(_There is no doubt that Halifax's work deserves to rank first in a
collection of political pamphlets. He signed none; it was indeed
almost impossible for a prominent person in the State then safely or
decently to do so, and different attributions were made at the time of
some of them, as of the _Character of a Trimmer_ to Coventry, and of
this _Letter_ (this 'masterly little tract,' as Macaulay justly calls
it) to Temple. But shortly after his death all were published as his
unchallenged, and there never has been any doubt of their authorship
in the minds of good judges. Four of them are so good that extrinsic
reasons have to be brought in for preferring one to the other. The
_Character of a Trimmer_ is rather too long for my scheme; the _Anatomy
of an Equivalent_ is too technical, and requires too much illustration
and exegesis; the _Cautions for Choice of Members of Parliament_,
though practically valuable to the present day, is a little too
general. The _Letter to a Dissenter_ escapes all these objections. It
is brief, it is thoroughly to the point, it is comprehensible almost
without note or comment to any one who remembers the broad fact that
by his Declaration of Indulgence James the Second attempted to detach,
and almost succeeded in detaching, the Dissenters from their common
cause with the Church in opposing his enfranchisement of the Roman
Catholics, and his preferment of them to great offices. As for its
author, his most eminent acts are written in the pages of the
universally read historian above quoted. But he was in reality more of
a Tory than it suited Macaulay to represent him, though he gloried in
the name of Trimmer, and certainly showed what is called in modern
political slang a 'crossbench mind' not only during the madness of the
Popish plot, during the greater madness of James's assaults on the
Church, the Constitution, and private rights, but also (after the
Revolution) towards William of Orange. Born about 1630 he died in
April 1695, leaving the fame, unjustified by any samples in those
unreported days, of the greatest orator of his time, a reputation as a
wit which was partly inherited by his grandson, Chesterfield, and the
small volume of _Miscellanies_, on which we here draw. The pamphlet
itself appeared in April 1687._)
A LETTER TO A DISSENTER, UPON OCCASION OF HIS MAJESTY'S LATE GRACIOUS
DECLARATION OF INDULGENCE
Sir--Since addresses are in fashion, give me leave to make one to you.
This is neither the effect of fear, interest, or resentment; therefore
you may be sure it is sincere: and for that reason it may expect to be
kindly received. Whether it will have power enough to convince,
dependeth upon the reasons of which you are to judge; and upon your
preparation of mind, to be persuaded by truth, whenever it appeareth
to you. It ought not to be the less welcome for coming from a friendly
hand, one whose kindness to you is not lessened by difference of
opinion, and who will not let his thoughts for the public be so tied
or confined to this or that sub-division of Protestants as to stifle
the charity, which besides all other arguments, is at this time become
necessary to preserve us.
I am neither surprised nor provoked, to see that in the condition you
were put into by the laws, and the ill circumstances you lay under, by
having the Exclusion and Rebellion laid to your charge, you were
desirous to make yourselves less uneasy and obnoxious to authority.
Men who are sore, run to the nearest remedy with too much haste to
consider all the consequences: grains of allowance are to be given,
where nature giveth such strong influences. When to men under
sufferings it offereth ease, the present pain will hardly allow time
to examine the remedies; and the strongest reason can hardly gain a
fair audience from our mind, whilst so possessed, till the smart is a
little allayed.
I do not know whether the warmth that naturally belongeth to new
friendships, may not make it a harder task for me to persuade you. It
is like telling lovers, in the beginning of their joys, that they will
in a little time have an end. Such an unwelcome style doth not easily
find credit. But I will suppose you are not so far gone in your new
passion, but that you will hear still; and therefore I am also under
the less discouragement, when I offer to your consideration two
things. The _first_ is, the cause you have to suspect your new
friends. The _second_, the duty incumbent upon you, in Christianity
and prudence, not to hazard the public safety, neither by desire of
ease nor of revenge.
