designs of an aspiring party, at that time were not

otherwise to be compassed, than by undertaking any thing that would

humble and mortify the Church; and I am fully convinced, that if a sect

of sceptic philosophers (who profess to doubt of every thing) had been

then among us, and mingled their tenets with some corruptions of

Christianity, they might have obtained the same privilege; and that a

law would have been enacted, whereby the solemn doubt of the people

called sceptics, should have been accepted instead of an oath in the

usual form; so absurd are all maxims formed upon the inconsistent

principles of faction, when once they are brought to be examined by the

standard of truth and reason.

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST

YEARS OF THE QUEEN.

BOOK IV.

We left the plenipotentiaries of the allies, and those of the enemy,

preparing to assemble at Utrecht on the first of January, N.S., in order

to form a congress for negotiating a general peace; wherein although the

Dutch had made a mighty merit of their compliance with the Queen, yet

they set all their instruments at work to inflame both Houses against

Her Majesty's measures. Mons. Bothmar, the Hanover envoy, took care to

print and disperse his Memorial, of which I have formerly spoken:

Hoffman, the Emperor's resident, was soliciting for a yacht and convoys

to bring over Prince Eugene at this juncture, fortified, as it was given

out, with great proposals from the Imperial court: the Earl of

Nottingham became a convert, for reasons already mentioned: money was

distributed where occasion required; and the Dukes of Somerset and

Marlborough, together with the Earl of Godolphin, had put themselves at

the head of the junto, and their adherents, in order to attack the

court.

Some days after the vote passed the House of Lords for admitting into

the address the Earl of Nottingham's clause, against any peace without

Spain; Mons. Buys, the Dutch envoy, who had been deep in all the

consultations with the discontented party for carrying that point, was

desired to meet with the lord privy seal, the Earl of Dartmouth, and Mr.

Secretary St. John, in order to sign a treaty between the Queen and the

States, to subsist after a peace. There the envoy took occasion to

expostulate upon the advantages stipulated for Britain with France; said

"It was his opinion, that those ministers ought, in respect of the

friendship between both nations, to acquaint him what these advantages

were; and that he looked upon his country to be entitled, by treaty, to

share them equally with us: That there was now another reason why we

should be more disposed to comply with him upon this head; for since the

late resolution of the House of Lords, he took it for granted, it would

be a dangerous step in us to give Spain to a prince of the house of

Bourbon; and therefore, that we should do well to induce the States, by

such a concession, to help us out of this difficulty."

Mr. St. John made answer, "That there was not a man in the Queen's

council capable of so base a thought: That if Buys had any thing to

complain of, which was injurious to Holland, or justly tending to hurt

the good correspondence between us and the States, he was confident Her

Majesty would at all times be ready to give it up; but that the

ministers scorned to screen themselves at the expense of their country:

That the resolution Buys mentioned, was chiefly owing to foreign

ministers intermeddling in our affairs, and would perhaps have an effect

the projectors did not foresee: That, if the peace became impracticable,

the House of Commons would certainly put the war upon another foot, and

reduce the public expense within such a compass as our treaties required

in the strictest sense, and as our present condition would admit,

leaving the partisans for war to supply the rest."

Although the secretary believed this answer would put an end to such

infamous proposals, it fell out otherwise; for shortly after, Mons. Buys

applied himself to the treasurer, promising to undertake, "That his

masters should give up the article of Spain, provided they might share

with us in the Assiento for negroes." To which the treasurer's answer

was short, "That he would rather lose his head than consent to such an

offer."

It is manifest, by this proceeding, that whatever schemes were forming

here at home, in this juncture, by the enemies to the peace, the Dutch

only designed to fall in with it as far as it would answer their own

account; and, by a strain of the lower politics, wherein they must be

allowed to excel every country in Christendom, lay upon the watch for a

good bargain, by taking advantage of the distress they themselves had

brought upon their nearest neighbour and ally.

But the Queen highly resented this indignity from a republic, upon whom

she had conferred so many obligations. She could not endure that the

Dutch should employ their instruments to act in confederacy with a cabal

of factious people, who were prepared to sacrifice the safety of their

prince and country to the recovery of that power they had so long

possessed and abused. Her Majesty knew very well, that whatever were the

mistaken or affected opinion of some people at home, upon the article of

Spain, it was a point the States had long given up, who had very openly

told our ministry, "That the war in that country was only our concern,

and what their republic had nothing to do with." It is true, the

party-leaders were equally convinced, that the recovery of Spain was

impracticable; but many things may be excused in a professed adversary,

fallen under disgrace, which are highly criminal in an ally, upon whom

we are that very instant conferring new favours. Her Majesty therefore

thought it high time to exert herself, and at length put a stop to

foreign influence upon British counsels; so that, after the Earl of

Nottingham's clause against any peace, without Spain, was carried in the

House of Lords, directions were immediately sent to the Earl of

Strafford at The Hague, to inform the Dutch, "That it was obtained by a

trick, and would consequently turn to the disappointment and confusion

of the contrivers and the actors." He was likewise instructed to be very

dry and reserved to the pensionary and Dutch ministers; to let them

know, "The Queen thought herself ill treated; and that they would soon

hear what effects those measures would have upon a mild and good temper,

wrought up to resentment by repeated provocations: That the States might

have the war continued, if they pleased; but that the Queen would not be

forced to carry it on after their manner, nor would suffer them to make

her peace, or to settle the interests of her kingdoms."

To others in Holland, who appeared to be more moderate, the Earl was

directed to say, "That the States were upon a wrong scent: That their

minister here mistook every thing that we had promised: That we would

perform all they could reasonably ask from us, in relation to their

barrier and their trade; and that Mons. Buys dealt very unfairly, if he

had not told them as much. But that Britain proceeded, in some respects,

upon a new scheme of politics; would no longer struggle for

impossibilities, nor be amused by words: That our people came more and

more to their senses; and that the single dispute now was, whether the

Dutch would join with a faction, against the Queen, or with the nation,

for her?"

The court likewise resolved to discourage Prince Eugene from his journey

to England, which he was about this time undertaking, and of which I

have spoken before. He was told, "That the Queen wanted no exhortations

to carry on the war; but the project of it should be agreed abroad, upon

which Her Majesty's resolutions might soon be signified: but until she

saw what the Emperor and allies were ready to do, she would neither

promise nor engage for any thing." At the same time Mr. St. John told

Hoffman, the Emperor's resident here, "That if the Prince had a mind to

divert himself in London, the ministers would do their part to entertain

him, and be sure to trouble him with no manner of business."

This coldness retarded the Prince's journey for some days; but did not

prevent it, although he had a second message by the Queen's order, with

this farther addition, "That his name had lately been made use of, on

many occasions, to create a ferment, and stir up sedition; and that Her

Majesty judged it would be neither safe for him, nor convenient for her,

that he should come over at this time." But all would not do: it was

enough that the Queen did not absolutely forbid him, and the

party-confederates, both foreign and domestic, thought his presence

would be highly necessary for their service.

Towards the end of December, the lord privy seal[1] set out for Holland.

He was ordered to stop at The Hague, and, in conjunction with the Earl

of Stafford, to declare to the States, in Her Majesty's name, "Her

resolutions to conclude no peace, wherein the allies in general, and

each confederate in particular, might not find their ample security, and

their reasonable satisfaction: That she was ready to insist upon their

barrier, and advantages in their trade, in the manner the States

themselves should desire; and to concert with them such a plan of

treaty, as both powers might be under mutual engagements never to recede

from: That nothing could be of greater importance, than for the

ministers of Great Britain and Holland to enter the congress under the

strictest ties of confidence, and entirely to concur throughout the

course of these negotiations: To which purpose, it was Her Majesty's

pleasure, that their lordships should adjust with the Dutch ministers,

the best manner and method for opening and carrying on the conferences,

and declare themselves instructed to communicate freely their thoughts

and measures to the plenipotentiaries of the States, who, they hoped,

had received the same instructions."

[Footnote 1: Dr. Robinson had already had diplomatic experience as

political agent at the Court of Stockholm, when Marlborough had found

him of great service. [T.S.]]

Lastly, the two lords were to signify to the pensionary, and the other

ministers, "That Her Majesty's preparations for the next campaign were

carried on with all the dispatch and vigour, which the present

circumstances would allow; and to insist, that the same might be done by

the States; and that both powers should join in pressing the Emperor,

and other allies, to make greater efforts than they had hitherto done;

without which the war must languish, and the terms of peace become every

day more disadvantageous."

The two British plenipotentiaries went to Utrecht with very large

instructions, and, after the usual manner, were to make much higher

demands from France (at least in behalf of the allies) than they could

have any hope to obtain. The sum of what they had in charge, besides

matter of form, was, to concert with the ministers of the several powers

engaged against France, "That all differences arising among them should

be accommodated between themselves, without suffering the French to

interfere: That whatever were proposed to France by a minister of the

alliance, should be backed by the whole confederacy: That a time might

be fixed for the conclusion, as there had been for the commencement, of

the treaty." Spain was to be demanded out of the hands of the Bourbon

family, as the most effectual means for preventing the union of that

kingdom with France; and whatever conditions the allies could agree upon

for hindering that union, their lordships were peremptorily to insist

on.

As to the interests of each ally in particular, the plenipotentiaries of

Britain were to demand "Strasbourg, the fort of Kehl, with its

dependencies, and the town of Brisach, with its territory, for the

Emperor: That France should possess Alsatia, according to the Treaty of

Westphalia, with the right of the prefecture only over the ten imperial

cities in that country: That the fortifications of the said ten cities

be put into the condition they were in at the time of the said treaty,

except Landau, which was to be demanded for the Emperor and empire, with

liberty of demolishing the fortifications: That the French King should

at a certain time, and at his own expense, demolish the fortresses of

Huningen, New Brisach, and Fort Lewis, never to be rebuilt.

"That the town and fortress of Rhinfels should be demanded for the

landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, until that matter be otherwise settled.

"That the clause relating to religion, in the fourth article of the

Treaty of Ryswyck, and contrary to that of Westphalia, should be

annulled, and the state of religion in Germany restored to the tenor of

the Treaty of Westphalia.

"That France should acknowledge the King of Prussia, and give him no

disturbance in Neufchatel and Vallengin.

"That the principality of Orange, and other estates belonging to the

late King William, should be restored, as law should direct.

"That the Duke of Hanover should be acknowledged elector.

"That the King of Portugal should enjoy all the advantages stipulated

between him and the allies.

"That the States should have for their barrier Furnes, Fort Knokke,

Menin, Ypres, Lille, Tournay, Condé, Valenciennes, Maubeuge, Douay,

Bethune, Aire,[2] St. Venant, and Bouchain, with their cannon, &c. That

the French King should restore all the places belonging to Spain, now or

during this war in his possession, in the Netherlands: That such part of

them as should be thought fit, might be allowed likewise for a barrier

to the States: That France should grant the tariff of one thousand six

hundred and sixty-four to the States, and exemption of fifty pence _per_

tun upon Dutch goods trading to that kingdom. But that these articles in

favour of the States should not be concluded, till the Barrier Treaty

were explained to the Queen's satisfaction.

[Footnote: 2 "Bethune Avie" in original: a manifest misprint. "Aire" is

the name of a place near Bethune, which has since been connected with it

by a canal. [W.S.J.]]

"That the Duke of Savoy should be put in possession of all taken from

him in this war, and enjoy the places yielded to him by the Emperor, and

other allies: That France should likewise yield to him Exilles,

Fenestrelle, Chaumont, the valley of Pragelas, and the land lying

between Piedmont and Mount Genu.

"That the article about demolishing of Dunkirk should be explained."

As to Britain, the plenipotentiaries were to insist, "That Nieuport,

Dendermonde, Ghent, and all places which appear to be a barrier rather

against England than France, should either not be given to the Dutch, or

at least in such a manner, as not to hinder the Queen's subjects free

passage to and from the Low Countries.

"That the seventh article of the Barrier Treaty, which empowers the

States, in case of an attack, to put troops at discretion in all the

places of the Low Countries, should be so explained as to be understood

only of an attack from France.

"That Britain should trade to the Low Countries with the same privileges

as the States themselves.

"That the Most Christian King should acknowledge the succession of

Hanover, and immediately oblige the Pretender to leave France; and that

the said King should promise, for himself and his heirs, never to

acknowledge any person for King or Queen of England, otherwise than

according to the settlements now in force.

"That a treaty of commerce should be commenced, as soon as possible,

between France and Britain; and in the mean time, the necessary points

relating to it be settled.

"That the Isle of St. Christopher's should be surrendered to the Queen,

Hudson's Bay restored, Placentia and the whole island of Newfoundland

yielded to Britain by the Most Christian King; who was likewise to quit

all claim to Nova Scotia and Annapolis Royal.

"That Gibraltar and Minorca should be annexed to the British crown.

"That the Assiento should be granted to Britain for thirty years, with

the same advantage as to France; with an extent of ground on the river

of Plata, for keeping and refreshing the negroes.

"That Spain should grant to the subjects of Britain as large privileges

as to any other nation whatsoever; as likewise an exemption of duties,

amounting to an advantage of at least fifteen _per cent_.

"That satisfaction should be demanded for what should appear to be

justly due to Her Majesty, from the Emperor and the States.

"Lastly, That the plenipotentiaries should consult with those of the

Protestant allies, the most effectual methods for restoring the

Protestants of France to their religious and civil liberties, and for

the immediate release of those who are now in the galleys."

What part of these demands were to be insisted on, and what were to be

given up, will appear by the sequel of this negotiation. But there was

no difficulty of moment enough to retard the peace, except a method for

preventing the union of France and Spain under one prince, and the

settling the barrier for Holland; which last, as claimed by the States,

could, in prudence and safety, be no more allowed by us than by France.

The States General having appointed Mons. Buys to be one of their

plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, that minister left England a few days

after the lord privy seal. In his last conference with the lords of the

council, he absolutely declared, "That his masters had done their

utmost, both by sea and land: That it was unreasonable to expect more:

That they had exceeded their proportion, even beyond Britain; and that

as to the Emperor, and other allies, he knew no expedient left for

making them act with more vigour, than to pursue them with pathetical

exhortations."

This minister was sent over hither, instructed and empowered by halves.

The ferment raised by the united endeavours of our party leaders, among

whom he was a constant fellow-labourer to the utmost of his skill, had

wholly confounded him; and thinking to take the advantage of negotiating

well for Holland at the expense of Britain, he acted but ill for his own

country, and worse for the common cause. However, the Queen's ministers

and he parted with the greatest civility; and Her Majesty's present was

double the value of what is usual to the character he bore.[3]

[Footnote 3: Compare this passage with one in Bolingbroke's

"Correspondence" (vol. ii., pp. 108-109): "He [Buys] came over

instructed and empowered by halves. The ferment which had been created

by the joint efforts of the faction here, and of that in Holland,

confounded him; and thinking to take this advantage of negotiating well

for Holland at the expense of Britain, he has negotiated ill for both

and ill for the common cause. We parted in terms of the greatest

civility, and Her Majesty's present to him was a thousand pounds,

which is double the value of what is ever given here to an

envoy-extraordinary." [T.S.]]

As the Queen was determined to alter her measures in making war, so she

thought nothing would so much convince the States of the necessity of a

peace, as to have them frequently put in mind of this resolution, which

her ambassador Strafford, then at The Hague, was accordingly directed to

do: and if they should object, of what ill consequence it would be for

the enemy to know Her Majesty designed to lessen her expenses, he might

answer, "That the ministers here were sorry for it; but the Dutch could

only blame themselves, for forcing into such a necessity a princess, to

whose friendship they owed the preservation and grandeur of their

republic, and choosing to lean on a broken faction, rather than place

their confidence in the Queen."

It was Her Majesty's earnest desire, that there should be a perfect

agreement at this treaty between the ministers of all the allies, than

which nothing could be more effectual to make France comply with their

just demands: above all, she directed her plenipotentiaries to enter

into the strictest confidence with those of Holland; and that, after the

States had consented to explain the Barrier Treaty to her reasonable

satisfaction, both powers should form between them a plan of general

peace, from which they would not recede, and such as might secure the

quiet of Europe, as well as the particular interests of each

confederate.

The Dutch were accordingly pressed, before the congress opened, to come

to some temperament upon that famous treaty; because the ministers here

expected it would be soon laid before the House of Commons, by which the

resentment of the nation would probably appear against those who had

been actors and advisers in it: but Mons. Buys, who usually spoke for

his colleagues, was full of opposition, began to expostulate upon the

advantages Britain had stipulated with France; and to insist, that his

masters ought to share equally in them all, but especially the Assiento

contract: so that no progress was made in fixing a previous good

correspondence between Britain and the States, which Her Majesty had so

earnestly recommended.

Certain regulations having been agreed upon, for avoiding of ceremony

and other inconveniencies, the conferences began at Utrecht, upon the

twenty-ninth of January, N.S. one thousand seven hundred and

eleven-twelve, at ten in the morning. The ministers of the allies going

into the town-house at one door, and those of France, at the same

instant, at another, they all took their seats without distinction; and

the Bishop of Bristol, lord privy seal, first plenipotentiary of

Britain, opened the assembly with a short speech, directed to the

ministers of France, in words to the following effect:

"MESSIEURS,

"We are here to meet to-day, in the name of God, to enter upon a treaty

of general peace, between the high allies and the King your master. We

bring sincere intentions, and express orders from our superiors, to

concur, on their part, with whatever may advance and perfect so salutary

and Christian a work. On the other side, we hope you have the same

disposition; and that your orders will be so full, as to be able,

without loss of time, to answer the expectation of the high allies, by

explaining yourselves clearly and roundly upon the points we shall have

to settle in these conferences; and that you will perform this in so

plain and specific a manner, as every prince and state in the

confederacy may find a just and reasonable satisfaction."

The French began, by promising to explain the overtures which Mons.

Mesnager had delivered to the Queen some months before, and to give in a

specific project of what their master would yield, provided the allies

would each give a specific answer, by making their several demands;

which method, after many difficulties, and affected delays in the Dutch,

was at length agreed to.

But the States, who had, with the utmost discontent, seen Her Majesty at

the head of this negotiation, where they intended to have placed

themselves, began to discover their ill-humour upon every occasion; they

raised endless difficulties about settling the Barrier Treaty, as the

Queen desired; and in one of the first general conferences, they would

not suffer the British secretary to take the minutes, but nominated some

Dutch professor for that office, which the Queen refused, and resented

their behaviour as an useless cavil, intended only to shew their want of

respect. The British plenipotentiaries had great reason to suspect, that

the Dutch were, at this time, privately endeavouring to engage in some

separate measures with France, by the intervention of one Molo, a busy

factious agent at Amsterdam, who had been often employed in such

intrigues: that this was the cause which made them so litigious and slow

in all their steps, in hopes to break the congress, and find better

terms for their trade and barrier, from the French, than we ever could

think fit to allow them. The Dutch ministers did also apply themselves

with industry, to cultivate the imperial plenipotentiary's favour, in

order to secure all advantages of commerce with Spain and the West

Indies, in case those dominions could be procured for the Emperor: for

this reason they avoided settling any general plan of peace, in concert

with the plenipotentiaries of Britain, which Her Majesty desired; and

Mons. Buys plainly told their lordships, that it was a point, which

neither he nor his colleagues could consent to, before the States were

admitted equal sharers with Britain in the trade of Spain.

The court having notice of this untractable temper in the Dutch, gave

direct orders to the plenipotentiaries of Britain, for pressing those of

the States to adjust the gross in equalities of the Barrier Treaty,

since nothing was more usual or agreeable to reason than for princes,

who find themselves aggrieved by prejudicial contracts, to expect they

should be modified and explained. And since it now appeared by votes in

the House of Commons, that the sense of the nation agreed with what Her

Majesty desired, if the Dutch ministers would not be brought to any

moderate terms upon this demand, their lordships were directed to

improve and amend the particular concessions made to Britain by France,

and form them into a treaty, for the Queen was determined never to allow

the States any share in the Assiento, Gibraltar, and Port Mahon, nor

could think it reasonable, that they should be upon an equal foot with

her in the trade of Spain, to the conquest whereof they had contributed

so little.

Nor was the conduct of the imperial minister at this time less

perplexing than that of the States, both those powers appearing fully

bent, either upon breaking off the negotiation, or, upon forcing from

the Queen those advantages she expected by it for her own kingdoms. Her

Majesty therefore thought fit, about the beginning of March, to send Mr.

Thomas Harley, a near relation of the treasurer's, to Utrecht, fully

informed of her mind, which he was directed to communicate to the

plenipotentiaries of Britain.

Mr. Harley stopped in his way to Utrecht at The Hague, and there told

the pensionary, "That nothing had happened lately in England but what

was long ago foretold him, as well as the other ministers of the allies.

That the proceedings of the House of Commons, particularly about the

Barrier Treaty, must chiefly be ascribed to the manner in which the

Queen and the nation had been treated by Mons. Bothmar, Count Gallas,

Buys, and other foreign ministers. That if the States would yet enter

into a strict union with the Queen, give her satisfaction in the said

treaty, and join in concert with her plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, a

safe and advantageous peace might be obtained for the whole alliance;

otherwise Her Majesty must save her own country, and join with such of

her allies as would join with her.

"As to the war, that the conduct of the allies, and their opposition to

the Queen, by private intrigues carried on among her own subjects, as

well as by open remonstrances, had made the House of Commons take that

matter out of the hands of the ministers.

"Lastly, that in case the present treaty were broken off by the Dutch

refusing to comply, Her Majesty thought it reasonable to insist, that

some cautionary places be put into her hands as pledges, that no other

negotiation should be entered into by the States General, without her

participation."

Mr. Harley's instructions to the Queen's plenipotentiaries were, "That

they should press those of France, to open themselves as far as

possible, in concerting such a plan of a general peace, as might give

reasonable satisfaction to all the confederates, and such as her

Parliament would approve: That the people of England believed France

would consent to such a plan; wherein if they found themselves deceived,

they would be as eager for prosecuting the war as ever."

Their lordships were to declare openly to the Dutch, "That no extremity

should make Her Majesty depart from insisting to have the Assiento for

her own subjects, and to keep Gibraltar and Port Mahon; but if the

States would agree with her upon these three heads, she would be content

to reduce the trade of Spain and the West Indies, to the condition it

was in under the late Catholic King Charles II."

The French were farther to be pressed, "That the Pretender should be

immediately sent out of that kingdom; and that the most effectual method

should be taken, for preventing the union of France and Spain under one

prince."

About this time Her Majesty's ministers, and those of the allies at

Utrecht, delivered in the several _postulata_ or demands of their

masters to the French plenipotentiaries, which having been since made

public, and all of them, except those of Britain, very much varying in

the course of the negotiation, the reader would be but ill entertained

with a transcript of them here.

Upon intelligence of the last dauphin's death, the father, son, and

grandson, all of that title,[4] dying within the compass of a year,

Mons. Gaultier went to France with letters to the Marquis de Torcy, to

propose Her Majesty's expedient for preventing the union of that kingdom

with Spain; which, as it was the most important article to be settled,

in order to secure peace for Europe, so it was a point that required to

be speedily adjusted under the present circumstances and situation of

the Bourbon family, there being only left a child of two years old to

stand between the Duke of Anjou and his succeeding to the crown of

France.

[Footnote 4: These princes were the grandfather, the father, and the

brother, of Louis XV., who was then Duke of Anjou, and supposed to be at

the point of death. [N.]]

Her Majesty likewise pressed France by the same dispatches, to send full

instructions to their plenipotentiaries, empowering them to offer to the

allies such a plan of peace, as might give reasonable satisfaction to

all her allies.

The Queen's proposal for preventing an union between France and Spain

was, "that Philip should formally renounce the kingdom of France for

himself and his posterity; and that this renunciation should be

confirmed by the Cortes or states of Spain, who, without question, would

heartily concur against such an union, by which their country must

become a province to France." In like manner, the French princes of the

blood were severally to renounce all title to Spain.

The French raised many difficulties upon several particulars of this

expedient; but the Queen persisted to refuse any plan of peace before

this weighty point were settled in the manner she proposed, which was

afterwards submitted to, as in proper place we shall observe. In the

mean time, the negotiation at Utrecht proceeded with a very slow pace;

the Dutch interposing all obstructions they could contrive, refusing to

come to any reasonable temper upon the Barrier Treaty, or to offer a

plan, in concert with the Queen, for a general peace. Nothing less would

satisfy them, than the partaking in those advantages we had stipulated

for ourselves, and which did no ways interfere with their trade or

security. They still expected some turn in England; their friends on

this side had ventured to assure them, that the Queen could not live

many months, which, indeed, from the bad state of Her Majesty's health,

was reasonable to expect. The British plenipotentiaries daily discovered

new endeavours of Holland to treat privately with France; and, lastly,

those among the States, who desired the war should continue, strove to

gain time, until the campaign should open; and by resolving to enter

into action with the first opportunity, render all things desperate, and

break up the congress.

This scheme did exactly fall in with Prince Eugene's dispositions, whom

the States had chosen for their general, and of whose conduct, in this

conjuncture, the Queen had too much reason to be jealous; but Her

Majesty, who was resolved to do her utmost towards putting a good and

speedy end to this war, having placed the Duke of Ormonde at the head of

her forces in Flanders, whither he was now arrived, directed him to keep

all the troops in British pay, whether subjects or foreigners,

immediately under his own command; and to be cautious, for a while, in

engaging in any action of importance, unless upon a very apparent

advantage. At the same time the Queen determined to make one thorough

trial of the disposition of the States, by allowing them the utmost

concessions that could any way suit either with her safety or honour.

She therefore directed her ministers at Utrecht, to tell the Dutch,

"That, in order to shew how desirous she was to live in perfect amity

with that republic, she would resign up the fifteen _per cent._,

advantage upon English goods sent to the Spanish dominions, which the

French King had offered her by a power from his grandson,[5] and be

content to reduce that trade to the state in which it was under the late

King of Spain. She would accept of any tolerable softening of these

words in the seventh article of the Barrier Treaty, where it is said,

'The States shall have power, in case of an apparent attack, to put as

many troops as they please into all the places of the Netherlands,'

without specifying an attack from the side of France, as ought to have

been done; otherwise, the Queen might justly think they were preparing

themselves for a rupture with Britain. Her Majesty likewise consented,

that the States should keep Nieuport, Dendermonde, and the Castle of

Ghent, as an addition to their barrier, although she were sensible how

injurious those concessions would be to the trade of her subjects; and

would waive the demand of Ostend being delivered into her hands, which

she might with justice insist on. In return for all this, that the Queen

only desired the ministers of the States would enter into a close

correspondence with hers, and settle between them some plan of a general

peace, which might give reasonable content to all her allies, and which

Her Majesty would endeavour to bring France to consent to. She desired

the trade of her kingdoms to the Netherlands, and to the towns of their

barrier, might be upon as good a foot as it was before the war began:

That the Dutch would not insist to have share in the Assiento, to which

they had not the least pretensions, and that they would no longer

encourage the intrigues of a faction against her government. Her Majesty

assured them in plain terms, that her own future measures, and the

conduct of her plenipotentiaries, should be wholly governed by their

behaviour in these points; and that her offers were only conditional, in

case of their compliance with what she desired."

[Footnote 5: Philip V., King of Spain. [W. S, J.]]

But all these proofs of the Queen's kindness and sincerity could not

avail. The Dutch ministers pleaded, they had no power to concert the

plan of general peace with those of Britain: however, they assured the

latter, that the Assiento was the only difficulty which stuck with their

masters. Whereupon, at their desire, a contract for that traffic was

twice read to them; after which they appeared very well satisfied, and

said they would go to The Hague for further instructions. Thither they

went, and, after a week's absence, returned the same answer, "That they

had no power to settle a scheme of peace; but could only discourse of

it, when the difficulties of the Barrier Treaty were over." And Mons.

Buys took a journey to Amsterdam, on purpose to stir up that city, where

he was pensionary, against yielding the Assiento to Britain; but was

unsuccessful in his negotiation; the point being yielded up there, and

in most other towns in Holland.

It will have an odd sound in history, and appear hardly credible, that

in several petty republics of single towns, which make up the States

General, it should be formally debated, whether the Queen of Great

Britain, who preserved the commonwealth at the charge of so many

millions, should be suffered to enjoy, after a peace, the liberty

granted her by Spain of selling African slaves in the Spanish dominions

of America! But there was a prevailing faction at The Hague, violently

bent against any peace, where the Queen must act that part which they

had intended for themselves. These politicians, who held constant

correspondence with their old dejected friends in England, were daily

fed with the vain hopes of the Queen's death, or the party's

restoration. They likewise endeavoured to spin out the time, till Prince

Eugene's activity had pushed on some great event, which might govern or

perplex the conditions of peace. Therefore the Dutch plenipotentiaries,

who proceeded by the instructions of those mistaken patriots, acted in

every point with a spirit of litigiousness, than which nothing could

give greater advantage to the enemy; a strict union between the allies,

but especially Britain and Holland, being doubtless the only means for

procuring safe and honourable terms from France.

But neither was this the worst; for the Queen received undoubted

intelligence from Utrecht, that the Dutch were again attempting a

separate correspondence with France. And by letters, intercepted here,

from Vienna, it was found, that the imperial court, whose ministers were

in the utmost confidence with those of Holland, expressed the most

furious rage against Her Majesty, for the steps she had taken to advance

a peace.

This unjustifiable treatment, the Queen could not digest from an ally,

upon whom she had conferred so many signal obligations, whom she had

used with so much indulgence and sincerity during the whole course of

the negotiation, and had so often invited to go along with her in every

motion towards a peace. She apprehended likewise, that the negotiation

might be taken out of her hands, if France could be secure of easier

conditions in Holland, or might think that Britain wanted power to

influence the whole confederacy. She resolved therefore, on this

occasion, to exert herself with vigour, steadiness, and dispatch; and,

in the beginning of May, sent her commands to the Earl of Strafford to

repair immediately to England, in order to consult with her ministers

what was proper to be done.

The proposal above mentioned, for preventing the union of France and

Spain, met with many difficulties; Mons. de Torcy raising objections

against several parts of it. But the Queen refused to proceed any

farther with France, until this weighty point were fully settled to her

satisfaction; after which, she promised to grant a suspension of arms,

provided the town and citadel of Dunkirk might be delivered as a pledge

into her hands: and proposed that Ypres might be surrendered to the

Dutch, if they would consent to come into the suspension. France

absolutely refused the latter; and the States General having acted in

perpetual contradiction to Her Majesty, she pressed that matter no

farther; because she doubted they would not agree to a cessation of

arms. However, she resolved to put a speedy end, or at least

intermission, to her own share in the war: and the French having

declared themselves ready to agree to her expedients, for preventing the

union of the two crowns, and consented to the delivery of Dunkirk;

positive orders were sent to the Duke of Ormonde to avoid engaging in

any battle or siege, until he had further instructions; but he was

directed to conceal his orders, and to find the best excuses he could,

if any pressing occasion should offer.

The reasons for this unusual proceeding, which made a mighty noise, were

of sufficient weight to justify it; for, pursuant to the agreement made

between us and France, a courier was then dispatched from Fontainebleau

to Madrid, with the offer of an alternative to Philip, either of

resigning Spain immediately to the Duke of Savoy, upon the hopes of

succeeding to France, and some present advantage, which, not having been

accepted, is needless to dilate on; or of adhering to Spain, and

renouncing all future claim to France for himself and his posterity.

Until it could be known which part Philip would accept, the Queen would

not take possession of Dunkirk, nor suffer an armistice to be declared.

But, however, since the Most Christian King had agreed that his grandson

should be forced, in case of a refusal, to make his choice immediately,

Her Majesty could not endure to think, that perhaps some thousands of

lives of her own subjects and allies might be sacrificed, without

necessity, if an occasion should be found or sought for fighting a

battle; which, she very well knew, Prince Eugene would eagerly attempt,

and put all into confusion, to gratify his own ambition, the enmity of

his new masters the Dutch, and the rage of his court.

But the Duke of Ormonde, who, with every other quality that can

accomplish or adorn a great man, inherits all the valour and loyalty of

his ancestors, found it very difficult to acquit himself of his

commission;[6] for Prince Eugene, and all the field deputies of the

States, had begun already to talk either of attacking the enemy, or

besieging Quesnoy, the confederate army being now all joined by the

troops they expected; and accordingly, about three days after the Duke

had received those orders from court, it was proposed to his grace, at a

meeting with the prince and deputies, that the French army should be

attacked, their camp having been viewed, and a great opportunity

offering to do it with success; for the Marechal de Villars, who had

notice sent him by Mons. de Torcy of what was passing, and had signified

the same by a trumpet to the Duke, shewed less vigilance than was usual

to that general, taking no precautions to secure his camp, or observe

the motions of the allies, probably on purpose to provoke them, the Duke

said, "That the Earl of Strafford's sudden departure for England, made

him believe there was something of consequence now transacting, which

would be known in four or five days; and therefore desired they would

defer this or any other undertaking, until he could receive fresh

letters from England." Whereupon the prince and deputies immediately

told the Duke, "That they looked for such an answer as he had given

them: That they had suspected our measures for some time, and their

suspicions were confirmed by the express his grace had so lately

received, as well as by the negligence of Mons. Villars". They appeared

extremely dissatisfied; and the deputies told the Duke, that they would

immediately send an account of his answer to their masters, which they

accordingly did; and soon after, by order from the States, wrote him an

expostulating letter, in a style less respectful than became them;

desiring him, among other things, to explain himself, whether he had

positive orders not to fight the French; and afterwards told him, "They

were sure he had such orders, otherwise he could not answer what he had

done." But the Duke still waived the question, saying, "he would be glad

to have letters from England, before he entered upon action, and that he

expected them daily."

[Footnote 6: For an estimate of Ormonde's character see Swift's "Enquiry

into the Behaviour of the Queen's Last Ministry," vol. v. of present

edition (pp. 428-430). Ormonde had done very little to deserve

succeeding such a soldier as Marlborough. Indeed, his name was

associated with the disgraceful expedition to Cadiz, in which he was in

command of the English troops. [T.S.]]

Upon this incident, the ministers and generals of the allies immediately

took the alarm, venting their fury in violent expressions against the

Queen, and those she employed in her councils: said, they were betrayed

by Britain, and assumed the countenance of those who think they have

received an injury, and are disposed to return it.

The Duke of Ormonde's army consisted of eighteen thousand of Her

Majesty's subjects, and about thirty thousand hired from other princes,

either wholly by the Queen, or jointly by her and the States. The Duke

immediately informed the court of the dispositions he found among the

foreign generals upon this occasion; and that, upon an exigency, he

could only depend on the British troops adhering to him; those of

Hanover having already determined to desert to the Dutch, and tempted

the Danes to do the like, and that he had reason to suppose the same of

the rest.

Upon the news arriving at Utrecht, that the Duke of Ormonde had refused

to engage in any action against the enemy, the Dutch ministers there

went immediately to make their complaints to the lord privy seal;

aggravating the strangeness of this proceeding, together with the

consequence of it, in the loss of a most favourable opportunity for

ruining the French army, and the discontent it must needs create in the

whole body of the confederates. Adding, how hard it was that they should

be kept in the dark, and have no communication of what was done in a

point which so nearly concerned them. They concluded, that the Duke must

needs have acted by orders; and desired his lordship to write both to

court, and to his grace, what they had now said.

The bishop answered, "That he knew nothing of this fact, but what they

had told him; and therefore was not prepared with a reply to their

representations: only, in general, he could venture to say, that this

case appeared very like the conduct of their field-deputies upon former

occasions: That if such orders were given, they were certainly built

upon very justifiable foundations, and would soon be so explained as to

convince the States, and all the world, that the common interest would

be better provided for another way, than by a battle or siege: That the

want of communication which they complained of, could not make the

States so uneasy as their declining to receive it had made the Queen,

who had used her utmost endeavours to persuade them to concur with her

in concerting every step towards a general peace, and settling such a

plan as both sides might approve and adhere to; but, to this day, the

States had not thought fit to accept those offers, or to authorize any

of their ministers to treat with Her Majesty's plenipotentiaries upon

that affair, although they had been pressed to it ever since the

negotiation began: That his lordship, to shew that he did not speak his

private sense alone, took this opportunity to execute the orders he had

received the evening before, by declaring to them, that all Her

Majesty's offers for adjusting the differences between her and the

States were founded upon this express condition, That they should come

immediately into the Queen's measures, and act openly and sincerely with

her; and that, from their conduct, so directly contrary, she now looked

upon herself to be under no obligation to them."

Mons. Buys and his colleagues were stunned with this declaration, made

to them at a time when they pretended to think the right of complaining

to be on their side, and had come to the bishop upon that errand. But

after their surprise was abated, and Buys's long reasonings at an end,

they began to think how matters might be retrieved; and were of opinion,

that the States should immediately dispatch a minister to England,

unless his lordship were empowered to treat with them; which, without

new commands, he said he was not. They afterwards desired to know of the

bishop, what the meaning was of the last words in his declaration, "That

Her Majesty looked upon herself to be under no obligation to them." He

told them his opinion, "That as the Queen was bound by treaty to concert

with the States the conditions of a peace, so, upon their declining the

concert so frequently offered, she was acquitted of that obligation: but

that he verily believed, whatever measures Her Majesty should take, she

would always have a friendly regard to the interest of their

commonwealth; and that as their unkindness had been very unexpected and

disagreeable to Her Majesty, so their compliance would be equally

pleasing."

I have been the more circumstantial in relating this affair, because it

furnished abundance of discourse, and gave rise to many wild conjectures

and misrepresentations, as well here as in Holland, especially that part

which concerned the Duke of Ormonde;[7] for the angry faction in the

House of Commons, upon the first intelligence, that the Duke had

declined to act offensively against France, in concurrence with the

allies, moved for an address, wherein the Queen should be informed of

"the deep concern of her Commons for the dangerous consequences to the

common cause, which must arise from this proceeding of her general; and

to beseech her, that speedy instructions might be given to the Duke to

prosecute the war with vigour, in order to quiet the minds of her

people, &c." But a great majority was against this motion, and a

resolution drawn up and presented to the Queen by the whole House of a

quite contrary tenor, "That they had an entire confidence in Her

Majesty's most gracious promise, to communicate to her Parliament the

terms of the peace, before the same should be concluded; and that they

would support Her Majesty, in obtaining an honourable and safe peace,

against all such persons, either at home or abroad, who have

endeavoured, or shall endeavour, to obstruct the same."

[Footnote 7: This determination on the part of England to cease

hostilities at this juncture has been most severely criticized. The

matter formed, afterwards, the chief article in the impeachment of

Bolingbroke, and an important article in the impeachment of Oxford.

According to the "Report of the Committee of Secrecy," and the Earl of

Oxford's answer to this charge in his impeachment, it seems as if St.

John had instructed Ormonde so to act, without in any way consulting the

council, and apparently purposely concealing the fact from his

colleagues. Mr. Walter Sichel, however, in a note on p. 380 of his

"Bolingbroke and his Times," clearly traces the order to the desire of

the Queen herself, and in his text lays on the Queen the blame that was

visited on the heads of her ministers. See also note on p. 156. [T.S.]]

The courier sent with the alternative to Spain was now returned, with an

account that Philip had chosen to renounce France for himself and his

posterity, whereof the Queen having received notice, Her Majesty, upon

the sixth of June, in a long speech to both Houses of Parliament, laid

before them the terms of a general peace, stipulated between her and

France. This speech, being the plan whereby both France and the allies

have been obliged to proceed in the subsequent course of the treaty, I

shall desire the reader's leave to insert it at length, although I

believe it hath been already in most hands.[7]

[Footnote 7: This speech was printed by John Baskett, 1712. [W.S.J.]]

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"The making peace and war is the undoubted prerogative of the crown; yet

such is the just confidence I place in you, that at the opening of this

session, I acquainted you that a negotiation for a general peace was

begun; and afterwards, by messages, I promised to communicate to you the

terms of peace, before the same should be concluded.

"In pursuance of that promise, I now come to let you know upon what

terms a general peace may be made.

"I need not mention the difficulties which arise from the very nature of

this affair; and it is but too apparent, that these difficulties have

been increased by other obstructions, artfully contrived to hinder this

great and good work.

"Nothing, however, has moved me from steadily pursuing, in the first

place, the true interests of my own kingdoms, and I have not omitted any

thing, which might procure to all our allies what is due to them by

treaties, and what is necessary for their security.

"The assuring of the Protestant succession, as by law established in the

House of Hanover, to these kingdoms; being what I have nearest at heart,

particular care is taken not only to have that acknowledged in the

strongest terms, but to have an additional security, by the removal of

that person out of the dominions of France, who has pretended to disturb

this settlement.

"The apprehension that Spain and the West Indies might be united to

France, was the chief inducement to begin this war; and the effectual

preventing of such an union, was the principle I laid down at the

commencement of this treaty. Former examples, and the late negotiations,

sufficiently shew how difficult it is to find means to accomplish this

work. I would not content myself with such as are speculative, or depend

on treaties only: I insisted on what was solid, and to have at hand the

power of executing what should be agreed.

"I can therefore now tell you, that France at last is brought to offer,

that the Duke of Anjou shall, for himself and his descendants, renounce

for ever all claim to the crown of France; and that this important

article may be exposed to no hazard, the performance is to accompany the

promise.