To the _first_. Consider that notwithstanding the smooth language
which is now put on to engage you, these new friends did not make you
their choice, but their refuge. They have ever made their first
courtships to the Church of England, and when they were rejected
there, they made their application to you in the second place. The
instances of this might be given in all times. I do not repeat them,
because whatsoever is unnecessary must be tedious; the truth of this
assertion being so plain as not to admit a dispute. You cannot
therefore reasonably flatter yourselves that there is any inclination
to you. They never pretended to allow you any quarter, but to usher in
liberty for themselves under that shelter. I refer you to Mr.
Coleman's Letters, and to the Journals of Parliament, where you may be
convinced, if you can be so mistaken as to doubt; nay, at this very
hour they can hardly forbear, in the height of their courtship, to let
fall hard words of you. So little is nature to be restrained; it will
start out sometimes, disdaining to submit to the usurpation of art and
interest.
This alliance, between liberty and infallibility, is bringing together
the two most contrary things that are in the world. The Church of Rome
doth not only dislike the allowing liberty, but by its principles it
cannot do it. Wine is not more expressly forbid to the Mahometans,
than giving heretics liberty to the Papists. They are no more able to
make good their vows to you, than men married before, and their wife
alive, can confirm their contract with another. The continuance of
their kindness would be a habit of sin, of which they are to repent;
and their absolution is to be had upon no other terms than their
promise to destroy you. You are therefore to be hugged now, only that
you may be the better squeezed at another time. There must be
something extraordinary when the Church of Rome setteth up bills, and
offereth plaisters, for tender consciences. By all that hath hitherto
appeared, her skill in chirurgery lieth chiefly in a quick hand to cut
off limbs; but she is the worst at healing of any that ever pretended
to it.
To come so quick from another extreme is such an unnatural motion that
you ought to be upon your guard. The other day you were Sons of
Belial; now you are Angels of Light. This is a violent change, and it
will be fit for you to pause upon it before you believe it. If your
features are not altered, neither is their opinion of you, whatever
may be pretended. Do you believe less than you did that there is
idolatry in the Church of Rome? Sure you do not. See, then, how they
treat, both in words and writing, those who entertain that opinion.
Conclude from hence, how inconsistent their favour is with this single
article, except they give you a dispensation for this too, and not by
a _non obstante_, secure you that they will not think the worse of
you.
Think a little how dangerous it is to build upon a foundation of
paradoxes. Popery now is the only friend to liberty, and the known
enemy to persecution. The men of Taunton and Tiverton are above all
other eminent for Loyalty. The Quakers, from being declared by the
Papists not to be Christians, are now made favourites, and taken into
their particular protection; they are on a sudden grown the most
accomplished men of the kingdom in good breeding, and give thanks with
the best grace in double-refined language. So that I should not
wonder, though a man of that persuasion, in spite of his hat, should
be Master of the Ceremonies. Not to say harsher words, these are such
very new things, that it is impossible not to suspend our belief, till
by a little more experience, we may be informed whether they are
realities or apparitions. We have been under shameful mistakes, if
these opinions are true; but for the present we are apt to be
incredulous, except that we could be convinced that the priest's words
in this case too are able to make such a sudden and effectual change;
and that their power is not limited to the Sacrament, but that it
extendeth to alter the nature of all other things, as often as they
are so disposed.
Let me now speak of the instruments of your friendship, and then leave
you to judge whether they do not afford matter of suspicion. No
sharpness is to be mingled, where healing only is intended; so nothing
will be said to expose particular men, how strong soever the
temptation may be, or how clear the proofs to make it out. A word or
two in general, for your better caution, shall suffice. Suppose then,
for argument's sake, that the mediators of this new alliance should
be such as have been formerly employed in treaties of the same kind,
and there detected to have acted by order, and to have been empowered
to give encouragements and rewards. Would not this be an argument to
suspect them?
If they should plainly be under engagements to one side, their
arguments to the other ought to be received accordingly. Their fair
pretences are to be looked upon as a part of their commission, which
may not improbably give them a dispensation in the case of truth, when
it may bring a prejudice upon the service of those by whom they are
employed.