"At the same time the succession to the crown of France is to be

declared, after the death of the present dauphin and his sons, to be in

the Duke of Berry and his sons, in the Duke of Orleans and his sons, and

so on to the rest of the House of Bourbon.

"As to Spain and the Indies, the succession to those dominions, after

the Duke of Anjou and his children, is to descend to such prince as

shall be agreed upon at the treaty, for ever excluding the rest of the

House of Bourbon.

"For confirming the renunciations and settlements before mentioned, it

is further offered, that they should be ratified in the most strong and

solemn manner, both in France and Spain; and that those kingdoms, as

well as all the other powers engaged in the present war, shall be

guarantees to the same.

"The nature of this proposal is such, that it executes itself: the

interest of Spain is to support it; and in France, the persons to whom

that succession is to belong, will be ready and powerful enough to

vindicate their own right.

"France and Spain are now more effectually divided than ever. And thus,

by the blessing of God, will a real balance of power be fixed in Europe,

and remain liable to as few accidents as human affairs can be exempted

from.

"A treaty of commerce between these kingdoms and France has been entered

upon; but the excessive duties laid on some goods, and the prohibitions

of others, make it impossible to finish this work so soon as were to be

desired. Care is however taken to establish a method of settling this

matter; and in the mean time provision is made, that the same privileges

and advantages, as shall be granted to any other nation by France, shall

be granted in like manner to us.

"The division of the Island of St. Christopher, between us and the

French, having been the cause of great inconveniency and damage to my

subjects, I have demanded to have an absolute cession made to me of that

whole island, and France agrees to this demand.

"Our interest is so deeply concerned in the trade of North America, that

I have used my utmost endeavours to adjust that article in the most

beneficial manner. France consents to restore to us the whole Bay and

Straits of Hudson, to deliver up the Island of Newfoundland, with

Placentia; and to make an absolute cession of Annapolis, with the rest

of Nova Scotia, or Acadie.

"The safety of our home trade will be better provided for, by the

demolition of Dunkirk.

"Our Mediterranean trade, and the British interest and influence in

those parts, will be secured by the possession of Gibraltar and Port

Mahon, with the whole island of Minorca, which are offered to remain in

my hands.

"The trade to Spain and to the West Indies may in general be settled, as

it was in the time of the late King of Spain, Charles the Second; and a

particular provision be made, that all advantages, rights, or

privileges, which have been granted, or which may hereafter be granted,

by Spain to any other nation, shall be in like manner granted to the

subjects of Great Britain.

"But the part which we have borne in the prosecution of this war,

entitling us to some distinction in the terms of peace, I have insisted,

and obtained, that the Assiento, or contract for furnishing the Spanish

West Indies with negroes, shall be made with us for the term of thirty

years, in the same manner as it has been enjoyed by the French for ten

years past.

"I have not taken upon me to determine the interests of our

confederates; these must be adjusted in the congress at Utrecht, where

my best endeavours shall be employed, as they have hitherto constantly

been, to procure to every one of them all just and reasonable

satisfaction. In the mean time, I think it proper to acquaint you, that

France offers to make the Rhine the barrier of the empire; to yield

Brissac, the fort of Kehl, and Landau, and to raze all the fortresses,

both on the other side of the Rhine, and in that river.

"As to the Protestant interest in Germany, there will be on the part of

France no objection to the resettling thereof, on the foot of the treaty

of Westphalia.

"The Spanish Low Countries may go to his Imperial Majesty: the kingdoms

of Naples and Sardinia, the duchy of Milan, and the places belonging to

Spain on the coast of Tuscany, may likewise be yielded by the treaty of

peace to the Emperor.

"As to the kingdom of Sicily, though there remains no dispute concerning

the cession of it by the Duke of Anjou, yet the disposition thereof is

not yet determined.

"The interests of the States General, with respect to commerce, are

agreed to, as they have been demanded by their own ministers, with the

exception only of some very few species of merchandise; and the entire

barrier, as demanded by the States in one thousand seven hundred and

nine from France, except two or three places at most.

"As to these exceptions, several expedients are proposed; and I make no

doubt but this barrier may be so settled, as to render that republic

perfectly secure against any enterprise on the part of France; which is

the foundation of all my engagements upon this head with the States.

"The demands of Portugal depending on the disposition of Spain, and that

article having been long in dispute, it has not been yet possible to

make any considerable progress therein; but my plenipotentiaries will

now have an opportunity to assist that king in his pretensions.

"Those of the King of Prussia are such as, I hope, will admit of little

difficulty on the part of France; and my utmost endeavours shall not be

wanting to procure all I am able to so good an ally.

"The difference between the barrier demanded for the Duke of Savoy in

one thousand seven hundred and nine, and the offers now made by France,

is very inconsiderable: but that prince having so signally distinguished

himself in the service of the common cause, I am endeavouring to procure

for him still farther advantages.

"France has consented, that the Elector Palatine shall continue his

present rank among the electors, and remain in possession of the Upper

Palatinate.

"The electoral dignity is likewise acknowledged in the House of Hanover,

according to the article inserted at that prince's desire in my demands.

"And as to the rest of the allies, I make no doubt of being able to

secure their several interests.

* * * * *

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"I have now communicated to you, not only the terms of peace, which may,

by the future treaty, be obtained for my own subjects; but likewise the

proposals of France, for satisfying our allies.

"The former are such as I have reason to expect, to make my people some

amends for that great and unequal burden which they have lain under,

through the whole course of this war; and I am willing to hope, that

none of our confederates, and especially those to whom so great

accessions of dominion and power are to accrue by this peace, will envy

Britain her share in the glory and advantage of it.

"The latter are not yet so perfectly adjusted, as a little more time

might have rendered them; but the season of the year making it necessary

to put an end to this session, I resolved no longer to defer

communicating these matters to you.

"I can make no doubt but you are all fully persuaded, that nothing will

be neglected on my part, in the progress of this negotiation, to bring

the peace to an happy and speedy issue; and I depend on your entire

confidence in me, and your cheerful concurrence with me."

The discontented party in the House of Commons, finding the torrent

against them not to be stemmed, suspended their opposition; by which

means an address was voted, _nemine contradicente_, to acknowledge Her

Majesty's condescension, to express their satisfaction in what she had

already done, and to desire she would please to proceed with the present

negotiations for obtaining a speedy peace.

During these transactions at home, the Duke of Ormonde[8] was in a very

uneasy situation at the army, employed in practising those arts which

perhaps are fitter for a subtle negotiator than a great commander.[9]

But as he had always proved his obedience, where courage or conduct

could be of use; so the duty he professed to his prince, made him submit

to continue in a state of inactivity at the head of his troops, however

contrary to his nature, if it were for Her Majesty's service. He had

sent early notice to the ministers, that he could not depend upon the

foreign forces in the Queen's pay, and he now found some attempts were

already begun to seduce them.

[Footnote 8: James Butler, Duke of Ormonde, succeeded his grandfather in

that title in July, 1688, was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in 1703, and

again in 1710. He succeeded the Duke of Marlborough as captain general,

and had the first regiment of Guards. Bishop Burnet says, "he had the

same allowances that had been lately voted criminal in the Duke of

Marlborough." ("History," vol. ii., p. 602). [N.]]

[Footnote 9: Bolingbroke had written a letter to Ormonde (dated May

10th, 1712) in which he informed the commander-in-chief that it was the

"Queen's positive command to your Grace, that you avoid engaging in any

siege or hazarding a battle till you have farther orders from Her

Majesty." How to do this with dignity was not an easy matter. The

continuation of this letter from Bolingbroke suggested the spirit,

though it left to Ormonde the details of his procedure in so delicate a

situation: "I am, at the same time, directed to let your Grace know that

the Queen would have you disguise the receipt of this order; and her

Majesty thinks that you cannot want pretences for conducting yourself so

as to answer her ends, without owning that which might at present have

an ill effect if it was publicly known." (Bolingbroke, "Correspondence,"

ii. 320). This is what Swift means by being: "employed in practicing

those arts which perhaps are fitter for a subtle negotiator than a great

commander." [T.S.]]

While the courier was expected from Madrid, the Duke had orders to

inform the Maréchal de Villars of the true state of this affair; and

that his grace would have decisive orders in three or four days. In the

mean time, he desired the marechal would not oblige him to come to any

action, either to defend himself, or to join with Prince Eugene's army;

which he must necessarily do, if the prince were attacked.

When the courier was arrived with the account, that Philip had chosen to

accept of Spain, Her Majesty had proposed to France a suspension of arms

for two months (to be prolonged to three or four), between the armies

now in Flanders, upon the following conditions:

"That, during the suspension, endeavours should be used for concluding a

general peace; or, at least, the article for preventing the union of

France and Spain, should be punctually executed by Philip's renouncing

France, for himself and his posterity; and the princes of Bourbon, in

like manner, renouncing Spain: and that the town, citadel, and forts of

Dunkirk, should be immediately delivered into the Queen's hands." Her

Majesty at the same time endeavoured to get Cambray for the Dutch,

provided they would come into the suspension. But this was absolutely

rejected by France; which that court would never have ventured to do, if

those allies could have been prevailed on to have acted with sincerity

and openness in concert with Her Majesty, as her plenipotentiaries had

always desired. However, the Queen promised, that, if the States would

yield to a suspension of arms, they should have some valuable pledge put

into their possession.

But now fresh intelligence daily arrived, both from Utrecht and the

army, of attempts to make the troops in Her Majesty's pay desert her

service; and a design even of seizing the British forces, was whispered

about, and with reason suspected.

When the Queen's speech was published in Holland, the lord privy seal

told the Dutch ministers at Utrecht, "That what Her Majesty had laid

before her Parliament could not, according to the rules of treaty, be

looked on as the utmost of what France would yield in the course of a

negotiation; but only the utmost of what that crown would propose, in

order to form the plan of a peace: That these conditions would certainly

have been better, if the States had thought fit to have gone hand in

hand with Her Majesty, as she had so frequently exhorted them to do:

That nothing but the want of harmony among the allies had spirited the

French to stand out so long: That the Queen would do them all the good

offices in her power, if they thought fit to comply; and did not doubt

of getting them reasonable satisfaction, both in relation to their

barrier and their trade." But this reasoning made no impression: the

Dutch ministers said, the Queen's speech had deprived them of the fruits

of the war. They were in pain, lest Lille and Tournay might be two of

the towns to be excepted out of their barrier. The rest of the allies

grew angry, by the example of the Dutch. The populace in Holland began

to be inflamed: they publicly talked, that Britain had betrayed them.

Sermons were preached in several towns of their provinces, whether by

direction or connivance, filled with the highest instances of disrespect

to Her Britannic Majesty, whom they charged as a papist, and an enemy to

their country. The lord privy seal himself believed something

extraordinary was in agitation, and that his own person was in danger

from the fury of the people.

It is certain, that the States appeared but a few days before very much

disposed to comply with the measures the Queen had taken, and would have

consented to a general armistice, if Count Zinzendorf, one of the

plenipotentiaries for the Emperor, had not, by direct orders from his

court, employed himself in sowing jealousies between Britain and the

States; and at the same time made prodigious offers to the latter, as

well as to the ministers of Prussia, the Palatinate, and Hanover, for

continuing the war. That those three electors, who contributed nothing,

except bodies of men in return of pay and subsidies, should readily

accept the proposals of the Emperor, is easy to be accounted for. What

appears hardly credible is, that a grave republic, usually cautious

enough in making their bargains, should venture to reject the thoughts

of a peace upon the promises of the House of Austria, the little

validity whereof they had so long experienced; and especially when they

counted upon losing the support of Britain, their most powerful ally;

but the false hopes given them by their friends in England of some new

change in their favour, or an imagination of bringing France to better

terms by the appearance of resolution, added to the weakness or

corruption of some, who administered their affairs, were the true causes

which first created, and afterwards inflamed, this untractable temper

among them.

The Dutch ministers were wholly disconcerted and surprised, when the

lord privy seal told them, "That a suspension of arms in the Netherlands

would be necessary; and that the Duke of Ormonde intended very soon to

declare it after he had taken possession of Dunkirk." But his lordship

endeavoured to convince them, that this incident ought rather to be a

motive for hastening the States into a compliance with Her Majesty. He

likewise communicated to the ministers of the allies the offers made by

France, as delivered in the speech from the throne, which Her Majesty

thought to be satisfactory, and hoped their masters would concur with

her in bringing the peace to a speedy conclusion, wherein each, in

particular, might be assured of her best offices for advancing their

just pretensions.

In the mean time the Duke of Ormonde was directed to send a body of

troops to take possession of Dunkirk, as soon as he should have notice

from the Maréchal de Villars, that the commandant of the town had

received orders from his court to deliver it; but the Duke foresaw many

difficulties in the executing of this commission. He could trust such an

enterprise to no forces, except those of Her Majesty's own subjects. He

considered the temper of the States in this conjuncture, and was loth to

divide a small body of men, upon whose faithfulness alone he could

depend. He thought it not prudent to expose them to march through the

enemy's country, with whom there was yet neither peace nor truce; and he

had sufficient reasons to apprehend, that the Dutch would either not

permit such a detachment to pass through their towns (as themselves had

more than hinted to him) or would seize them as they passed: besides,

the Duke had very fairly signified to Maréchal de Villars, that he

expected to be deserted by all the foreign troops in Her Majesty's pay,

as soon as the armistice should be declared; at which the maréchal

appearing extremely disappointed, said, "The King his master reckoned,

that all the troops under his grace's command should yield to the

cessation; and wondered how it should come to pass, that those who might

be paid for lying still, would rather choose, after a ten years' war, to

enter into the service of new masters, under whom they must fight on for

nothing." In short, the opinion of Mons. Villars was, that this

difficulty cancelled the promise of surrendering Dunkirk; which

therefore he opposed as much as possible, in the letters he writ to his

court.

Upon the Duke of Ormonde's representing those difficulties, the Queen

altered her measures, and ordered forces to be sent from England to take

possession of Dunkirk. The Duke was likewise commanded to tell the

foreign generals in Her Majesty's service, how highly she would resent

their desertion; after which, their masters must give up all thoughts of

any arrears, either of pay or subsidy. The lord privy seal spoke the

same language at Utrecht, to the several ministers of the allies; as Mr.

Secretary St. John did to those who resided here; adding, "That the

proceeding of the foreign troops would be looked upon as a declaration

for or against Her Majesty: and that, in case they desert her service,

she would look on herself as justified, before God and man, to continue

her negotiation at Utrecht, or any other place, whether the allies

concur or not." And particularly the Dutch were assured, "That if their

masters seduced the forces hired by the Queen, they must take the whole

pay, arrears, and subsidies on themselves."[10]

[Footnote 10: Compare this language of Bishop Robinson with the letter

Bolingbroke had previously written to Thomas Harley (letter of May 17,

1712): "On the report which my Lord Strafford, who arrived here the day

before yesterday, has made by word of mouth, as well as upon the

contents of the latter dispatches from Utrecht, her Majesty is fully

determined to let all negotiations sleep in Holland; since they have

neither sense, nor gratitude, nor spirit enough to make a suitable

return to the offers lately sent by the Queen, and communicated by the

plenipotentiaries, her Majesty will look on herself as under no

obligation towards them, but proceed to make the peace either with or

without them."

When the States-General addressed a complaint to the Queen of the manner

in which England was deserting them, Bolingbroke had their letter

formally condemned by a resolution of the House of Commons. He was

determined to bring this peace about, and the Dutch might "kick and

flounce like wild beasts caught in a toil; yet the cords are too strong

for them to break." (Report from the Committee of Secrecy.) [T.S.]]

The Earl of Strafford, preparing about this time to return to Utrecht,

with instructions proper to the present situation of affairs, went first

to the army, and there informed the Duke of Ormonde of Her Majesty's

intentions. He also acquainted the States deputies with the Queen's

uneasiness, lest, by the measures they were taking, they should drive

her to extremities, which she desired so much to avoid. He farther

represented to them, in the plainest terms, the provocations Her Majesty

had received, and the grounds and reasons for her present conduct. He

likewise declared to the commanders in chief of the foreign troops, in

the Queen's pay, and in the joint pay of Britain and the States, with

how much surprise Her Majesty had heard, "That there was the least doubt

of their obeying the orders of the Duke of Ormonde; which if they

refused, Her Majesty would esteem it not only as an indignity and

affront, but as a declaration against her; and, in such a case, they

must look on themselves as no farther entitled either to any arrear, or

future pay or subsidies."

Six regiments, under the command of Mr. Hill,[11] were now preparing to

embark, in order to take possession of Dunkirk; and the Duke of Ormonde,

upon the first intelligence sent him, that the French were ready to

deliver the town, was to declare he could act no longer against France.

The Queen gave notice immediately of her proceedings to the States. She

let them plainly know, "That their perpetual caballing with her factious

subjects, against her authority, had forced her into such measures, as

otherwise she would not have engaged in. However, Her Majesty was

willing yet to forget all that had passed, and to unite with them in the

strictest ties of amity, which she hoped they would now do; since they

could not but be convinced, by the late dutiful addresses of both

Houses, how far their High Mightinesses had been deluded, and drawn in

as instruments to serve the turn, and gratify the passions, of a

disaffected party: That their opposition, and want of concert with Her

Majesty's ministers, which she had so often invited them to, had

encouraged France to except towns out of their barrier, which otherwise

might have been yielded: That, however, she had not precluded them, or

any other ally, from demanding more; and even her own terms were but

conditional, upon supposition of a general peace to ensue: That Her

Majesty resolved to act upon the plan laid down in her speech;" and she

repeated the promise of her best offices to promote the interest of the

States, if they would deal sincerely with her.

[Footnote 11: John Hill, brother to Mrs. Masham. It is not difficult to

guess at the reason for this appointment. Here was a chance for Jack

Hill to achieve some glory and wipe away the disgrace of the ill-starred

Quebec expedition. As there was also no danger attached to the

enterprise, all the more likely that he would succeed. Hill sailed with

Admiral Sir John Leake and took peaceable possession of the town and

forts. For this he was appointed Governor of Dunkirk, and while there he

sent Swift a gold snuff-box as a present, "the finest that ever you

saw," as Swift wrote to Stella: See also vol. v., p. 80, of this

edition. [T.S.]]

Some days before the Duke of Ormonde had notice, that orders were given

for the surrender of Dunkirk, Prince Eugene of Savoy sent for the

generals of the allies, and asked them severally, whether, in case the

armies separated, they would march with him, or stay with the Duke? All

of them, except two, who commanded but small bodies, agreed to join with

the prince; who thereupon, about three days after, sent the Duke word,

that he intended to march the following day (as it was supposed) to

besiege Landrecies. The Duke returned an answer, "That he was surprised

at the prince's message, there having been not the least previous

concert with him, nor any mention in the message, which way, or upon

what design, the march was intended: therefore, that the Duke could not

resolve to march with him; much less could the prince expect assistance

from the Queen's army, in any design undertaken after this manner." The

Duke told this beforehand, that he (the prince) might take his measures

accordingly, and not attribute to Her Majesty's general any misfortune

that might happen.

On the sixteenth of July, N.S. the several generals of the allies joined

Prince Eugene's army, and began their march, after taking leave of the

Duke and the Earl of Strafford, whose expostulations could not prevail

on them to stay; although the latter assured them, that the Queen had

made neither peace nor truce with France, and that her forces would now

be left exposed to the enemy.

The next day after this famous desertion, the Duke of Ormonde received a

letter from Mons. de Villars, with an account, that the town and citadel

of Dunkirk should be delivered to Mr. Hill. Whereupon a cessation of

arms was declared, by sound of trumpet, at the head of the British army;

which now consisted only of about eighteen thousand men, all of Her

Majesty's subjects, except the Holsteiners, and Count Wallis's

dragoons.[12] With this small body of men the general began his march;

and, pursuant to orders from court, retired towards the sea, in the

manner he thought most convenient for the Queen's service. When he came

as far as Flines, he was told by some of his officers, that the

commandants of Bouchain, Douay, Lille, and Tournay, had refused them

passage through those towns, or even liberty of entrance, and said it

was by order of their masters.[13] The Duke immediately recollected,

that when the deputies first heard of his resolution to withdraw his

troops, they told him, they hoped he did not intend to march through any

of their towns. This made him conclude, that the orders must be general,

and that his army would certainly meet with the same treatment which his

officers had done. He had likewise, before the armies separated,

received information of some designs that concerned the safety, or at

least the freedom of his own person, and (which he much more valued)

that of those few British troops entrusted to his care. No general was

ever more truly or deservedly beloved by his soldiers, who, to a man,

were prepared to sacrifice their lives in his service; and whose

resentments were raised to the utmost, by the ingratitude, as they

termed it, of their deserters.