If there should be men, who having formerly had means and authority to
persuade by secular arguments, have, in pursuance of that power,
sprinkled money among the Dissenting ministers; and if those very men
should now have the same authority, practise the same methods, and
disburse where they cannot otherwise persuade; it seemeth to me to be
rather an evidence than a presumption of the deceit.
If there should be ministers amongst you, who by having fallen under
temptations of this kind, are in some sort engaged to continue their
frailty, by the awe they are in lest it should be exposed; the
persuasions of these unfortunate men must sure have the less force,
and their arguments, though never so specious, are to be suspected,
when they come from men who have mortgaged themselves to severe
creditors, that expect a rigorous observance of the contract, let it
be never so unwarrantable. If these, or any others, should at this
time preach up anger and vengeance against the Church of England; may
it not without injustice be suspected that a thing so plainly out of
season springeth rather from corruption than mistake; and that those
who act this choleric part, do not believe themselves, but only pursue
higher directions, and endeavour to make good that part of their
contract, which obligeth them, upon a forfeiture, to make use of their
enflaming eloquence? They might apprehend their wages would be
retrenched if they should be moderate: and therefore, whilst violence
is their interest, those who have not the same arguments have no
reason to follow such a partial example.
If there should be men, who by the load of their crimes against the
Government, have been bowed down to comply with it against their
conscience; who by incurring the want of a pardon, have drawn upon
themselves a necessity of an entire resignation, such men are to be
lamented, but not to be believed. Nay, they themselves, when they have
discharged their unwelcome talk, will be inwardly glad that their
forced endeavours do not succeed, and are pleased when men resist
their insinuations; which are far from being voluntary or sincere, but
are squeezed out of them by the weight of their being so obnoxious.
If, in the height of this great dearness, by comparing things, it
should happen that at this instant there is much a surer friendship
with those who are so far from allowing liberty that they allow no
living to a Protestant under them--let the scene lie in what part of
the world it will, the argument will come home, and sure it will
afford sufficient ground to suspect. Apparent contradictions must
strike us; neither nature nor reason can digest them. Self-flattery,
and the desire to deceive ourselves, to gratify present appetite, with
all their power, which is great, cannot get the better of such broad
conviction, as some things carry along with them. Will you call these
vain and empty suspicions? Have you been at all times so void of fears
and jealousies, as to justify your being so unreasonably valiant in
having none upon this occasion? Such an extraordinary courage at this
unseasonable time, to say no more, is too dangerous a virtue to be
commended.
If then, for these and a thousand other reasons, there is cause to
suspect, sure your new friends are not to dictate to you, or advise
you. For instance: the Addresses that fly abroad every week, and
murder us with _another to the same_; the first draughts are made by
those who are not very proper to be secretaries to the Protestant
Religion: and it is your part only to write them out fairer again.
Strange! that you, who have been formerly so much against _set
forms_, should now be content the priests should indite for you. The
nature of thanks is an unavoidable consequence of being pleased or
obliged; they grow in the heart, and from thence show themselves
either in looks, speech, writing, or action. No man was ever thankful
because he was bid to be so, but because he had, or thought he had
some reason for it. If then there is cause in this case to pay such
extravagant acknowledgments, they will flow naturally, without taking
such pains to procure them; and it is unkindly done to tire all the
Post-horses with carrying circular letters, to solicit that which
would be done without any trouble or constraint. If it is really in
itself such a favour, what needeth so much pressing men to be
thankful, and with such eager circumstances, that where persuasions
cannot delude, threatenings are employed to fright them into a
compliance? Thanks must be voluntary, not only unconstrained but
unsolicited, else they are either trifles or snares, that either
signify nothing or a great deal more than is intended by those that
give them. If an inference should be made, that whosoever thanketh the
King for his Declaration, is by that engaged to justify it in point of
law; it is a greater stride than I presume all those care to make who
are persuaded to address. It shall be supposed that all the thankers
will be repealers of the Test, whenever a Parliament shall meet; such
an expectation is better prevented before than disappointed
afterwards; and the surest way to avoid the lying under such a scandal
is not to do anything that may give a colour to the mistake. These
bespoken thanks are little less improper than love-letters that were
solicited by the lady to whom they are to be directed: so that,
besides the little ground there is to give them, the manner of getting
them doth extremely lessen their value. It might be wished that you
would have suppressed your impatience, and have been content, for the
sake of religion, to enjoy it within yourselves, without the liberty
of a public exercise, till a Parliament had allowed it; but since that
could not be, and that the articles of some amongst you have made use
of the well-meant zeal of the generality to draw them into this
mistake, I am so far from blaming you with that sharpness, which
perhaps the matter in strictness would bear, that I am ready to err on
the side of the more gentle construction.