[Footnote 12: Barner, who commanded the troops of Holstein, being two

battalions and eight squadrons, and Walef or Waless, who commanded the

dragoons of Liège, both followed Ormonde. [S.]]

[Footnote 13: At Bouchain, the British officers were told at the gates,

that the commandant had positive orders to let no Englishman into the

town; and at Douay, where the English had large stores and magazines,

the same thing happened with considerable aggravation. Indeed, it was

with difficulty and precaution that the commandant of the latter town

would permit the body of an English colonel to be interred there. The

same difficulties occurred at Tournay, Oudenarde, and Lille; and the

Duke of Ormonde having sent an officer express to England on the 17th,

he was stopped and interrupted at Haspre, misguided at Courtray, and

refused admission at Bruges. (See "The Conduct of his Grace the Duke of

Ormonde, in the Campagne of 1712," 1715, pp. 46-50.) [S.]]

Upon these provocations, he laid aside all thoughts of returning to

Dunkirk, and began to consider how he might perform, in so difficult a

conjuncture, something important to the Queen, and at the same time find

a secure retreat for his forces. He formed his plan without

communicating it to any person whatsoever; and the disposition of the

army being to march towards Warneton, in the way to Dunkirk, he gave

sudden orders to Lieutenant-General Cadogan to change his route,

according to the military phrase, and move towards Orchies, a town

leading directly to Ghent.

When Prince Eugene and the States deputies received news of the Duke's

motions, they were alarmed to the utmost degree, and sent Count Nassau,

of Woudenbourg, to the general's camp near Orchies, to excuse what had

been done, and to assure his grace, that those commandants, who had

refused passage to his officers, had acted wholly without orders. Count

Hompesch, one of the Dutch generals, came likewise to the Duke with the

same story; but all this made little impression on the general, who held

on his march, and on the twenty-third of July, N.S., entered Ghent,

where he was received with great submission by the inhabitants, and took

possession of the town, as he likewise did of Bruges, a few days after.

The Duke of Ormonde thought, that considering the present disposition of

the States towards Britain, it might be necessary for the Queen to have

some pledge from that republic in her hands, as well as from France, by

which means Her Majesty would be empowered to act the part that best

became her, of being mediator at least; and that while Ghent was in the

Queen's hands, no provisions could pass the Scheldt or the Lys without

her permission, by which he had it in his power to starve their army.

The possession of these towns might likewise teach the Dutch and

Imperialists, to preserve a degree of decency and civility to Her

Majesty, which both of them were upon some occasions too apt to forget:

and besides, there was already in the town of Ghent, a battalion of

British troops and a detachment of five hundred men in the citadel,

together with a great quantity of ammunition stores for the service of

the war, which would certainly have been seized or embezzled; so that no

service could be more seasonable or useful in the present juncture than

this, which the Queen highly approved, and left the Duke a discretionary

power to act as he thought fit on any future emergency.

I have a little interrupted the order of time, in relating the Duke of

Ormonde's proceedings, who, after having placed a garrison at Bruges,

and sent a supply of men and ammunition to Dunkirk, retired to Ghent,

where he continued some months, till he had leave to return to England.

Upon the arrival of Colonel Disney[14] at court, with an account that

Mr. Hill had taken possession of Dunkirk, an universal joy spread over

the kingdom, this event being looked on as the certain forerunner of a

peace: besides, the French faith was in so ill a reputation among us,

that many persons, otherwise sanguine enough, could never bring

themselves to believe, that the town would be delivered, till certain

intelligence came that it was actually in our hands. Neither were the

ministers themselves altogether at ease, or free from suspicion,

whatever countenance they made; for they knew very well, that the French

King had many plausible reasons to elude his promise, if he found cause

to repent it. One condition of surrendering Dunkirk, being a general

armistice of all the troops in the British pay, which Her Majesty was

not able to perform; and upon this failure, the Maréchal de Villars (as

we have before related) endeavoured to dissuade his court from accepting

the conditions: and in the very interval, while those difficulties were

adjusting, the Maréchal d'Uxelles, one of the French plenipotentiaries

at Utrecht (whose inclinations, as well as those of his colleague Mons.

Mesnager, led him to favour the States more than Britain) assured the

lord privy seal, that the Dutch were then pressing to enter into

separate measures with his master: and his lordship, in a visit to the

Abbé de Polignac, observing a person to withdraw as he entered the

abbé's chamber, was told by this minister, that the person he saw was

one Molo, of Amsterdam, mentioned before, a famous agent for the States

with France, who had been entertaining him (the abbé) upon the same

subject, but that he had refused to treat with Molo, without the privity

of England.

[Footnote 14: Colonel Disney or Desnée, called "Duke" Disney, was one of

the members of the Brothers Club, a boon companion of Bolingbroke, and,

as Swift says, "not an old man, but an old rake." From various sources

we gather that he was a high liver, and not very nice in his ways of

high living. In spite, however, of his undoubted profligacy, he must

have been a man of good nature and a kindly heart, since he received

affectionate record from Gay, Pope, and Swift. Mr. Walter Sichel quotes

from "an unfinished sketch of a larger poem," by Lady Mary Wortley

Montagu, in which Disney's worst characteristics are held up to

ridicule. ("Bolingbroke and his Times," pp. 288-290). Swift often refers

to him in his "Journal." [T.S.]]

Mr. Harley, whom we mentioned above to have been sent early in the

spring to Utrecht, continued longer in Holland than was at first

expected; but having received Her Majesty's farther instructions, was

about this time arrived at Hanover. It was the misfortune of his

Electoral Highness, to be very ill served by Mons. Bothmar, his envoy

here, who assisted at all the factious meetings of the discontented

party, and deceived his master by a false representation of the kingdom,

drawn from the opinion of those to whom he confined his conversation.

There was likewise at the Elector's court a little Frenchman, without

any merit or consequence, called Robethon,[15] who, by the assistance

and encouragement of the last ministry, had insinuated himself into some

degree of that prince's favour, which he used in giving his master the

worst impressions he was able, of those whom the Queen employed in her

service; insinuating, that the present ministers were not in the

interest of his Highness's family; that their views were towards the

Pretender; that they were making an unsecure and dishonourable peace;

that the weight of the nation was against them; and that it was

impossible for them to preserve much longer their credit or power.

[Footnote 15: One of the Elector's privy councillors. See note, vol. v.,

p. 468. "As little a fellow as Robethon is," wrote Bolingbroke to Thomas

Harley, "I have reason to believe that most of the ill impressions which

have been given at that court have chiefly come from him; and as I know

him to be mercenary, I doubt not but he has found his account in this

his management." (Bol., "Correspondence," vol. ii., p. 385). [T.S.]]

The Earl Rivers had, in the foregoing year, been sent to Hanover, in

order to undeceive the Elector, and remove whatever prejudices might be

infused into his Highness against Her Majesty's proceedings; but it

should seem that he had no very great success in his negotiation: for

soon after his return to England, Mons. Bothmar's "Memorial" appeared in

the manner I have already related, which discovered the sentiments of

his electoral Highness (if they were truly represented in that

"Memorial") to differ not a little from those of the Queen. Mr. Harley

was therefore directed to take the first opportunity of speaking to the

Elector in private, to assure him, "That although Her Majesty had

thought herself justly provoked by the conduct of his minister, yet such

was her affection for his Highness, and concern for the interests of his

family, that instead of showing the least mark of resentment, she had

chosen to send him (Mr. Harley) fully instructed to open her designs,

and shew his Highness the real interest of Britain in the present

conjuncture." Mr. Harley was to give the Elector a true account of what

had passed in England, during the first part of this session of

Parliament; to expose to his Highness the weakness of those with whom

his minister had consulted, and under whose directions he had acted; to

convince him how much lower that faction must become, when a peace

should be concluded, and when the natural strength of the kingdom,

disencumbered from the burthen of the war, should be at liberty to exert

itself; to shew him how his interest in the succession was sacrificed to

that of a party: that his Highness had been hitherto a friend to both

sides, but that the measures taken by his ministers, had tended only to

set him at the head of one in opposition to the other: to explain to the

Elector, how fully the safety of Europe was provided for by the plan of

peace in Her Majesty's speech; and how little reason those would appear

to have, who complained the loudest of this plan, if it were compared

either with our engagements to them when we began the war, or with their

performances in the course of it.

Upon this occasion Mr, Harley was to observe to the Elector, "That it

should rather be wondered at, how the Queen had brought France to offer

so much, than yet to offer no more; because, as soon as ever it

appeared, that Her Majesty would be at the head of this treaty, and that

the interests of Britain were to be provided for, such endeavours were

used to break off the negotiation, as are hardly to be paralleled; and

the disunion thereby created among the allies, had given more

opportunities to the enemy, of being slow in their concessions, than any

other measures might possibly have done: That this want of concert among

the allies, could not in any sort be imputed to the Queen, who had all

along invited them to it with the greatest earnestness, as the surest

means to bring France to reason: That she had always, in a particular

manner, pressed the States General to come into the strictest union with

her, and opened to them her intentions with the greatest freedom; but

finding, that instead of concurring with Her Majesty, they were daily

carrying on intrigues to break off the negotiation, and thereby deprive

her of the advantages she might justly expect from the ensuing peace,

having no other way left, she was forced to act with France as she did,

by herself: That, however, the Queen had not taken upon herself to

determine the interests of the allies, who were at liberty of insisting

on farther pretensions, wherein Her Majesty would not be wanting to

support them as far as she was able, and improve the concessions already

made by France; in which case, a good understanding and harmony among

the confederates, would yet be of the greatest use for making the enemy

more tractable and easy."

I have been more particular in reciting the substance of Mr. Harley's

instructions, because it will serve as a recapitulation of what I have

already said upon this subject, and seems to set Her Majesty's

intentions, and proceedings at this time, in the clearest light.

After the cessation of arms declared by the Duke of Ormonde, upon the

delivery of Dunkirk, the British plenipotentiaries very earnestly

pressed those of Holland to come into a general armistice; for if the

whole confederacy acted in conjunction, this would certainly be the best

means for bringing the common enemy to reasonable terms of peace: but

the States, deluded by the boundless promises of Count Zinzendorf, and

the undertaking talent of Prince Eugene, who dreaded the conclusion of

the war, as the period of his glory, would not hear of a cessation. The

loss of eighteen thousand Britons was not a diminution of weight in the

balance of such an ally as the Emperor, and such a general as the

Prince. Besides, they looked upon themselves to be still superior to

France in the field; and although their computation was certainly right

in point of number, yet, in my opinion, the conclusion drawn from it,

was grounded upon a great mistake. I have been assured by several

persons of our own country, and some foreigners of the first rank, both

for skill and station in arms, that in most victories obtained in the

present war, the British troops were ever employed in the post of danger

and honour, and usually began the attack (being allowed to be naturally

more fearless than the people of any other country), by which they were

not only an example of courage to the rest, but must be acknowledged,

without partiality, to have governed the fortune of the day; since it is

known enough, how small a part of an army is generally engaged in any

battle. It may likewise be added, that nothing is of greater moment in

war than opinion. The French, by their frequent losses, which they

chiefly attributed to the courage of our men, believed that a British

general, at the head of British troops, was not to be overcome; and the

Maréchal de Villars was quickly sensible of the advantage he had got;

for, in a very few days after the desertion of the allies, happened the

Earl of Albemarle's disgrace at Denain, by a feint of the Maréchal's,

and a manifest failure somewhere or other, both of courage and conduct

on the side of the confederates. The blame of which was equally shared

between Prince Eugene and the Earl; although it is certain, the Duke of

Ormonde gave the latter timely warning of his danger, observing he was

neither intrenched as he ought, nor provided with bridges sufficient for

the situation he was in, and at such a distance from the main army.[16]

[Footnote 16: It is alleged by the continuator of Rapin, that the

surprise and defeat of the confederated troops under the Earl of

Albemarle, at Denain, was, in a great measure, owing to the Duke of

Ormonde having, in spite of all remonstrance, reclaimed and carried off

certain pontoons which had been lent to the allies. For Prince Eugene

having received intelligence of the design against Albemarle, marched to

his succour; but the bridge having broken under the quantity of the

baggage which had been transported across the Scheldt, he could only

remain the spectator of their misfortune. [S.]]

The Marquis de Torcy had likewise the same sentiments, of what mighty

consequence those few British battalions were to the confederate army;

since he advised his master to deliver up Dunkirk, although the Queen

could not perform the condition understood, which was a cessation of

arms of all the foreign forces in her pay.

It must be owned, that Mons. de Torcy made great merit of this

confidence that his master placed in the Queen; and observing Her

Majesty's displeasure against the Dutch, on account of their late

proceedings, endeavoured to inflame it with aggravations enough;

insinuating, "That, since the States had acted so ungratefully, the

Queen should let her forces join with those of France, in order to

compel the confederates to a peace." But although this overture were

very tenderly hinted from the French court, Her Majesty heard it with

the utmost abhorrence; and ordered her secretary, Mr. St. John (created

about this time Viscount Bolingbroke),[17] to tell Mons. de Torcy, "That

no provocations whatever should tempt her to distress her allies; but

she would endeavour to bring them to reason by fair means, or leave them

to their own conduct: That if the former should be found impracticable,

she would then make her own peace, and content herself with doing the

office of a mediator between both parties: but if the States should at

any time come to a better mind, and suffer their ministers to act in

conjunction with hers, she would assert their just interests to the

utmost, and make no farther progress in any treaty with France, until

those allies received all reasonable satisfaction, both as to their

barrier and their trade." The British plenipotentiaries were directed to

give the same assurances to the Dutch ministers at Utrecht, and withal

to let them know, "That the Queen was determined, by their late conduct,

to make peace either with or without them; but would much rather choose

the former."

[Footnote 17: Bolingbroke had understood that he would not lose rank on

his promotion, from which he concluded that the earldom of Bolingbroke,

extinct in his family, would be revived in his favour. His indignation,

however, was very keen when he was created only a Viscount. He wrote to

Strafford at Utrecht, that his promotion had been a mortification to

him. "In the House of Commons," he said, "I may say that I was at the

head of business. ... There was, therefore, nothing to flatter my

ambition in removing me from thence, but giving me the title which had

been many years in my family, and which reverted to the Crown about a

year ago, by the death of the last of the elder house. ... I own to you

that I felt more indignation than ever in my life I had done." (Letter

to the Earl of Strafford, July 23, 1712). [T.S.]]

There was, however, one advantage which Her Majesty resolved to make by

this defection of her foreigners. She had been led, by the mistaken

politics of some years past, to involve herself in several guaranties

with the princes of the north, which were, in some sort, contradictory

to one another; but this conduct of theirs wholly annulled all such

engagements, and left her at liberty to interpose in the affairs of

those parts of Europe, in such a manner as would best serve the

interests of her own kingdoms, as well as that of the Protestant

religion, and settle a due balance of power in the north.

The grand article for preventing the union of France and Spain, was to

be executed during a cessation of arms. But many difficulties arising

about that, and some other points of great importance to the common

cause, which could not easily be adjusted either between the French and

British plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, or by correspondence between Mons.

de Torcy and the ministry here; the Queen took the resolution of sending

the Lord Viscount Bolingbroke immediately to France, fully instructed in

all her intentions, and authorized to negotiate every thing necessary

for settling the treaty of peace in such a course, as might bring it to

a happy and speedy conclusion. He was empowered to agree to a general

suspension of arms, by sea and land, between Great Britain, France and

Spain, to continue for four months, or until the conclusion of the

peace; provided France and Spain would previously give positive

assurances to make good the terms demanded by Her Majesty for the Duke

of Savoy, and would likewise adjust and determine the forms of the

several renunciations to be made by both those crowns, in order to

prevent their being ever united. The Lord Bolingbroke was likewise

authorized to settle some differences relating to the Elector of

Bavaria, for whose interests France was as much concerned as Her Majesty

was for those of the Duke of Savoy; to explain all doubtful articles

which particularly related to the advantages of Britain; to know the

real _ultimatum_, as it is termed, of France upon the general plan of

peace; and lastly, to cut off all hopes from that court of ever bringing

the Queen to force her allies to a disadvantageous peace; Her Majesty

resolving to impose no scheme at all upon them, or to debar them from

the liberty of endeavouring to obtain the best conditions they could.

The Lord Bolingbroke went to France in the beginning of August,[18] was

received at court with particular marks of distinction and respect; and

in a very few days, by his usual address and ability, performed every

part of his commission, extremely to the Queen's content and his own

honour. He returned to England before the end of the month; but Mr.

Prior, who went along with him, was left behind, to adjust whatever

differences might remain or arise between the two crowns.[19]

[Footnote 18: "Lord Bolingbroke and Prior set out for France last

Saturday. My lord's business is to hasten the peace before the Dutch are

too much mauled, and hinder France from carrying the jest of beating

them too far." ("Journal to Stella," August 7th, 1712. See vol. ii., p.

381 of present edition). The result of Bolingbroke's visit was the

signing, on August 19th, of an agreement for the suspension of arms for

four months. Torcy's reception of Bolingbroke was so managed that the

_bon vivant_ peer had as pleasant a time as he could well have wished.

How much influence that had on Bolingbroke we can only speculate; but it

is certain that he would have made a separate peace with France, after

his return, had Oxford been willing. See Torcy's "Mémoires" (vol. ii.,

p. 202). "Bolingbroke avoit conseillé à la Reine sa maîtresse de

préférer une paix particulière à la suspension d'armes, et d'assurer au

plus tôt à ses sujets la jouissance de toutes les conditions dont le Roi

étoit convenu en faveur de l'Angleterre." [T.S.]]

[Footnote 19: There is a long letter from Lord Bolingbroke to Mr. Prior,

on the subject of this negotiation, printed in Scott's edition of Swift,

vol. xv., pp. 524-529. [W.S.J.]]

In the mean time the general conferences at Utrecht, which for several

weeks had been let fall, since the delivery of Dunkirk, were now

resumed. But the Dutch still declaring against a suspension of arms, and

refusing to accept the Queen's speech as a plan to negotiate upon, there

was no progress made for some time in the great work of the peace.

Whereupon the British plenipotentiaries told those of the States, "That

if the Queen's endeavours could not procure more than the contents of

her speech, or if the French should ever fall short of what was there

offered, the Dutch could blame none but themselves, who, by their

conduct, had rendered things difficult, that would otherwise have been

easy." However, Her Majesty thought it prudent to keep the States still

in hopes of her good offices, to prevent them from taking the desperate

course of leaving themselves wholly at the mercy of France; which was an

expedient they formerly practised, and which a party among them was now

inclined to advise.

Whilst the congress at Utrecht remained in this inactive state, the

Queen proceeded to perfect that important article for preventing the

union of France and Spain. It was proposed and accepted, that Philip

should renounce France, for himself and his posterity; and that the Most

Christian King, and all the princes of his blood, should, in the like

manner, renounce Spain.

It must be confessed, that this project of renunciation lay under a

great disrepute, by the former practices of this very King, Lewis XIV.

pursuant to an absurd notion among many in that kingdom, of a divine

right, annexed to proximity of blood, not to be controlled by any human

law.

But it is plain, the French themselves had recourse to this method,

after all their infractions of it, since the Pyrenean treaty; for the

first dauphin, in whom the original claim was vested, renounced, for

himself and his eldest son, which opened the way to Philip Duke of

Anjou; who would however hardly have succeeded, if it had not been for

the will made in his favour by the last King, Charles II.

It is indeed hard to reflect, with any patience, upon the unaccountable

stupidity of the princes of Europe for some centuries past, who left a

probability to France of succeeding in a few ages to all their

dominions; whilst, at the same time, no alliance with that kingdom could

be of advantage to any prince, by reason of the salique law. Should not

common prudence have taught every sovereign in Christendom to enact a

salique law, with respect to France; for want of which, it is almost a

miracle, that the Bourbon family hath not possessed the universal

monarchy by right of inheritance? When the French assert a proximity of

blood gives a divine right, as some of their ministers, who ought to be

more wise or honest, have lately advanced in this very case, to the

title of Spain; do they not, by allowing a French succession, make their

own kings usurpers? Or, if the salique law be divine, is it not of

universal obligation, and consequently of force, to exclude France from

inheriting by daughters? Or, lastly, if that law be of human

institution, may it not be enacted in any state, with whatever extent or

limitation the legislature shall think fit? For the notion of an

unchangeable human law is an absurdity in government, to be believed

only by ignorance, and supported by power. From hence it follows, that

the children of the late Queen of France, although she had renounced,

were as legally excluded from succeeding to Spain, as if the salique law

had been fundamental in that kingdom; since that exclusion was

established by every power in Spain, which could possibly give a

sanction to any law there; and therefore the Duke of Anjou's title is

wholly founded upon the bequest of his predecessor (which hath great

authority in that monarchy, as it formerly had in ours), upon the

confirmation of the Cortes, and the general consent of the people.