There is a great difference between enjoying quietly the advantages of
an act irregularly done by others, and the going about to support it
against the laws in being. The law is so sacred that no trespass
against it is to be defended; yet frailties may in some measure be
excused when they cannot be justified. The desire of enjoying liberty,
from which men have been so long restrained, may be a temptation that
their reason is not at all times able to resist. If in such a case
some objections are leapt over, indifferent men will be more inclined
to lament the occasion than to fall too hard upon the fault, whilst it
is covered with the apology of a good intention. But where, to rescue
yourselves from the severity of one law, you give a blow to all the
laws, by which your religion and liberty are to be protected; and
instead of silently receiving the benefit of this indulgence, you set
up for advocates to support it, you become voluntary aggressors, and
look like counsel retained by the prerogative against your old friend
Magna Charta, who hath done nothing to deserve her falling thus under
your displeasure.
If the case then should be, that the price expected from you for this
liberty is giving up your right in the laws, sure you will think twice
before you go any further in such a losing bargain. After giving
thanks for the breach of one law, you lose the right of complaining of
the breach of all the rest; you will not very well know how to defend
yourselves when you are pressed; and having given up the question when
it was for your advantage, you cannot recall it when it shall be to
your prejudice. If you will set up at one time a power to help you,
which at another time, by parity of reason, shall be made use of to
destroy you, you will neither be pitied nor relieved against a
mischief which you draw upon yourselves by being so unreasonably
thankful. It is like calling in auxiliaries to help, who are strong
enough to subdue you. In such a case your complaints will come too
late to be heard, and your sufferings will raise mirth instead of
compassion.
If you think, for your excuse, to expound your thanks, so as to
restrain them to this particular case; others, for their ends, will
extend them further: and in these differing interpretations, that
which is backed by authority will be the most likely to prevail;
especially when, by the advantage you have given them, they have in
truth the better of the argument, and that the inferences from your
own concessions are very strong and express against you. This is so
far from being a groundless supposition, that there was a late
instance of it in the last session of Parliament, in the House of
Lords, where the first thanks, though things of course, were
interpreted to be the approbation of the King's whole speech, and a
restraint from the further examination of any part of it, though never
so much disliked; and it was with difficulty obtained, not to be
excluded from the liberty of objecting to this mighty prerogative of
dispensing, merely by this innocent and usual piece of good manners,
by which no such thing could possibly be intended.
This showeth that some bounds are to be put to your good breeding, and
that the Constitution of England is too valuable a thing to be
ventured upon a compliment. Now that you have for some time enjoyed
the benefit of the end, it is time for you to look into the danger of
the means. The same reason that made you desirous to get liberty must
make you solicitous to preserve it, so that the next thought will
naturally be, not to engage yourself beyond retreat; and to agree so
far with the principles of all religion, as not to rely upon a
death-bed repentance.
There are certain periods of time, which being once past, make all
cautions ineffectual, and all remedies desperate. Our understandings
are apt to be hurried on by the first heats, which, if not restrained
in time, do not give us leave to look back till it is too late.
Consider this in the case of your anger against the Church of England,
and take warning by their mistake in the same kind, when after the
late King's Restoration they preserved so long the bitter taste of
your rough usage to them in other times, that it made them forget
their interest and sacrifice it to their revenge.
Either you will blame this proceeding in them, and for that reason not
follow it; or, if you allow it, you have no reason to be offended with
them; so that you must either dismiss your anger or lose your excuse;
except you should argue more partially than will be supposed of men of
your morality and understanding.
If you had now to do with those rigid prelates who made it a matter of
conscience to give you the least indulgence, but kept you at an
uncharitable distance, and even to your most reasonable scruples
continued stiff and inexorable, the argument might be fairer on your
side; but since the common danger has so laid open that mistake, that
all the former haughtiness towards you is for ever extinguished, and
that it hath turned the spirit of persecution into a spirit of peace,
charity, and condescension; shall this happy change only affect the
Church of England? And are you so in love with separation as not to be
moved by this example? It ought to be followed, were there no other
reason than that it is virtue; but when, besides that, it is become
necessary to your preservation, it is impossible to fail the having
its effect upon you.
If it should be said that the Church of England is never humble but
when she is out of power, and therefore loseth the right of being
believed when she pretendeth to it: the answer is, _first_, It would
be an uncharitable objection, and very much mistimed; an unseasonable
triumph, not only ungenerous but unsafe: so that in these respects it
cannot be urged without scandal, even though it could be said with
truth. _Secondly_, This is not so in fact, and the argument must fall,
being built upon a false foundation; for whatever may be told you at
this very hour, and in the heat and glare of your perfect sunshine,
the Church of England can in a moment bring clouds again, and turn
the royal thunder upon your heads, blow you off the stage with a
breath, if she would give but a smile or a kind word; the least
glimpse of her compliance would throw you back into the state of
suffering, and draw upon you all the arrears of severity which have
accrued during the time of this kindness to you; and yet the Church of
England, with all her faults, will not allow herself to be rescued by
such unjustifiable means, but chooseth to bear the weight of power
rather than lie under the burden of being criminal.
It cannot be said that she is unprovoked: books and letters come out
every day to call for answers, yet she will not be stirred. From the
supposed authors and the style, one would swear they were undertakers,
and had made a contract to fall out with the Church of England. There
are lashes in every address, challenges to draw the pen in every
pamphlet. In short, the fairest occasions in the world given to
quarrel; but she wisely distinguisheth between the body of Dissenters,
whom she will suppose to act, as they do, with no ill intent, and
these small skirmishers, picked and sent out to piqueer, and to begin
a fray amongst the Protestants for the entertainment as well as the
advantage of the Church of Rome.
This conduct is so good, that it will be scandalous not to applaud it.
It is not equal dealing to blame our adversaries for doing ill, and
not commend them when they do well.
To hate them because they are persecuted, and not to be reconciled to
them when they are ready to suffer rather than receive all the
advantages that can be gained by a criminal compliance, is a principle
no sort of Christians can own, since it would give an objection to
them never to be answered.
Think a little who they were that promoted your former persecutions,
and then consider how it will look to be angry with the instruments,
and at the same time to make a league with the authors of your
sufferings.
Have you enough considered what will be expected from you? Are you
ready to stand in every borough by virtue of a _congé d'élire_, and
instead of election be satisfied if you are returned?
Will you, in parliament, justify the dispensing power, with all its
consequences, and repeal the test, by which you will make way for the
repeal of all the laws that were made to preserve your religion, and
to enact others that shall destroy it?
Are you disposed to change the liberty of debate into the merit of
obedience; and to be made instruments to repeal or enact laws, when
the Roman Consistory are Lords of the Articles?
Are you so linked to your new friends as to reject any indulgence a
parliament shall offer you, if it shall not be so comprehensive as to
include the Papists in it?
Consider that the implied conditions of your new treaty are no less
than that you are to do everything you are desired, without examining;
and that for this pretended liberty of conscience, your real freedom
is to be sacrificed; your former faults hang like chains still about
you, you are let loose only upon bail; the first act of non-compliance
sendeth you to gaol again.