It is certain, the faith of princes is so frequently subservient to

their ambition, that renunciations have little validity, otherwise than

from the powers and parties whose interest it is to support them. But

this renunciation, which the Queen hath exacted from the French King and

his grandson, I take to be armed with all the essential circumstances

that can fortify such an act. For as it is necessary, for the security

of every prince in Europe, that those two great kingdoms should never be

united; so the chief among them will readily consent to be guarantees

for preventing such a misfortune.

Besides, this proposal (according to Her Majesty's expression in her

speech) is of such a nature, that it executes itself; because the

Spaniards, who dread such an union, for every reason that can have

weight among men, took care that their king should not only renounce, in

the most solemn manner; but likewise, that the act should be framed in

the strongest terms themselves could invent, or we could furnish them

with. As to France, upon supposal of the young dauphin's dying in a few

years, that kingdom will not be in a condition to engage in a long war

against a powerful alliance, fortified with the addition of the

Spaniards, and the party of the Duke of Berry, or whoever else shall be

next claimer: and the longer the present dauphin lives, the weaker must

Philip's interest be in France; because the princes, who are to succeed

by this renunciation, will have most power and credit in the kingdom.

The mischiefs occasioned by the want of a good understanding between the

allies, especially Britain and Holland, were raised every day; the

French taking the advantage, and raising difficulties, not only upon the

general plan of peace, but likewise upon the explanation of several

articles in the projected treaty between them and Her Majesty: They

insisted to have Lille, as the equivalent for Dunkirk; and demanded

Tournay, Maubeuge, and Condé, for the two or three towns mentioned in

the Queen's speech; which the British plenipotentiaries were so far from

allowing, that they refused to confer with those of France upon that

foot; although, at the same time, the former had fresh apprehensions

that the Dutch, in a fit of despair, would accept whatever terms the

enemy pleased to offer, and, by precipitating their own peace, prevent

Her Majesty from obtaining any advantages, both for her allies and

herself.

It is most certain, that the repeated losses suffered by the States, in

little more than two months after they had withdrawn themselves from the

Queen's assistance, did wholly disconcert their counsels;[20] and their

prudence (as it is usual) began to forsake them with their good fortune.

They were so weak as to be still deluded by their friends in England,

who continued to give them hopes of some mighty and immediate resource

from hence; for when the Duke of Ormonde had been about a month in

Ghent, he received a letter from the Maréchal de Villars, to inform him,

that the Dutch generals, taken at Denain, had told the maréchal

publicly, of a sudden revolution expected in Britain; that particularly

the Earl of Albemarle and Mons. Hompesch discoursed very freely of it,

and that nothing was more commonly talked of in Holland. It was then

likewise confidently reported in Ghent, that the Queen was dead; and we

all remember what rumour flew about here at the very same time, as if

Her Majesty's health were in a bad condition.

[Footnote 20: The Dutch had been defeated at Douay, and the Allies had

suffered reverses by the reduction of Quesnoy and Bouchain. [T.S.]]

Whether such vain hopes as these gave spirit to the Dutch; whether their

frequent misfortunes made them angry and sullen; whether they still

expected to overreach us by some private stipulations with France,

through the mediation of the Elector of Bavaria, as that prince

afterwards gave out; or whatever else was the cause, they utterly

refused a cessation of arms; and made not the least return to all the

advances and invitations made by Her Majesty, until the close of the

campaign.

It was then the States first began to view their affairs in another

light; to consider how little the vast promises of Count Zinzendorf were

to be relied on; to be convinced that France was not disposed to break

with Her Majesty, only to gratify their ill humour, or unreasonable

demands; to discover that their factious correspondents on this side the

water had shamefully misled them; that some of their own principal towns

grew heartily weary of the war, and backward in their loans; and,

lastly, that Prince Eugene, their new general, whether his genius or

fortune had left him, was not for their turn. They, therefore, directed

their ministers at Utrecht to signify to the lord privy seal and the

Earl of Strafford, "That the States were disposed to comply with Her

Majesty, and to desire her good offices with France; particularly, that

Tournay and Condé might be left to them as part of their barrier,

without which they could not be safe: That the Elector of Bavaria might

not be suffered to retain any town in the Netherlands, which would be as

bad for Holland as if those places were in the hands of France:

Therefore the States proposed, that Luxembourg, Namur, Charleroy, and

Nieuport, might be delivered to the Emperor. Lastly, That the French

might not insist on excepting the four species of goods out of the

tariff of one thousand six hundred and sixty-four: That if Her Majesty

could prevail with France to satisfy their masters on these articles,

they would be ready to submit in all the rest."

When the Queen received an account of this good disposition in the

States General, immediately orders were sent to Mr. Prior, to inform the

ministers of the French court, "That Her Majesty had now some hopes of

the Dutch complying with her measures; and therefore she resolved, as

she had always declared, whenever those allies came to themselves, not

to make the peace without their reasonable satisfaction." The difficulty

that most pressed, was about the disposal of Tournay and Condé. The

Dutch insisted strongly to have both, and the French were extremely

unwilling to part with either.

The Queen judged the former would suffice, for completing the barrier of

the States. Mr. Prior was therefore directed to press the Marquis de

Torcy effectually on this head, and to terminate all that minister's

objections, by assuring him of Her Majesty's resolutions to appear

openly on the side of the Dutch, if this demand were refused. It was

thought convenient to act in this resolute manner with France, whose

late success, against Holland, had taught the ministers of the Most

Christian King to resume their old imperious manner of treating with

that republic; to which they were farther encouraged by the ill

understanding between Her Majesty and the allies.

This appeared from the result of an idle quarrel that happened, about

the end of August,[21] at Utrecht, between a French and a Dutch

plenipotentiary, Mons. Mesnager and Count Rechteren;[22] wherein the

court of France demanded such abject submissions, and with so much

haughtiness, as plainly shewed they were pleased with any occasion of

mortifying the Dutch.

[Footnote 21: July. [S]]

[Footnote 22: See note on p. 95. [T.S.]]

Besides, the politics of the French ran at this time very opposite to

those of Britain: They thought the ministers here durst not meet the

Parliament without a peace; and that, therefore, Her Majesty would

either force the States to comply with France, by delivering up Tournay,

which was the principal point in dispute, or would finish her own peace

with France and Spain, leaving a fixed time for Holland to refuse or

accept the terms imposed on them. But the Queen, who thought the demand

of Tournay by the States to be very necessary and just, was determined

to insist upon it, and to declare openly against France, rather than

suffer her ally to want a place so useful for their barrier. And Mr.

Prior was ordered to signify this resolution of Her Majesty to Mons. de

Torcy, in case that minister could not be otherwise prevailed on.

The British plenipotentiaries did likewise, at the same time, express to

those of Holland Her Majesty's great satisfaction, that the States were

at last disposed to act in confidence with her: "That she wished this

resolution had been sooner taken, since nobody had gained by the delay,

but the French King; that, however, Her Majesty did not question the

procuring a safe and honourable peace, by united counsels, reasonable

demands, and prudent measures; that she would assist them in getting

whatever was necessary to their barrier, and in settling, to their

satisfaction, the exceptions made by France out of the tariff of one

thousand six hundred and sixty-four; that no other difficulties remained

of moment to retard the peace, since the Queen had obtained Sicily for

the Duke of Savoy; and, in the settlement of the Low Countries, would

adhere to what she delivered from the throne: That as to the empire, Her

Majesty heartily wished their barrier as good as could be desired; but

that we were not now in circumstances to expect every thing exactly

according to the scheme of Holland: France had already offered a great

part, and the Queen did not think the remainder worth the continuance of

the war."

Her Majesty conceived the peace in so much forwardness, that she thought

fit, about this time, to nominate the Duke of Hamilton and the Lord

Lexington for ambassadors in France and Spain, to receive the

renunciations in both courts, and adjust matters of commerce.

The duke[23] was preparing for his journey, when he was challenged to a

duel[24] by the Lord Mohun,[25] a person of infamous character. He

killed his adversary upon the spot, though he himself received a wound;

and, weakened by the loss of blood, as he was leaning in the arms of his

second, was most barbarously stabbed in the breast by Lieutenant-General

Macartney,[26] who was second to Lord Mohun. He died a few minutes after

in the field, and the murderer made his escape. I thought so surprising

an event might deserve barely to be related, although it be something

foreign to my subject.

[Footnote 23: James, Duke of Hamilton, was a gentleman of the

bed-chamber to King Charles II. He succeeded his father in the title,

April 18th, 1694, and was sent the same year envoy extraordinary to

France; ... he was killed, November 15th, 1712. [S.]]

[Footnote 24: Swift's account of the duel is exactly agreeable to the

depositions of Colonel Hamilton before a committee of the council. [S.]]

[Footnote 25: Charles Lord Mohun was the last offspring of a very noble

and ancient family, of which William de Mohun, who accompanied the

Norman conqueror, was the first founder in England. [S.]]

[Footnote 26: General Macartney was tried, at the King's Bench bar, for

the murder, June 13th, 1716; and the jury found him guilty of

man-slaughter. [S.]]

The Earl of Strafford, who had come to England in May last,[27] in order

to give Her Majesty an account of the disposition of affairs in Holland,

was now returning with her last instructions, to let the Dutch minister

know, "That some points would probably meet with difficulties not to be

overcome, which once might have been easily obtained: To shew what evil

consequences had already flowed from their delay and irresolution, and

to entreat them to fix on some proposition, reasonable in itself, as

well as possible to be effected: That the Queen would insist upon the

cession of Tournay by France, provided the States would concur in

finishing the peace, without starting new objections, or insisting upon

farther points: That the French demands, in favour of the Elector of

Bavaria, appeared to be such as, the Queen was of opinion, the States

ought to agree to; which were, to leave the Elector in possession of

Luxembourg, Namur, and Charleroy, subject to the terms of their barrier,

until he should be restored to his electorate; and to give him the

kingdom of Sardinia, to efface the stain of his degradation in the

electoral college: That the earl had brought over a project of a new

Treaty of Succession and Barrier, which Her Majesty insisted the States

should sign, before the conclusion of the peace; the former treaty

having been disadvantageous to her subjects, containing in it the seeds

of future dissensions, and condemned by the sense of the nation. Lastly,

That Her Majesty, notwithstanding all provocations, had, for the sake of

the Dutch, and in hopes of their recovery from those false notions which

had so long misled them, hitherto kept the negotiations open: That the

offers now made them were her last, and this the last time she would

apply to them: That they must either agree, or expect the Queen would

proceed immediately to conclude her treaty with France and Spain, in

conjunction with such of her allies as would think fit to adhere to her.

[Footnote 27: "Come to England in ... last" in original edition. The

word "May" was supplied in the edition of 1775. [W.S.J.]]

"As to Savoy, that the Queen expected the States would concur with her

in making good the advantages stipulated for that duke, and in

prevailing with the Emperor to consent to an absolute neutrality in

Italy, until the peace should be concluded."

The governing party in Holland, however in appearance disposed to

finish, affected new delays, and raised many difficulties about the four

species of goods, which the French had excepted out of the tariff. Count

Zinzendorf, the Emperor's plenipotentiary, did all that was possible to

keep up this humour in the Dutch, in hopes to put them under a necessity

of preparing for the next campaign; and some time after went so far in

this pursuit, that he summoned the several ministers of the empire, and

told them he had letters from his master, with orders to signify to

them, "That his Imperial Majesty resolved to begin the campaign early,

with all his forces united against France; of which he desired they

would send notice to all their courts, that the several princes might be

ready to furnish their contingents and recruits." At the same time

Zinzendorf endeavoured to borrow two millions of florins upon the

security of some imperial cities; but could not succeed either amongst

the Jews or at Amsterdam.

When the Earl of Strafford arrived at Utrecht, the lord privy seal and

he communicated to the Dutch ministers the new Treaty for a Succession

and Barrier, as the Queen had ordered it to be prepared here in England,

differing from the former in several points of the greatest moment,

obvious to any who will be at the pains to compare them. This was

strenuously opposed for several weeks by the plenipotentiaries of the

States; but the province of Utrecht, where the congress was held,

immediately sent orders to their representatives at The Hague, to

declare their province thankful to the Queen; that they agreed the peace

should be made on the terms proposed by France, and consented to the new

projected Treaty of Barrier and Succession: and about the close of the

year, one thousand seven hundred and twelve, four of the seven

provinces, had delivered their opinions for putting an end to the war.

This unusual precipitation in the States, so different from the whole

tenor of their former conduct, was very much suspected by the British

plenipotentiaries. Their Lordships had received intelligence, that the

Dutch ministers held frequent conferences with those of France, and had

offered to settle their interests with that crown, without the

concurrence of Britain. Count Zinzendorf, and his colleagues, appeared

likewise, all on the sudden, to have the same dispositions, and to be in

great haste to settle their several differences with the States. The

reasons for this proceeding were visible enough; many difficulties were

yet undetermined in the treaty of commerce between Her Majesty and

France, for the adjusting of which, and some other points, the Queen had

lately dispatched the Duke of Shrewsbury to that court. Some of these

were of hard digestion, with which the Most Christian King would not be

under a necessity of complying, when he had no farther occasion for us,

and might, upon that account, afford better terms to the other two

powers. Besides, the Emperor and the States could very well spare Her

Majesty the honour of being arbitrator of a general peace; and the

latter hoped by this means, to avoid the new Treaty of Barrier and

Succession, which we were now forcing on them.

To prevent the consequences of this evil, there fortunately fell out an

incident, which the two lords at Utrecht knew well how to make use of:

the quarrel between Mons. Mesnager and Count Rechteren (formerly

mentioned) had not yet been made up. The French and Dutch differing in

some circumstances, about the satisfaction to be given by the count for

the affront he had offered, the British plenipotentiaries kept this

dispute on foot for several days; and, in the mean time, pressed the

Dutch to finish the new Treaty of Barrier and Succession between Her

Majesty and them, which, about the middle of January, was concluded

fully to the Queen's satisfaction.

But while these debates and differences continued at the congress, the

Queen resolved to put a speedy end to her part in the war; she therefore

sent orders to the lord privy seal, and the Earl of Stafford, to prepare

every thing necessary for signing her own treaty with France. This she

hoped might be done against the meeting of her Parliament, now prorogued

to the third of February; in which time, those among the allies, who

were really inclined towards a peace, might settle their several

interests by the assistance and support of Her Majesty's

plenipotentiaries; and as for the rest, who would either refuse to

comply, or endeavour to protract the negotiation, the heads of their

respective demands, which France had yielded by Her Majesty's

intervention, and agreeable to the plan laid down in her speech, should

be mentioned in the treaty, and a time limited for the several powers

concerned to receive or reject them.

The Pretender was not yet gone out of France, upon some difficulties

alleged by the French, about procuring him a safe conduct to Bar-le-duc,

in the Duke of Lorraine's dominions, where it was then proposed he

should reside. The Queen, altogether bent upon quieting the minds of her

subjects, declared, she would not sign the peace till that person were

removed; although several wise men believed he could be no where less

dangerous to Britain, than in the place where he was.

The argument which most prevailed on the States to sign the new Treaty

of Barrier and Succession with Britain, was Her Majesty's promise to

procure Tournay for them from France; after which, no more differences

remained between us and that republic, and consequently they had no

farther temptations to any separate transactions with the French, who

thereupon began to renew their litigious and haughty manner of treating

with the Dutch. The satisfaction they extorted for the affront given by

Count Rechteren to Mons. Mesnager, although somewhat softened by the

British ministers at Utrecht, was yet so rigorous, that Her Majesty

could not forbear signifying her resentment of it to the Most Christian

King. Mons. Mesnager, who seemed to have more the genius of a merchant

than a minister, began, in his conferences with the plenipotentiaries of

the States, to raise new disputes upon points which both we and they had

reckoned upon as wholly settled. The Abbé de Polignac, a most

accomplished person, of great generosity and universal understanding,

was gone to France to receive the cardinal's cap; and the Maréchal

d'Uxelles was wholly guided by his colleague, Mons. Mesnager, who kept

up those brangles, that for a time obstructed the peace; some of which

were against all justice, and others of small importance, both of very

little advantage to his country, and less to the reputation of his

master or himself. This low talent in business, which the Cardinal de

Polignac used, in contempt, to call a "spirit of negotiating," made it

impossible for the two lords plenipotentiaries, with all their abilities

and experience, to bring Mesnager to reason, in several points both with

us and the States: his concessions were few and constrained, serving

only to render him more tenacious of what he refused. In several of the

towns, which the States were to keep, he insisted that France should

retain the chatellanies, or extent of country depending on them,

particularly that of Tournay; a demand the more unjustifiable, because

he knew his master had not only proceeded directly contrary, but had

erected a court in his kingdom, where his own judges extended the

territories about those towns he had taken, as far as he pleased to

direct them. Mons. Mesnager showed equal obstinacy in what his master

expected for the Elector of Bavaria, and in refusing the tariff of one

thousand six hundred and sixty-four: so that the Queen's

plenipotentiaries represented these difficulties as what might be of

dangerous consequence, both to the peace in general, and to the States

in particular, if they were not speedily prevented.

Upon these considerations Her Majesty thought it her shortest and safest

course to apply directly to France, where she had then so able a

minister as the Duke of Shrewsbury.[28]

[Footnote 28: Shrewsbury had been appointed the Duke of Hamilton's

successor. [T.S.]]

The Marquis de Torcy, secretary to the Most Christian King, was the

minister with whom the Duke was to treat, as having been the first who

moved his master to apply to the Queen for a peace, in opposition to a

violent faction in that kingdom, who were as eagerly bent to continue

the war, as any other could be either here or in Holland.

It would be very unlike a historian, to refuse this great minister the

praise he so justly deserveth, of having treated, through the whole

course of so great a negotiation, with the utmost candour and integrity;

never once failing in any promise he made, and tempering a firm zeal to

his master's interest, with a ready compliance to what was reasonable

and just. Mr. Prior, whom I have formerly mentioned, resided likewise

now at Paris, with the character of minister plenipotentiary, and was

very acceptable to that court, upon the score of his wit and humour.[29]

[Footnote 29: P. Fitzgerald adds, "as well as useful to Her Majesty by

his knowledge and dexterity in the management of affairs." [W.S.J.]]

The Duke of Shrewsbury was directed to press the French court upon the

points yet unsettled in the treaty of commerce between both crowns; to

make them drop their unreasonable demands for the Elector of Bavaria; to

let them know, that the Queen was resolved not to forsake her allies who

were now ready to come in; that she thought the best way of hastening

the general peace, was to determine her own particular one with France,

until which time she could not conveniently suffer her Parliament to

meet.

The States were, by this time, so fully convinced of the Queen's

sincerity and affection to their republic, and how much they had been

deceived by the insinuations of the factious party in England, that they

wrote a very humble letter to Her Majesty, to desire her assistance

towards settling those points they had in dispute with France, and

professing themselves ready to acquiesce in whatever explanation Her

Majesty would please to make of the plan proposed in her speech to the

Parliament.

But the Queen had already prevented their desires; and in the beginning

of February, one thousand seven hundred and twelve-thirteen, directed

the Duke of Shrewsbury to inform the French court, "That since she had

prevailed on her allies, the Dutch, to drop the demand of Condé, and the

other of the four species of goods, which the French had excepted out of

the tariff of one thousand six hundred and sixty-four, she would not

sign without them: That she approved of the Dutch insisting to have the

chatellanies restored, with the towns, and was resolved to stand or fall

with them, until they were satisfied in this point."

Her Majesty had some apprehensions, that the French created these

difficulties on purpose to spin out the treaty, until the campaign

should begin. They thought it absolutely necessary, that our Parliament

should meet in a few weeks, which could not well be ventured, until the

Queen were able to tell both Houses, that her own peace was signed: That

this would not only facilitate what remained in difference between

Britain and France, but leave the Dutch entirely at the mercy of the

latter.

The Queen, weary of these refined mistakes in the French politics, and

fully resolved to be trifled with no longer, sent her determinate orders

to the Duke of Shrewsbury, to let France know, "That Her Majesty had

hitherto prorogued her Parliament, in hopes of accommodating the

difficulties in her own treaties of peace and commerce with that crown,

as well as settling the interests of her several allies; or, at least,

that the differences in the former being removed, the Most Christian

King would have made such offers for the latter, as might justify Her

Majesty in signing her own peace, whether the confederates intended to

sign theirs or no. But several points being yet unfinished between both

crowns, and others between France and the rest of the allies, especially

the States, to which the plenipotentiaries of that court at Utrecht had

not thought fit to give satisfaction; the Queen was now come to a final

determination, both with relation to her own kingdoms, and to the whole

alliance: That the campaign approaching, she would not willingly be

surprised in case the war was to go on: That she had transmitted to the

Duke of Shrewsbury her last resolutions, and never would be prevailed on

to reduce her own demands, or those of her allies, any lower than the

scheme now sent over, as an explanation of the plan laid down in her

speech: That Her Majesty had sent orders to her plenipotentiaries at

Utrecht, to assume the character of ambassadors, and sign the peace

immediately with the ministers of the Most Christian King, as soon as

the Duke of Shrewsbury should have sent them notice that the French had

complied: That the Queen had therefore farther prorogued her Parliament

to the third of March, in hopes to assure them, by that time, of her

peace being agreed on; for if the two Houses should meet, while any

uncertainty remained, supplies must be asked as for a war."

The Duke of Shrewsbury[30] executed this important commission with that

speed and success, which could only be expected from an able minister.

The French King immediately yielded to the whole scheme Her Majesty

proposed; whereupon directions were sent to the lord privy seal, and the

Earl of Strafford, to sign a peace between Great Britain and France,

without delay.

[Footnote 30: Swift writes to Abp. King, October 20th, 1713, that the

Duke of Shrewsbury "is the finest gentleman we have, and of an excellent

understanding and capacity for business" (Scott's edition, xvi. 71). See

also Swift's remarks in "The Examiner," No. 27 (vol. ix, of this

edition, p. 171), and note in vol. v., p. 377. [W.S.J.]]

Upon the second day of March, the two British plenipotentiaries met

those of the allies in the town-house at Utrecht; where the lord privy

seal addressed himself to them in a short speech, "That the negotiation

had now continued fourteen months with great slowness, which had proved

very injurious to the interests of the allies: That the Queen had stayed

thus long, and stopped the finishing of her own peace, rather than leave

her allies in any uncertainty: That she hoped they would now be all

prepared to put an end to this great work; and therefore had commanded

her plenipotentiaries to tell those of the allies, That she found it

necessary to conclude her own treaty immediately; and it was her

opinion, that the confederates ought to finish theirs at the same time,

to which they were now accordingly invited by Her Majesty's orders." And

lastly, his lordship declared, in the Queen's name, "That whoever could

not be ready on the day prefixed, should have a convenient time allowed

them to come in."

Although the orders sent by the Queen to her plenipotentiaries were very

precise, yet their lordships did not precipitate the performance of

them. They were directed to appoint as short a day for the signing as

they conveniently could; but, however, the particular day was left to

their discretion. They hoped to bring over the Dutch, and most of the

other allies, to conclude at the same time with the Queen; which, as it

would certainly be more popular to their country, so they conceived it

would be more safe for themselves: besides, upon looking over their

commission, a scruple sprang in their minds, that they could not sign a

particular peace with France; their powers, as they apprehended,

authorizing them only to sign a general one. Their lordships therefore

sent to England to desire new powers,[31] and, in the mean time,

employed themselves with great industry, between the ministers of France

and those of the several allies, to find some expedient for smoothing

the way to an agreement among them.

[Footnote 31: "Lord Bolingbroke, who says he has not sagacity enough to

find the objections that the plenipotentiaries had made to their first

full powers, for their satisfaction, sends them a new commission, and

repeats to them positive orders to sign and conclude with France....

These difficulties of the plenipotentiaries made my lord treasurer, who

never failed to exert himself when he found it absolutely necessary,

think it high time to interpose his authority;.... and as his lordship

never yet appeared in vain, all further obstructions at Utrecht were

after this soon removed." ("Report from the Committee of Secrecy," 1715,

pp. 103, 104.) [N.]]

The Earl of Strafford went for a few days to The Hague, to inform the

States of Her Majesty's express commands to his colleague and himself,

for signing the peace as soon as possible; and to desire they would be

ready at the same time: which the pensionary promised; and that their

plenipotentiaries should be empowered accordingly, to the great

contentment of Mons. Buys, who was now so much altered, either in

reality, or appearance, that he complained to the Earl of Mons.

Heinsius's slowness; and charged all the delays and mismanagements of a

twelvemonth past to that minister's account.

While the Earl of Strafford stayed at The Hague, he discovered that an

emissary of the Duke of Marlborough's had been there some days before,

sent by his grace to dissuade the Dutch from signing at the same time

with the ministers of the Queen, which, in England, would at least have

the appearance of a separate peace, and oblige their British friends,

who knew how to turn so short a delay to very good account, as well as

gratify the Emperor; on whom, it was alleged, they ought to rely much

more than on Her Majesty. One of the States likewise told the Earl,

"That the same person, employed by the Duke, was then in conference with

the magistrates of Rotterdam (which town had declared for the

continuance of the war), to assure them, if they would hold off a

little, they should see an unexpected turn in the British Parliament:

That the Duke of Marlborough had a list of the discontented members in

both Houses, who were ready to turn against the court; and, to crown

all, that his grace had certain intelligence of the Queen being in so

ill a state of health, as made it impossible for her to live above six

weeks." So restless and indefatigable is avarice and ambition, when

inflamed by a desire of revenge.

But representations, which had been so often tried, were now offered too

late. Most of the allies, except the Emperor, were willing to put an end

to the war upon Her Majesty's plan; and the further delay of three weeks

must be chiefly imputed to that litigious manner of treating, peculiar

to the French; whose plenipotentiaries at Utrecht insisted with

obstinacy upon many points, which at Paris Mons. de Torcy had given up.

The Emperor expected to keep all he already possessed in Italy; that

Port Longue,[32] on the Tuscan coast, should be delivered to him by

France; and, lastly, that he should not be obliged to renounce Spain.

But the Queen, as well as France, thought that his Imperial Majesty

ought to sit down contented with his partage of Naples and Milan; and to

restore those territories in Italy, which he had taken from the rightful

proprietors, and by the possession of which he was grown dangerous to

the Italian princes, by reviving antiquated claims upon them.

[Footnote 32: Portolongone, in the island of Elba, opposite the Tuscan

coast. [W.S.J.]]

This Prince had likewise objected to Her Majesty's expedient of

suffering the Elector of Bavaria to retain Luxembourg, under certain

conditions, by way of security, until his electorate were restored. But

the Queen, supposing that these affected delays were intended only with

a view of continuing the war, resolved to defer the peace no longer on

the Emperor's account.

In the middle of March, one thousand seven hundred and twelve-thirteen,

a courier arrived at Utrecht from France, with the plan of a general

peace, as it had been agreed between the Duke of Shrewsbury and Mons. de

Torcy; wherein every particular, relating to the interests and

pretensions of the several allies, was brought so near to what each of

them would accept, that the British plenipotentiaries hoped the peace

would be general in ten or twelve days. The Portuguese and Dutch were

already prepared, and others were daily coming in, by means of their

lordships' good offices, who found Mons. Mesnager and his colleague very

stubborn to the last. Another courier was dispatched to France, upon

some disputes about inserting the titles of Her Majesty and the Most

Christian King, and to bring a general plan for the interests of those

allies, who should not be ready against the time prefixed. The French

renunciations were now arrived at Utrecht, and it was agreed, that

those, as well as that of the King of Spain, should be inserted at

length in every treaty, by which means the whole confederacy would

become guaranties of them.

The courier, last sent to France, returned to Utrecht on the

twenty-seventh of March, with the concessions of that court upon every

necessary point; so that, all things being ready for putting a period to

this great and difficult work, the lord privy seal and the Earl of

Strafford gave notice to the ministers of the several allies, "That

their lordships had appointed Tuesday the thirty-first instant, wherein

to sign a treaty of peace, and a treaty of commerce, between the Queen

of Great Britain, their mistress, and the Most Christian King; and hoped

the said allies would be prepared, at the same time, to follow their

example." Accordingly their lordships employed the three intervening

days, in smoothing the few difficulties that remained between the French

ministers and those of the several confederate powers.

The important day being now come, the Lord Bishop of Bristol and the

Earl of Strafford, having assumed the character of ambassadors

extraordinary,[33] gave a memorial in behalf of the French Protestants

to the Maréchal d'Uxelles and his colleague, who were to transmit it to

their court; and these delivered to the British ambassadors a

declaration in writing, that the Pretender was actually gone out of

France.

[Footnote 33: To avoid the parade of ceremony, they had hitherto been

considered only as _plenipotentiaries_. [N.]]

The conditions of peace to be allowed the Emperor and the empire, as

adjusted between Britain and France, were now likewise delivered to the

Count Zinzendorf. These and some other previous matters of smaller

consequence being finished, the treaties of peace and commerce between

Her Majesty of Britain and the Most Christian King, were signed at the

lord privy seal's house between two and three of the clock in the

afternoon. The ministers of the Duke of Savoy signed about an hour

after. Then the assembly adjourned to the Earl of Stafford's, where they

all went to dinner; and about nine at night the peace was signed by the

ministers of Portugal, by those of Prussia at eleven, and when it was

near midnight by the States.

Thus after all the opposition raised by a strong party in France, and by

a virulent faction in Britain; after all the artifices of those who

presided at The Hague, and, for their private interest, endeavoured, in

conjunction with their friends in England, to prolong the war; after the

restless endeavours of the imperial court to render the treaty

ineffectual; the firm steady conduct of the Queen, the wisdom and

courage of her ministry, and the abilities of those whom she employed in

her negotiations abroad, prevailed to have a peace signed in one day by

every power concerned, except that of the Emperor and the empire; for

his Imperial Majesty liked his situation too well to think of a peace,

while the drudgery and expenses of the war lay upon other shoulders, and

the advantages were to redound only to himself.

During this whole negotiation, the King of Spain, who was not

acknowledged by any of the confederates, had consequently no minister at

Utrecht; but the differences between Her Majesty and that prince were

easily settled by the Lord Lexington at Madrid, and the Marquis of

Monteleon here: so that upon the Duke d'Ossuna's arrival at the

congress, some days after the peace, he was ready to conclude a treaty

between the Queen and his master. Neither is it probable that the Dutch,

or any other ally, except the Emperor, will encounter any difficulties

of moment, to retard their several treaties with his Catholic Majesty.

The treaties of peace and commerce between Britain and France, were

ratified here on the seventh of April; on the twenty-eighth the

ratifications were exchanged; and on the fifth of May the peace was

proclaimed in the usual manner; but with louder acclamations, and more

extraordinary rejoicings of the people, than had ever been remembered on

the like occasion.[34]

[Footnote: 34 The treaty was brought to England by George St. John,

Bolingbroke's young brother, who arrived with it in London on Good

Friday, 3rd April, 1713. [T.S.]]

[It need hardly be observed, that this history is left incomplete by

the author. [S.] Sir Walter Scott's note hardly agrees with Swift's own

statement to Stella. Writing under date May 16th, 1713, he says: "I have

just finished my Treatise, and must be ten days correcting it." It is

evident that Swift did not intend to write a "History of the Four Last

Years of Queen Anne's Reign." A better title for this work would be the

title originally given it, namely, "History of the Peace of Utrecht." In

the letter already quoted from Erasmus Lewis, Swift's account of the

negotiations for the peace are thus remarked upon: "That part of it

which relates to the negotiations of peace, whether at London or at

Utrecht, they admire exceedingly, and declare they never yet saw that,

or any other transaction, drawn up with so much perspicuity, or in a

style so entertaining and instructive to the reader in every respect."

[T.S.]]

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

AN ABSTRACT

OF THE

HISTORY OF ENGLAND,

FROM THE INVASION OF IT BY JULIUS CAESAR

TO THE REIGN OF HENRY THE SECOND.

NOTE.

The Abstract of the History of England here reprinted calls for little

or no comment. It is but a dry relation of events with no touch in the

recital of any of those qualities which characterize Swift's writings.

The facts were evidently obtained from the old chroniclers. What object

Swift had in writing this Abstract is not known. If the dedication to

the Count de Gyllenborg truly states his intention, it must be confessed

that the "foreigners, and gentlemen of our own country" had not much

upon which to congratulate themselves. Why Swift should have chosen the

Count de Gyllenborg to whom to address the dedication must also remain a

matter for conjecture. The Count had been sent out of the British Isles

for instigating a conspiracy for a Jacobite insurrection in Great

Britain. Swift wrote his dedication three years after the Count's

expulsion. Knowing that the Count's master, Charles XII. of Sweden, had

been a party to the plot, he yet writes in a most amiable tone of

friendliness towards both, with a parenthetical sneer at "his present

Britannic Majesty." Undoubtedly this dedication might easily and fairly

be taken as strong presumptive evidence of a leaning on Swift's part

towards the Pretender. It will, however, be more truly interpreted, if

it be considered as an expression of contempt for the King of England

and the ministry in power.

The text of the present reprint is that given by Deane Swift from his

edition of his kinsman's works issued in 1765 and 1768 (4to edit, vols.

viii. and xiii.). Deane Swift thought that the narratives of Rufus,

Henry I. and Stephen, would "appear to be such a model of English

history, as will make all men of taste, and especially foreigners,

regret that he pursued his plan no further."

[T.S.]

TO THE COUNT DE GYLLENBORG.[1]

[Footnote 1: Charles, Count Gyllenborg (1679-1746), was Swedish

Ambassador at London 1710-16. He then joined in a Jacobite plot, was

arrested in January, 1716-7, and expelled the kingdom in August, 1717.

He afterwards filled high offices in his own country. [W.S.J.]]

Dublin in Ireland, Nov. 2, 1719.

SIR,

It is now about sixteen years since I first entertained the design of

writing a History of England, from the beginning of William Rufus to the

end of Queen Elizabeth; such a History, I mean, as appears to be most

wanted by foreigners, and gentlemen of our own country; not a voluminous

work, nor properly an abridgement, but an exact relation of the most

important affairs and events, without any regard to the rest. My

intention was to inscribe it to the King[2] your late master, for whose

great virtues I had ever the highest veneration, as I shall continue to

bear to his memory. I confess it is with some disdain that I observe

great authors descending to write any dedications at all: and for my own

part, when I looked round on all the princes of Europe, I could think of

none who might deserve that distinction from me, besides the King your

master; (for I say nothing of his present Britannic Majesty, to whose

person and character I am an utter stranger, and like to continue so)

neither can I be suspected of flattery on this point, since it was some

years after that I had the honour of an invitation to his court, before

you were employed as his minister in England, which I heartily repent

that I did not accept; whereby, as you can be my witness, I might have

avoided some years' uneasiness and vexation, during the last four years

of our late excellent Queen, as well as a long melancholy prospect

since, in a most obscure disagreeable country, and among a most

profligate and abandoned people.

[Footnote 2: Charles XII., King of Sweden, who was killed in 1718. [D.

S.]]

I was diverted from pursuing this History, partly by the extreme

difficulty, but chiefly by the indignation I conceived at the

proceedings of a faction, which then prevailed; and the papers lay

neglected in my cabinet until you saw me in England; when you know how

far I was engaged in thoughts and business of another kind. Upon Her

Majesty's lamented death, I returned to my station in this kingdom;

since which time there is not a northern curate among you who hath lived

more obscure than myself, or a greater stranger to the commonest

transactions of the world. It is but very lately that I found the

following papers, which I had almost forgotten. I publish them now, for

two reasons; first, for an encouragement to those who have more

youth,[3] and leisure, and good temper than I, towards pursuing the work

as far as it was intended by me, or as much further as they please; the

second reason is, to have an opportunity of declaring the profound

respect I have for the memory of your royal master, and the sincere

regard and friendship I bear to yourself; for I must bring to your mind

how proud I was to distinguish you among all the foreign ministers, with

whom I had the honour to be acquainted. I am a witness of the zeal you

shewed not only for the honour and interest of your master, but for the

advantage of the Protestant religion in Germany, and how knowingly and

feelingly you often spoke to me upon that subject. We all loved you, as

possessed of every quality that could adorn an English gentleman, and

esteemed you as a faithful subject to your prince, and an able

negotiator; neither shall any reverse of fortune have power to lessen

you either in my friendship or esteem: and I must take leave to assure

you further, that my affection towards persons hath not been at all

diminished by the frown of power upon them. Those whom you and I once

thought great and good men, continue still so in my eyes and my heart;

only with a * * * * * *

_Caetera desiderantur_.

[Footnote 3: The author was then in his fifty-second year. [D.S.]]

AN ABSTRACT OF THE HISTORY

OF ENGLAND,

FROM THE INVASION OF IT BY JULIUS CAESAR

TO WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.

Britons.

Heathens.

The most ancient account we have of Britain is, that the island was full

of inhabitants, divided into several petty kingdoms, as most nations of

the world appear to have been at first. The bodies of the Britons were

painted with a sky-coloured blue, either as an ornament or else for

terror to their enemies. In their religion they were heathens, as all

the world was before Christ, except the Jews.

Druids.

Their priests were called Druids: These lived in hollow trees, and

committed not their mysteries to writing, but delivered them down by

tradition, whereby they were in time wholly lost.

The Britons had wives in common, so many to a particular tribe or

society, and the children were in common to that society.

About fifty years before Christ, Julius Caesar, the first Roman Emperor,

having conquered Gaul or France, invaded Britain rather to increase his

glory than conquests; for having overcome the natives in one or two

battles, he returned.

Claudius.

Nero.

The next invasion of Britain by the Romans (then masters of most of the

known world) was in the reign of the Emperor Claudius; but it was not

wholly subdued till that of Nero. It was governed by lieutenants, or

deputies, sent from Rome, as Ireland is now by deputies from England;

and continued thus under the Romans for about 460 years; till that

empire being invaded by the Goths and Vandals, the Romans were forced

not only to recall their own armies, but also to draw from hence the

bravest of the Britons, for their assistance against those barbarians.

Picts.

Picts' Wall.

The Roman conquests in this island reached no further northward than to

that part of Scotland where Stirling and Glasgow are seated: The region

beyond was held not worth the conquering: It was inhabited by a

barbarous people, called Caledonians and Picts; who, being a rough

fierce nation, daily infested the British borders. Therefore the Emperor

Severus built a wall, from Stirling to Glasgow, to prevent the invasions

of the Picts: It is commonly called the Picts' Wall.

A.D. 455. Saxons.

These Picts and Caledonians, or Scots, encouraged by the departure of

the Romans, do now cruelly infest and invade the Britons by sea and

land: The Britons choose Vortigern for their king, who was forced to

invite the Saxons (a fierce Northern people) to assist him against those

barbarians. The Saxons came over, and beat the Picts in several battles;

but, at last, pick quarrels with the Britons themselves; and, after a

long war, drive them into the mountains of Wales and Cornwall, and

establish themselves in seven kingdoms in Britain, (by them now called

England). These seven kingdoms are usually styled the Saxon Heptarchy.

A.D. 460. Arthur.

About this time lived King Arthur (if the whole story be not a fable)

who was so famous for beating the Saxons in several battles.

A.D. 600. Austin.

The Britons received Christianity very early, and, as is reported, from

some of the Disciples themselves: So that, when the Romans left Britain,

the Britons were generally Christians. But the Saxons were heathens,

till Pope Gregory the Great sent over hither Austin the monk, by whom

Ethelbert king of the South-Saxons, and his subjects, were converted to

Christianity; and the whole island soon followed the example.

A.D. 819. Egbert.

[Footnote 4: The edition of 1765 gives the date as 819, but according to

Dr. Stubbs, Egbert became _bretwalda_ in 828. [W.S.J.]]

After many various revolutions in this island among the kingdoms of the

Saxons, Egbert, descended from the West-Saxon kings, became sole monarch

of England.

Angles.

The language in Britain was British, (now called Welsh) or Latin; but,

with the Saxons, English came in (although extremely different from what

it is now). The present names of towns, shires, &c. were given by them;

and the whole kingdom was called England from the Angles, who were a

branch of the Saxons.

Danes.

As soon as the Saxons were settled, the Danes began to trouble and

invade them, as they (the Saxons) had before done the Britons.

These Danes came out of Germany, Denmark, and Norway, a rough warlike

people, little different from the Saxons to whom they were nigh

neighbours.

Edgar.

After many invasions from the Danes, Edgar King of England sets forth

the first navy. He was entitled King of all Albion, (an old name of this

island) and was the first absolute monarch.

He made peace with the Danes, and allowed them to live in his dominions

mixed with the English.

In this prince's time there were five kings in Wales, who all did him

homage for their country.

A.D. 978. Danes massacred.

These Danes began first to make their invasions here about the year 800,

which they after renewed at several times, and under several leaders,

and were as often repulsed. They used to come with vast numbers of

ships, burn and ravage before them, as the cities of London, Winchester,

&c. Encouraged by success and prey, they often wintered in England,

fortifying themselves in the northern parts, from whence they cruelly

infested the Saxon kings. In process of time they mixed with the English

(as was said before) and lived under the Saxon government: But Ethelred,

then King of England, growing weary of the Danish insolence, a

conspiracy is formed, and the Danes are massacred in one day all over

England.