You may see that the Papists themselves do not rely upon the legality
of this power which you are to justify, since the being so very
earnest to get it established by a law, and the doing such very hard
things in order, as they think, to obtain it, is a clear evidence that
they do not think that the single power of the Crown is in this case a
good foundation; especially when this is done under a prince so very
tender of the rights of sovereignty that he would think it a
diminution to his prerogative, where he conceiveth it strong enough to
go alone, to call in the legislative help to strengthen and support
it.
You have formerly blamed the Church of England, and not without
reason, for going so far as they did in their compliance; and yet so
soon as they stopped, you see they are not only deserted, but
prosecuted. Conclude, then, from this example, that you must either
break off your friendship or resolve to have no bounds in it. If they
do succeed in their design, they will leave you first: if they do, you
must either leave them, when it will be too late for your safety, or
else, after the squeaziness of starting at a surplice, you must be
forced to swallow Transubstantiation.
Remember that the other day those of the Church of England were
Trimmers for enduring you; and now, by a sudden turn, you are become
the favourites. Do not deceive yourselves; it is not the nature of
lasting plants thus to shoot up in a night; you may look gay and green
for a little time, but you want a root to give you a continuance. It
is not so long since, as to be forgotten, that the maxim was, It is
impossible for a Dissenter not to be a REBEL. Consider at this time in
France, even the new converts are so far from being employed that they
are disarmed; their sudden change maketh them still to be distrusted,
notwithstanding that they are reconciled; what are you to expect then
from your dear friends, to whom, whenever they shall think fit to
throw you off again, you have in other times given such arguments for
their excuse?
Besides all this you act very unskilfully against your visible
interest, if you throw away the advantages of which you can hardly
fail in the next probable Revolution. Things tend naturally to what
you would have, if you would let them alone, and not by an
unseasonable activity lose the influences of your good star, which
promiseth you everything that is prosperous.
The Church of England, convinced of its error in being severe to you;
the Parliament, whenever it meeteth sure to be gentle to you; the next
heir, bred in the country which you have so often quoted for a pattern
of indulgence; a general agreement of all thinking men, that we must
no more cut ourselves off from the Protestants abroad, but rather
enlarge the foundations upon which we are to build our defences
against the common enemy; so that in truth, all things seem to
conspire to give you ease and satisfaction, if by too much haste to
anticipate your good fortune you do not destroy it.
The Protestants have but one article of human strength to oppose the
power which is now against them, and that is not to lose the advantage
of their numbers by being so unwary as to let themselves be divided.
We all agree in our duty to our prince; our objections to his belief
do not hinder us from seeing his virtues; and our not complying with
his religion hath no effect upon our allegiance. We are not to be
laughed out of our passive obedience, and the doctrine of
non-resistance, though even those who perhaps owe the best part of
their security to that principle are apt to make a jest of it.
So that if we give no advantage by the fatal mistake of misapplying
our anger, by the natural course of things this danger will pass away
like a shower of hail; fair weather will succeed, as lowering as the
sky now looketh, and all this by a plain and easy receipt. Let us be
still, quiet, and undivided, firm at the same time to our religion,
our loyalty, and our laws; and so long as we continue this method it
is next to impossible that the odds of two hundred to one should lose
the bet; except the Church of Rome, which hath been so long barren of
miracles, should now, in her declining age, be brought to bed of one
that would outdo the best she can brag of in her legend.
To conclude, the short question will be, Whether you will join with
those who must in the end run the same fate with you? If Protestants
of all sorts, in their behaviour to one another, have been to blame,
they are upon more equal terms, and, for that very reason, it is
fitter for them now to be reconciled. Our disunion is not only a
reproach, but a danger to us. Those who believe in modern miracles
have more right, or at least more excuse, to neglect all secular
caution; but for us, it is as justifiable to have no religion as
wilfully to throw away the human means of preserving it.--I am, Dear
Sir, your most affectionate humble Servant, T.W.