Sweyn.

Four years after, Sweyn, King of Denmark, to revenge the death of his

subjects, invades England; and, after battles fought and much cruelty

exercised, he subdues the whole kingdom, forcing Ethelred to fly into

Normandy.

Canutus.

Sweyn dying, his son Canutus succeeds in the kingdom; but Ethelred

returning with an army, Canutus is forced to withdraw to Denmark for

succour.

Ethelred dies, and his son Edmond Ironside succeeds; but, Canutus

returning with fresh forces from Denmark, after several battles, the

kingdom is parted between them both. Edmond dying, his sons are sent

beyond sea by Canutus, who now is sole King of England.

King's evil.

Hardicanute, the last Danish king, dying without issue, Edward, son of

Ethelred, is chosen king. For his great holiness, he was surnamed the

Confessor, and sainted after his death. He was the first of our princes

that attempted to cure the king's evil by touching. He first introduced

what is now called the Common Law. In his time began the mode and

humour among the English gentry, of using the French tongue and

fashions, in compliance with the king, who had been bred up in Normandy.

The Danish government in England lasted but twenty-six years, under

three kings.

Harold.

Edward the Confessor married the daughter of Earl Godwin, an English

nobleman of great power, but of Danish extraction; but, wanting issue,

he appointed Edgar Atheling, grandson to his brother, to succeed him,

and Harold, son of Earl Godwin, to be governor of the young prince. But,

upon Edward's death, Harold neglected Edgar Atheling, and usurped the

crown for himself.

Edward, while he was in Normandy, met so good reception, that it was

said he made a promise to that duke, that, in case he recovered his

kingdom, and died without issue, he would leave it to him. Edward dying,

William Duke of Normandy sends to Harold to claim the crown; but Harold,

now in possession, resolves to keep it. Upon which Duke William, having

prepared a mighty fleet and army, invades England, lands at Hastings,

and sets fire to his fleet, to cut off all hope from his men of

returning. To Harold he sent his messenger, demanding the kingdom and

his subjection: But Harold returned him this answer, "That, unless he

departed his land, he would make him sensible of his just displeasure."

So Harold advanced his forces into Sussex, within seven miles of his

enemy. The Norman Duke, to save the effusion of blood, sent these offers

to Harold; either wholly to resign the kingdom to him, or to try the

quarrel with him in single combat. To this Harold did not agree.

A.D. 1066.

Then the battle joined. The Normans had gotten the worst, if it had not

been for a stratagem they invented, which got them the day. In this

engagement Harold was killed, and William Duke of Normandy became King

of England, under the name of William the Conqueror.

THE REIGN OF WILLIAM THE SECOND,

SURNAMED RUFUS.

At the time of the Conqueror's death, his eldest son Robert, upon some

discontent with his father, being absent in France,[5] William, the

second son, made use of this juncture, and without attending his

father's funeral, hastened to England, where, pursuant to the will of

the deceased prince,[6] the nobility, although more inclined to favour

Robert, were prevailed with to admit him King, partly by his promises to

abate the rigour of the late reign, and restore the laws and liberties

which had been then abolished, but chiefly by the credit and

solicitations of Lanfranc; for that prelate had formerly a share in his

education, and always a great affection for his person. At Winchester he

took possession of his father's treasure,[7] in obedience to whose

command, as well as to ingratiate himself with the people, he

distributed it among churches and religious houses, and applied it to

the redeeming of prisoners, and other acts of popularity.

[Footnote 5: He was then at Abbeville in Picardy. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 6: William the Conqueror left Normandy to his son Robert; but

said of England: "So it pleased God, he should be glad that William, his

obedient and best beloved son, should enjoy it after his death." [D.

S.]]

[Footnote 7: Which was sixty thousand pounds in silver, besides gold,

jewels, and plate.--BROMPTON. [D.S.]]

In the mean time Robert returned to Normandy, took possession of that

duchy, with great applause and content of his people, and, spited at the

indignity done him by his father, and the usurpation of his brother in

consequence thereof, prepared a great fleet and army to invade England;

nor did there want an occasion to promote his interest, if the slowness,

the softness, and credulity of his nature, could have suffered him to

make a right improvement of it.

Odo Bishop of Bayeux,[8] of whom frequent mention is made in the

preceding reign,[9] a prelate of incurable ambition, either on account

of his age or character being restored to his liberty and possessions in

England, grew into envy and discontent, upon seeing Lanfranc preferred

before him by the new King in his favour and ministry. He therefore

formed a conspiracy with several nobles of Norman birth to depose the

King, and sent an invitation to Robert to hasten over. Mean time the

conspirators, in order to distract the King's forces, seized on several

parts of England at once; Bristol, Norwich, Leicester, Worcester,

Shrewsbury, Bath, and Durham, were secured by several noblemen: Odo

himself seized Rochester, reduced the coasts of Kent, and sent messages

to Robert to make all possible speed.

[Footnote 8: Odo was half brother to William the Conqueror. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 9: Sir W. Temple wrote "An Introduction to the History of

England." As it only extended to the death of William the Conqueror it

is probable that it is what is here referred to. It will be found in

vol. ii. of Sir W. Temple's "Works," edited by Swift. [W.S.J.]]

The King alarmed at these many and sudden defections, thought it his

best course to begin his defence by securing the good will of the

people. He redressed many grievances, eased them of certain oppressive

taxes and tributes, gave liberty to hunt in his forest, with other marks

of indulgence, which however forced from him by the necessity of the

time, he had the skill or fortune so to order as they neither lost their

good grace nor effect; for immediately after he raised great forces both

by land and sea, marched into Kent, where the chief body of his enemies

was in arms, recovered Tunbridge and Pevensey, in the latter of which

Odo himself was taken prisoner, and forced to accompany the King to

Rochester. This city refusing to surrender at the King's summons, Odo

undertook to prevail with the obstinacy of the inhabitants; but being

admitted into the town, was there detained, either by a real or seeming

force; however, the King provoked at their stubbornness and fraud, soon

compelled them to yield, retook his prisoner, and forcing him for ever

to abjure England, sent him into Normandy.

By these actions, performed with such great celerity and success, the

preparations of Duke Robert were wholly disappointed, himself, by the

necessity of his affairs, compelled to a treaty with his brother, upon

the terms of a small pension, and a mutual promise of succeeding to each

other's dominions on failure of issue, forced to resign his pretensions,

and return with a shattered fleet to Normandy.

About this time died Archbishop Lanfranc; by whose death the King,

loosed from that awe and constraint he was under, soon began to discover

those irregularities of his nature, which till then he had suppressed

and disguised, falling into those acts of oppression and extortion that

have made his name and memory infamous. He kept the see of Canterbury

four years vacant, and converted the revenues to his own use, together

with those of several other bishoprics and abbeys, and disposed all

church preferments to the highest bidder. Nor were his exactions less

upon the laity, from whom he continually extorted exorbitant fines for

pretended transgression of certain penal laws, and entertained informers

to observe men's actions and bring him intelligence.

It is here worth observation, that these corrupt proceedings of the

prince have, in the opinion of several learned men, given rise to two

customs, which are a long time grown to have the force of laws. For,

first the successors of this King, continuing the custom of seizing on

the accruing rents in the vacancy of sees and abbeys, it grew in process

of time to be exacted as a right, or acknowledgment to the King as

founder; whence the revenues of vacant bishoprics belong at this day to

the crown. The second custom had an original not unlike. Several

persons, to avoid the persecutions of the King's informers, and other

instruments of oppression, withdrew themselves and their effects to

foreign countries; upon which the King issued a proclamation, forbidding

all men to leave the kingdom without his licence; from whence, in the

judgment of the same authors, the writ _ne exeat regno_ had its

beginning.

By these and the like arbitrary methods having amassed great treasures,

and finding all things quiet at home, he raised a powerful army to

invade his brother in Normandy; but upon what ground or pretext, the

writers of that age are not very exact; whether it were from a principle

frequent among unjust princes, That old oppressions are best justified

by new; or, whether having a talent for sudden enterprises, and justly

apprehending the resentments of Duke Robert, he thought it the wiser

course to prevent injuries than to revenge them. In this expedition he

took several cities and castles from his brother, and would have

proceeded further, if Robert had not desired and obtained the assistance

of Philip King of France, who came with an army to his relief. King

William not thinking it safe or prudent to proceed further against his

enemy supported by so great an ally, yet loth to lose the fruits of his

time and valour, fell upon a known and old expedient, which no prince

ever practised oftener, or with greater success, and that was, to buy

off the French King with a sum of money. This had its effect; for that

prince not able to oppose such powerful arms, immediately withdrew

himself and his forces, leaving the two brothers to concert the measures

of a peace.

This was treated and agreed with great advantages on the side of King

William; for he kept all the towns he had taken, obliged his brother to

banish Edgar Atheling out of Normandy, and, for a further security,

brought over with him to England the Duke himself to attend him in his

expedition against Malcolm King of Scotland, who during his absence had

invaded the borders. The King having raised great forces both by sea and

land, went in person to repel the inroads of the Scots: but the

enterprise was without success; for the greatest part of his fleet was

destroyed by a tempest, and his army very much diminished by sickness

and famine, which forced him to a peace of little honour; by which, upon

the condition of homage from that prince, the King of England agreed to

deliver him up those twelve towns (or manors) in England which Malcolm

had held under William the Conqueror; together with a pension of twelve

thousand marks.

At this time were sown the seeds of another quarrel between him and Duke

Robert, who soliciting the King to perform some covenants of the last

peace, and meeting with a repulse, withdrew in great discontent to

Normandy.

King William, in his return from Scotland, fell dangerously sick at

Gloucester, where, moved by the seasonable exhortations of his clergy,

or rather by the fears of dying, he began to discover great marks of

repentance, with many promises of amendment and retribution,

particularly for his injuries to the Church. To give credit to which

good resolutions, he immediately filled several vacant sees, giving that

of Canterbury to Anselm, a foreigner of great fame for piety and

learning. But as it is the disposition of men who derive their vices

from their complexions, that their passions usually beat strong and weak

with their pulses, so it fared with this prince, who upon recovery of

his health soon forgot the vows he had made in his sickness, relapsing

with greater violence into the same irregularities of injustice and

oppression, whereof Anselm, the new archbishop, felt the first effects.

This prelate, soon after his promotion, offered the King a sum of money

by way of present; but took care it should be so small, that none might

interpret it to be a consideration of his late preferment. The King

rejected it with scorn; and as he used but little ceremony in such

matters, insisted in plain terms for more. Anselm would not comply; and

the King enraged, sought all occasions to make him uneasy; until at

length the poor archbishop, tired out with perpetual usurpations (or at

least what was then understood to be such) upon his jurisdiction,

privileges, and possessions, desired the King licence for a journey to

Rome; and upon a refusal, went without it. As soon as he was withdrawn,

the King seized on all his revenues, converting them to his own use, and

the archbishop continued an exile until the succeeding reign.

The particulars of this quarrel between the King and archbishop are not,

in my opinion, considerable enough to deserve a place in this brief

collection, being of little use to posterity, and of less entertainment;

neither should I have mentioned it at all, but for the occasion it gives

me of making a general observation, which may afford some light into the

nature and disposition of those ages. Not only this King's father and

himself, but the princes for several successions, of the fairest

character, have been severely taxed for violating the rights of the

clergy, and perhaps not altogether without reason. It is true, this

character hath made the lighter impression, as proceeding altogether

from the party injured, the cotemporary writers being generally

churchmen: and it must be confessed, that the usurpations of the Church

and court of Rome were in those ages risen to such heights, as to be

altogether inconsistent either with the legislature or administration of

any independent state; the inferior clergy, both secular and regular,

insisting upon such immunities as wholly exempted them from the civil

power; and the bishops removing all controversies with the crown by

appeal to Rome: for they reduced the matter to this short issue, That

God was to be obeyed rather than men; and consequently the Bishop of

Rome, who is Christ's representative, rather than an earthly prince.

Neither doth it seem improbable that all Christendom would have been in

utter vassalage, both temporal and spiritual, to the Roman see, if the

Reformation had not put a stop to those exorbitancies, and in a good

measure opened the eyes even of those princes and states who still

adhere to the doctrines and discipline of that church.

While the King continued at Gloucester, Malcolm King of Scotland came to

his court, with intentions to settle and confirm the late peace between

them. It happened that a controversy arose about some circumstances

relating to the homage which Malcolm was to pay, in the managing whereof

King William discovered so much haughtiness and disdain, both in words

and gestures, that the Scottish prince, provoked by such unworthy

treatment, returned home with indignation; but soon came back at the

head of a powerful army, and, entering Northumberland with fire and

sword, laid all waste before him. But as all enterprises have in the

progress of them a tincture of those passions by which they were

spirited at first, so this invasion begun upon private revenge, which is

a blind ungovernable passion, was carried on with equal precipitation,

and proved to be ruinous in the event; for Robert Mowbray, Earl of

Northumberland, to prevent the destruction of his own country, where he

had great possessions, gathering what forces he could suddenly raise,

and without waiting any directions from the King, marched against the

Scots, who were then set down before Alnwick Castle: there, by an

ambush, Malcolm and his eldest son Edward were slain, and the army,

discouraged by the loss of their princes, entirely defeated. This

disaster was followed in a few days by the death of Queen Margaret, who,

not able to survive her misfortunes, died for grief. Neither did the

miseries of that kingdom end till, after two usurpations, the surviving

son of Malcolm, who had fled to England for refuge, was restored to his

crown by the assistance of King William.

About this time the hidden sparks of animosity between the two brothers,

buried but not extinguished in the last peace, began to flame out into

new dissensions. Duke Robert had often sent his complaints to the King

for breach of articles, but without redress, which provoked him to

expostulate in a rougher manner, till at length he charged the King in

plain terms with injustice and perjury, but no men are found to endure

reproaches with less temper than those who most deserve them, the King,

at the same time filled with indignation, and stung with guilt, invaded

Normandy a second time, resolving to reduce his brother to such terms as

might stop all further complaints. He had already taken several strong

holds, by force either of arms or of money, and intending entirely to

subdue the duchy, gave orders to have twenty thousand men immediately

raised in England, and sent over to him. The Duke, to defend himself

against these formidable preparations, had recourse again to his old

ally the King of France, who very readily advanced with an army to his

assistance, as an action wherein he could every way find his own

accounts, for, beside the appearance of glory and justice by protecting

the injured, he fought indeed his own battle, by preserving his

neighbouring state in the hands of a peaceful prince, from so powerful

and restless an enemy as the King of England, and was largely paid for

his trouble into the bargain, for King William, either loth to engage in

a long and dangerous war, or hastened back by intelligence of some

troubles from Wales, sent offers to his army, just ready to embark for

Normandy, that upon payment of ten shillings a man they might have leave

to return to their own homes.[10] This bargain was generally accepted,

the money was paid to the King of France, who immediately withdrew his

troops, and King William, now master of the conditions, forced his

brother to a peace upon much harder terms than before.

[Footnote 10: See reference to this incident in "The Examiner," No. 21

(vol. ix of this edition, p. 123) [W.S.J.]]

In this passage there are some circumstances which may appear odd and

unaccountable to those who will not give due allowance for the

difference of times and manners: that an absent prince, engaged in an

unjust war with his own brother, and ill-beloved at home, should have so

much power and credit, as by his commission to raise twenty thousand men

on a sudden, only as a recruit to the army he had already with him; that

he should have a fleet prepared ready, and large enough to transport so

great a number; that upon the very point of embarking he should send

them so disgraceful an offer; and that so great a number of common

soldiers should be able and willing to pay such a sum of money, equal to

at least twelve time as much in our times; and that, after being thus

deluded and spoiled at once, they should peaceably disband and retire to

their several homes. But all this will be less difficult to comprehend,

when we reflect on the method of raising and supporting armies, very

different from ours, which was then in use, and so continued for many

ages after. All men who had lands _in capite_ were bound to attend the

King in his wars with a proportioned number of soldiers, who were their

tenants on easy rents in consideration of military service. This was but

the work of a few days, and the troops consisted of such men as were

able to maintain their own charges either at home or abroad: neither was

there any reason to apprehend that soldiers would ever become

instruments for introducing slavery, who held so great a share in the

property.

The King, upon his return from Normandy, made an unsuccessful expedition

against the Welsh, who upon the advantages of his absence had, according

to their usual custom, made cruel inroads upon the adjoining counties of

Chester, Shrewsbury, and Hereford. Upon the King's approach they fled

into their fastnesses among the mountains, where he pursued them for

some time with great rage and vexation, as well as the loss of great

numbers of his men, to no purpose. From hence he was recalled by a more

formidable enemy nearer home: for Robert Earl of Northumberland,

overrating his late services against the Scots, as much perhaps and as

unjustly as they were undervalued by the King, refused to come to his

court, which, in those days, was looked on as the first usual mark of

discontent in a nobleman; and was often charged by princes as a formal

accusation. The earl having disobeyed the King's summons, and concerted

matters with other accomplices, broke out into open rebellion, with

intentions to depose King William, and set up Stephen Earl of Albemarle,

son of a sister to William the Conqueror: but all was prevented by the

celerity of this active prince; who, knowing that insurrections are best

quelled in their beginnings, marched with incredible speed, and

surprised the rebels at Newcastle, took the castles of Tynemouth and

Bamburgh; where the obstinacy of the defendants provoked him, contrary

to his nature, to commit cruelties upon their persons, by cutting off

their hands and ears, and other the like inhumanities. The earl himself

was taken prisoner as he endeavoured to make his escape; but suffered no

other punishment than to be confined for the rest of his life.[11]

[Footnote 11: Which was thirty years. [D.S.]]

About this time began the Holy War for recovering of Palestine; which

having not been the enterprise of any one prince or state, but that

wherein most in Christendom had a share, it cannot with justice be

silently passed over in the history of any nation.

Pope Urban the Second, in a council at Clermont, made a pathetic

exhortation, shewing with what danger and indignity to Christendom the

Turks and Saracens had, for some ages, not only overrun all Asia and

Africa, where Christianity had long flourished; but had also made

encroachments into Europe, where they had entirely subdued Spain, and

some other parts; that Jerusalem, the holy city, where our Saviour did

so many miracles, and where His sepulchre still remained, to the scandal

of the Christian name, lay groaning under the tyranny of infidels; that

the swords which Christian princes had drawn against each other, ought

to be turned against the common enemy of their name and religion; that

this should be reckoned an ample satisfaction for all their past sins;

that those who died in this expedition should immediately go to Heaven,

and the survivors would be blessed with the sight of our Lord's

sepulchre.

Moved by these arguments, and the influence of the person who delivered

them, several nobles and prelates immediately took upon them the cross;

and the council dissolving in this high fit of zeal, the clergy, upon

their return home, prevailed so far in their several countries, that in

most parts of Europe some great prince or lord became a votary for the

Holy Land; as Hugh the Great, brother to the King of France; Godfrey

Duke of Lorraine; Reimond Count of Toulouse; Robert Duke of Normandy,

and many others. Neither ought it to be forgotten, that most of these

noble and generous princes, wanting money to maintain the forces they

had raised, pawned their dominions to those very prelates who had first

engaged them in this enterprise: doubtless a notable mark of the force

of oratory in the churchmen of those ages, who were able to inspire that

devotion into others, whereof they seemed so little sensible themselves.

But a great share in the honour of promoting this religious war, is

attributed to the zeal and industry of a certain French priest, commonly

called Peter the Hermit; who being at Jerusalem upon pilgrimage some

time before, and entering often into private treaty with the patriarch

of that city, came back fully instructed in all the measures necessary

for such a war: to these was joined the artifice of certain dreams and

visions that might pass for divine admonition: all which, added to the

piety of his exhortations, gave him such credit with the Pope, and

several princes of Christendom, that he became in his own person the

leader of a great army against the infidels, and was very instrumental

for engaging many others in the same design.

What a spirit was thus raised in Christendom among all sorts of men,

cannot better be conceived than from the vast numbers of these warlike

pilgrims; who, at the siege of Nice, are said to have consisted of

600,000 foot, and 100,000 horse: and the success at first was answerable

to the greatness of their numbers, the valour of their leaders, and the

universal opinion of such a cause; for, besides several famous victories

in the field, not to mention the towns of less importance, they took

Nice, Antioch, and at last Jerusalem, where Duke Godfrey was chosen king

without competition. But zeal, with a mixture of enthusiasm, as I take

this to have been, is a composition only fit for sudden enterprises,

like a great ferment in the blood, giving double courage and strength

for the time, until it sink and settle by nature into its old channel:

for, in a few years the piety of these adventurers began to slacken, and

give way to faction and envy, the natural corruptions of all

confederacies: however, to this spirit of devotion there succeeded a

spirit of honour, which long continued the vein and humour of the times;

and the Holy Land became either a school, wherein young princes went to

learn the art of war, or a scene wherein they affected to shew their

valour, and gain reputation, when they were weary of peace at home.

The Christians held possession of Jerusalem above eighty years,[12] and

continued their expeditions to the Holy Land almost as many more, with

various events; and after they were entirely driven out of Asia, the

popes have almost in every age endeavoured in vain to promote new

crusades neither does this spirit seem quite extinct among us even to

this day; the usual projects of sanguine men for uniting Christendom

against the Turk, being without doubt a traditional way of talk derived

to us from the same fountain.

[Footnote 12: They held it eighty-eight years; from July, 1099, to

October, 1187. [D.S.]]

Robert, in order to furnish himself out for this war, pawned his duchy

to the King for 10,000 marks of gold;[13] which sum was levied with so

many circumstances of rigour and exaction, towards the Church and laity,

as very much increased the discontents of both against the prince.

[Footnote 13: Equal to £1,400,000, as money passes now. [D.S.]]

1099.

I shall record one act of this king's, which being chiefly personal, may

pass rather for a part of his character, than a point of history.

As he was hunting one day in the New Forest, a messenger express from

Normandy, brought him intelligence, that Hélie, Count de la Flèche, had

laid close siege to Mans, and expected to carry the town in a few days;

the King leaving his chase, commanded some about him to point whereabout

Mans lay; and so rode straight on without reflection, until he came to

the coast. His attendants advised him to wait until he had made

preparations of men and money; to which he only returned; "They that

love me, will follow me." He entered the ship in a violent storm; which

the mariners beholding with astonishment, at length in great humility

gave him warning of the danger; but the King commanded them instantly to

put off to sea, and not be afraid; for he had never in his life heard of

any King that was drowned. In a few days he drove the enemy from before

the city, and took the count himself prisoner, who raging at his defeat

and captivity, exclaimed,[14] "That this blow was from Fortune; but

Valour could make reprisals, as he should shew, if ever he regained his

liberty." This being told the King, he sent for the count, let him

understand that he had heard of his menaces, then gave him a fine horse,

bid him begone immediately, and defied him to do his worst.

[Footnote 14: There is so much pleasantry and humour, as well as spirit

and heroism in this story, as we have it recorded by William de

Malmesbury, who represents the menace as thrown out in the King's

presence, that I shall make no apology for setting down his words at

length. "Auctor turbarum Helias capitur; cui ante se adducto rex

ludibundus, 'Habeo te, magister,' inquit. At ille, cujus alta nobilitas

nesciret in tanto etiam periculo sapere; 'Fortuitu,' inquit, 'me

cepisti: sed si possem evadere, novi quid facerem.' Tum Willelmus, prae

furore ferè extra se positus, et obuncans Heliam, 'Tu,'inquit, 'nebulo!

tu, quid faceres? Discede; abi; fuge! Concede tibi ut facias quicquid

poteris: et, per vultum de Luca! nihil, si me viceris, pro hâc veniâ

tecum paciscar." _I.e._ By the face of St. Luke, if thou shouldst have

the fortune to conquer me, I scorn to compound with thee for my release.

[D.S.]]

It would have been an injury to this prince's memory, to let pass an

action, by which he acquired more honour than from any other in his

life, and by which it appeared that he was not without some seeds of

magnanimity, had they been better cultivated, or not overrun by the

number or prevalency of his vices.

I have met with nothing else in this King's reign that deserved to be

remembered; for, as to an unsuccessful expedition or two against Wales,

either by himself or his generals; they were very inconsiderable both in

action and event, nor attended with any circumstances that might render

a relation of them of any use to posterity, either for instruction or

example.

His death was violent and unexpected, the effect of casualty; although

this perhaps is the only misfortune of life to which the person of a

prince is generally less subject than that of other men. Being at his

beloved exercise of hunting in the New Forest in Hampshire, a large stag

crossed the way before him, the King hot on his game, cried out in haste

to Walter Tyrrel, a knight of his attendants, to shoot; Tyrrel,

immediately let fly his arrow, which glancing against a tree, struck the

King through the heart, who fell dead to the ground without speaking a

word. Upon the surprise of this accident, all his attendants, and

Tyrrel[15] among the rest, fled different ways; until the fright being a

little over, some of them returned, and causing the body to be laid in a

collier's cart, for want of other conveniency, conveyed it in a very

unbecoming contemptuous manner to Winchester, where it was buried the

next day without solemnity, and which is worse, without grief.

[Footnote 15: Yet Eadmer saith, that Tyrrel told him, he had not been in

the Forest that day. [D.S.]]

I shall conclude the history of this prince's reign, with a description

and character of his body and mind, impartially from the collections I

have made; which method I shall observe likewise in all the succeeding

reigns.

He was in stature somewhat below the usual size, and big-bellied, but he

was well and strongly knit. His hair was yellow or sandy; his face red,

which got him the name of Rufus; his forehead flat; his eyes were

spotted, and appeared of different colours; he was apt to stutter in

speaking, especially when he was angry; he was vigorous and active, and

very hardy to endure fatigues, which he owed to a good constitution of

health, and the frequent exercise of hunting; in his dress he affected

gaiety and expense, which having been first introduced by this prince

into his court and kingdom, grew, in succeeding reigns, an intolerable

grievance. He also first brought in among us the luxury and profusion of

great tables. There was in him, as in all other men, a mixture of

virtues and vices, and that in a pretty equal degree, only the

misfortune was, that the latter, although not more numerous, were yet

much more prevalent than the former. For being entirely a man of

pleasure, this made him sacrifice all his good qualities, and gave him

too many occasions of producing his ill ones. He had one very singular

virtue for a prince, which was that of being true to his word and

promise: he was of undoubted personal valour, whereof the writers in

those ages produce several instances; nor did he want skill and conduct

in the process of war. But, his peculiar excellency, was that of great

dispatch, which, however usually decried, and allowed to be only a happy

temerity, does often answer all the ends of secrecy and counsel in a

great commander, by surprising and daunting an enemy when he least

expects it; as may appear by the greatest actions and events upon the

records of every nation.

He was a man of sound natural sense, as well as of wit and humour, upon

occasion. There were several tenets in the Romish Church he could not

digest; particularly that of the saints' intercession; and living in an

age overrun with superstition, he went so far into the other extreme, as

to be censured for an atheist. The day before his death, a monk relating

a terrible dream, which seemed to forebode him some misfortune, the King

being told the matter, turned it into a jest; said, "The man was a monk,

and dreamt like a monk, for lucre sake;" and therefore commanded

Fitzhamon to give him an hundred shillings, that he might not complain

he had dreamt to no purpose.

His vices appear to have been rather derived from the temper of his

body, than any original depravity of his mind; for being of a sanguine

complexion, wholly bent upon his pleasures, and prodigal in his nature,

he became engaged in great expenses. To supply these, the people were

perpetually oppressed with illegal taxes and exactions; but that sort of

avarice which arises from prodigality and vice, as it is always needy,

so it is much more ravenous and violent than the other, which put the

King and his evil instruments (among whom Ralph, Bishop of Durham, is of

special infamy) upon those pernicious methods of gratifying his

extravagances by all manner of oppression; whereof some are already

mentioned, and others are too foul to relate.

He is generally taxed by writers for discovering a contempt of religion

in his common discourse and behaviour; which I take to have risen from

the same fountain, being a point of art, and a known expedient, for men

who cannot quit their immoralities, at least to banish all reflections

that may disturb them in the enjoyment, which must be done either by not

thinking of religion at all; or, if it will obtrude, by putting it out

of countenance.

Yet there is one instance that might shew him to have some sense of

religion as well as justice. When two monks were outvying each other in

canting[16] the price of an abbey, he observed a third at some distance,

who said never a word; the King demanded why he would not offer; the

monk said, he was poor, and besides, would give nothing if he were ever

so rich; the King replied, "Then you are the fittest person to have it,"

and immediately gave it him. But this is, perhaps with reason enough,

assigned more to caprice than conscience; for he was under the power of

every humour and passion that possessed him for the present; which made

him obstinate in his resolves, and unsteady in the prosecution.

[Footnote 16: An Irish phrase for selling or buying by auction. It is

somewhat remarkable that so severe a critic should have used such a word

in historical composition. [S.]]

He had one vice or folly that seemed rooted in his mind, and of all

others, most unbefitting a prince: This was, a proud disdainful manner,

both in his words and gesture; and having already lost the love of his

subjects by his avarice and oppression, this finished the work, by

bringing him into contempt and hatred among his servants; so that few

among the worst of princes have had the luck to be so ill beloved, or so

little lamented.

He never married, having an invincible abhorrence for the state,

although not for the sex.

He died in the thirteenth year of his reign, the forty-third of his age,

and of Christ 1100, August 2.

His works of piety were few, but in buildings he was very expensive,

exceeding any King of England before or since, among which Westminster

Hall, Windsor Castle, the Tower of London, and the whole city of

Carlisle, remain lasting monuments of his magnificence.

THE REIGN OF HENRY THE FIRST.

This prince was the youngest son of William the Conqueror, and bred to

more learning than was usual in that age, or to his rank, which got him

the surname of Beauclerk; the reputation whereof, together with his

being born in England, and born son of a king, although of little weight

in themselves, did very much strengthen his pretensions with the people.

Besides, he had the same advantage of his brother Robert's absence,

which had proved before so successful to Rufus, whose treasures he

likewise seized on immediately at his death, after the same manner, and

for the same end, as Rufus did those of his father the Conqueror. Robert

had been now five years absent in the Holy War, where he acquitted

himself with great glory; and although he was now in Apulia, upon his

return homeward, yet the nobles pretending not to know what was become

of him, and others giving out that he had been elected King of

Jerusalem, Henry laid hold of the occasion, and calling together an

assembly of the clergy, nobles, and people of the realm at London, upon

his promises to restore King Edward's laws, and redress the grievances

which had been introduced by his father and brother, they consented to

elect him king. Immediately after his coronation, he proceeded upon

reforming the abuses of the late reign: he banished dissolute persons

from the court, who had long infested it under the protection and

example of Rufus: he restored the people to the use of lights in the

night, which the Conqueror had forbidden, after a certain hour, by the

ringing of a bell. Then he published his charter, and ordered a copy

thereof to be taken for every county in England. This charter was in

substance; The freedom of Mother Church from former oppressions; leave

to the heirs of nobles to succeed in the possession of their lands,

without being obliged to redeem them, only paying to the king a moderate

relief; abolition of fines for licence of marriage to their heiresses; a

promise of not refusing such licence unless the match proposed be with

the king's enemy,[17] &c.; the next of kin to be guardians of the lands

of orphans; punishments for coiners of false money; a confirmation of

St. Edward's laws; and a general amnesty.

[Footnote 17: _i.e._ with a traitor or malcontent. [D.S.]]

About the same time he performed two acts of justice, which, by

gratifying the revenge and the love of the people, gained very much upon

their affections to his person: the first was, to imprison Ralph Bishop

of Durham,[18] who having been raised by the late king from a mean and

sordid birth to be his prime confidant and minister, became the chief

instrument, as well as contriver, of all his oppressions: the second

was, in recalling and restoring Archbishop Anselm, who having been

forced by the continual persecutions of the same prince, to leave

England, had lived ever since in banishment, and deprived of all his

revenues.

[Footnote 18: Le Neve says that Ralph Flambard, Bishop of Durham, was

imprisoned in the Tower, September, 1100, but escaped in February of the

following year, and fled to Normandy. ("Fasti," iii. 282-3). [W.S.J.]]

The King had not been many months on his throne, when the news came that

Duke Robert, returned from the Holy Land, was received by his subjects

with great marks of joy and honour, and in universal reputation for his

valour and success against the infidels: soon after which, Ralph Bishop

of Durham, either by the negligence or corruption of his keepers,

escaped out of prison, and fled over to the Duke; whom he stirred up to

renew and solicit his pretensions to the crown of England, by writing to

several nobles, who, either through old friendship, or new discontent,

or an opinion of his title, gave him promises of their assistance, as

soon as he should land in England: but the Duke having returned

exceeding poor from the Holy Land, was not yet in a condition for such

an undertaking, and therefore thought fit to defer it to a more

seasonable opportunity.

As the King had hitherto, with great industry, sought all occasions to

gratify his people, so he continued to do in the choice of a wife. This

was Matilda, daughter of Malcolm the late King of Scots; a lady of great

piety and virtue, who, by the power or persuasion of her friends, was

prevailed with to leave her cloister for a crown, after she had, as some

writers report, already taken the veil. Her mother was sister to Edgar

Atheling, the last heir-male of the Saxon race; of whom frequent mention

hath been made in the two preceding reigns: and thus the Saxon line, to

the great contentment of the English nation, was again restored.

Duke Robert, having now with much difficulty and oppression of his

subjects, raised great forces, and gotten ready a fleet to convey them,

resolved once more to assert his title to the crown of England: to which

end he had for some time held a secret correspondence with several

nobles, and lately received fresh invitations. The King, on the other

side, who had received timely intelligence of his brother's

preparations, gave orders to his admirals to watch the sea-ports, and

endeavour to hinder the enemy's landing: but the commanders of several

ships, whether Robert had won them by his bribes, or his promises,

instead of offering resistance, became his guides, and brought his fleet

safe into Portsmouth, where he landed his men, and from thence marched

to Winchester, his army hourly increasing by great numbers of people,

who had either an affection for his person, an opinion of his title, or

a hatred to the King. In the mean time Henry advanced with his forces,

to be near the Duke, and observe his motions; but, like a wise general,

forbore offering battle to an invader, until he might do it with

manifest advantage. Besides, he knew very well that his brother was a

person whose policy was much inferior to his valour, and therefore to be

sooner overcome in a treaty than a fight: to this end, the nobles on

both sides began to have frequent interviews; to make overtures; and at

last concert the terms of a peace; but wholly to the advantage of the

King, Robert renouncing his pretensions in consideration of a small

pension, and of succeeding to the crown on default of male issue in his

brother.

The defection of nobles and other people to the Duke was so great, that

men generally thought if it had come to a battle, the King would have

lost both the victory and his crown. But Robert, upon his return to

Normandy after this dishonourable peace, grew out of all reputation with

the world, as well as into perfect hatred and contempt among his own

subjects, which in a short time was the cause of his ruin.

The King having thus by his prudence got rid of a dangerous and

troublesome rival, and soon after by his valour quelled the

insurrections of the Earls of Shrewsbury and Mortaigne, whom he forced

to fly into Normandy, found himself in full peace at home and abroad,

and therefore thought he might venture a contention with the Church

about the right of investing bishops; upon which subject many other

princes at that time had controversy with their clergy: but, after long

struggling in vain, were all forced to yield at last to the decree of a

synod in Rome, and to the pertinacy of the bishops in the several

countries. The form of investing a bishop, was by delivery of a ring and

a pastoral staff; which, at Rome, was declared unlawful to be performed

by any lay hand whatsoever; but the princes of Christendom pleaded

immemorial custom to authorize them: and King Henry, having given the

investiture to certain bishops, commanded Anselm to consecrate them.

This the archbishop refused with great firmness, pursuant to what he

understood to be his duty, and to several immediate commands of the

Pope. Both sides adhering to their own sentiments, the matter was

carried to Rome, where Anselm went in person, by the King's desire; who,

at the same time, sent ambassadors thither to assert and defend his

cause; but the Pope still insisting, Anselm was forbidden to return to

England. The King seized on all his revenues, and would not restore him,

until upon other concessions of the Pope, Henry was content to yield up

his pretensions to the investiture; but, however, kept the right of

electing still in his own hands.

Whatever might have been the method of electing bishops, in the more

primitive ages, it seems plain to me that in these times, and somewhat

before, although the election was made _per clerum et populum_, yet the

king always nominated at first, or approved afterwards, and generally

both, as may be seen by the style in which their elections ran, as well

as by the persons chosen, who were usually Churchmen of the court, or in

some employment near the King. But whether this were a gradual

encroachment of the regal upon the spiritual power, I had rather leave

others to dispute.

1104.

1105.

About this time Duke Robert came to England, upon a visit to the King,

where he was received with much kindness and hospitality; but, at the

same time, the Queen had private directions to manage his easy temper,

and work him to a consent of remitting his pension: this was compassed

without much difficulty; but, upon the Duke's return to Normandy, he was

severely reproved for his weakness by Ralph Bishop of Durham, and the

two Earls of Mortaigne and Shrewsbury. These three having fled from

England for rebellion, and other treasons, lived exiles in Normandy;

and, bearing an inveterate hatred to the King, resolved to stir up the

Duke to a resentment of the injury and fraud of his brother. Robert, who

was various in his nature, and always under the power of the present

persuader, easily yielded to their incitements: reproached the King in

bitter terms, by letters and messages, that he had cozened and

circumvented him; demanding satisfaction, and withal threatening

revenge. At the same time, by the advice of the three nobles already

mentioned, he began to arm himself as formidably as he could, with

design to seize upon the King's possessions in Normandy: but as this

resolution was rashly taken up, so it was as faintly pursued, and ended

in his destruction: neither hath any prince reason to expect better

fortune, that engages in a war against a powerful neighbour upon the

counsel or instigation of exiles, who having no further view than to

serve their private interest, or gratify their revenge, are sure to

succeed in one or t'other, if they can embark princes in their quarrel,

whom they fail not to incite by the falsest representations of their own

strength, and the weakness of their enemy: for as the King was now

settled in his throne too firm to be shaken, so Robert had wholly lost

all credit and friendship in England; was sunk in reputation at home;

and, by his unlimited profuseness, reduced so low, that, having pawned

most of his dominions, he had offered Rouen, his capital city, in sale

to the inhabitants. All this was very well known to the King, who,

resolving to make his advantage thereof, pretended to be highly provoked

at the disgraceful speeches and menaces of his brother; which he made

the formal occasion of a quarrel: therefore he first sent over some

forces to ravage his country; and, understanding that the Duke was

coldly supported by his own subjects, many of whom came over to the

King's army, he soon followed in person with more; took several towns;

and, placing garrisons therein, came back to England, designing with the

first pretext or opportunity to return with a more potent army, and

wholly subdue the duchy to his obedience.

Robert, now grown sensible of his weakness, became wholly dispirited;

and following his brother into England, in a most dejected manner begged

for peace: but the King, now fully determined upon his ruin, turned away

in disdain, muttering at the same time some threatening words. This

indignity roused up once more the sinking courage of the Duke; who, with

bitter words, detesting the pride and insolence of Henry, withdrew in a

rage, and hasting back to Normandy, made what preparations he could for

his own defence. The King observing his nobles very ready to engage with

him in this expedition; and being assured that those in Normandy would,

upon his approach, revolt from the Duke, soon followed with a mighty

army, and the flower of his kingdom. Upon his arrival he was attended,

according to his expectation, by several Norman lords; and, with this

formidable force, sat down before Tinchebray: the Duke, accompanied by

the two exiled earls, advanced with what strength he had, in hopes to

draw the enemy from the siege of so important a place, although at the

hazard of a battle. Both armies being drawn out in battalia, that of the

King's, trusting to their numbers, began to charge with great fury, but

without any order.

1106.

The Duke, with forces far inferior, received the enemy with much

firmness; and, finding they had spent their first heat, advanced very

regularly against their main body, before they could recover themselves

from the confusion they were in. He attacked them with so much courage,

that he broke their whole body, and they began to fly on every side. The

King believing all was lost, did what he could by threats and gentle

words to stop the flight of his men, but found it impossible: then he

commanded two bodies of horse, which were placed on either wing, to

join, and, wheeling about, to attack the enemy in rear. The Duke, who

thought himself so near a victory, was forced to stop his pursuit; and

ordering his men to face about, began the fight anew; mean time the

scattered parts of the main body, which had so lately fled, began to

rally, and pour in upon the Normans behind, by which Duke Robert's army

was almost encompassed; yet they kept their ground awhile, and made

several charges, until at length, perfectly overborne by numbers, they

were utterly defeated. There Duke Robert, doing all the parts of a great

captain, was taken prisoner, together with the Earl of Mortaigne, and

almost his whole army: for being hemmed in on all sides, few of them

could make their escape. Thus, in the space of forty years; Normandy

subdued England, and England Normandy; which are events perhaps hardly

to be paralleled in any other ages or parts of the world.

1107.

The King, having stayed a while to settle the state of Normandy,

returned with his brother into England, whom he sent prisoner to Cardiff

Castle, with orders that he should be favourably used, which, for some

time, were duly observed; until being accused of attempting to make his

escape (whether it were real or feigned) he had his eyes put out with a

burning basin, by the King's express commands; in which miserable

condition he lived for six-and-twenty years.