Then the clerk of the Court read as followeth:--

'Charles Stuart, king of England, You have been accused on

behalf of the People of England of High Treasons, and other high

Crimes; the Court have determined that you ought to answer the

same.'

KING--I will answer the same so soon as I know by what Authority

you do this.

LORD PRESIDENT--If this be all that you will say, then

Gentlemen, you that brought the Prisoner hither, take charge of

him back again.

KING--I do require that I may give in my Reasons why I do not

answer, and give me time for that.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, it is not for Prisoners to require.

KING--Prisoners! Sir, I am not an ordinary prisoner.

LORD PRESIDENT--The Court hath considered of their jurisdiction,

and they have already affirmed their jurisdiction; if you will

not answer, we shall give order to record your default.

KING--You never heard my Reasons yet.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, your Reasons are not to be heard against

the highest jurisdiction.

KING--Shew me that Jurisdiction where reason is not to be heard.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, we shew it you here. The Commons of

England; and the next time you are brought, you will know more

of the pleasure of the Court; and, it may be, their final

determination.

KING--Shew me where ever the House of Commons was a Court of

Judicature of that kind.

LORD PRESIDENT--Serjeant, take away the Prisoner.

KING--Well, Sir, remember that the king is not suffered to give

in his Reasons for the Liberty and Freedom of all his Subjects.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, you are not to have Liberty to use this

language; How great a friend you have been to the Laws and

Liberties of the people, let all England and the world judge.

KING--Sir, under favour, it was the Liberty, Freedom, and Laws

of the subject, that ever I took--defended myself with arms; I

never took up arms against the people, but for the laws.

LORD PRESIDENT--The command of the Court must be obeyed; no

Answer will be given to the Charge.

KING--Well, Sir!

And so he was guarded forth to sir Robert Cotton's house.

Then the Court adjourned to the Painted Chamber on Tuesday at 12

o'clock, and from thence they intend to adjourn to Westminster Hall; at

which time all persons concerned are to give their attendance.

At the High Court of Justice sitting in Westminster Hall,

Tuesday, January 23, 1649.

O Yes made, Silence commanded, the Court called, 73 persons

present. The King comes in with his guard, looks with an austere

countenance upon the Court, and sits down. The second O Yes

made, and Silence commanded.

MR. COOK, SOLICITOR-GENERAL--May it please your lordship, my

lord President; this is now the third time, that by the great

grace and favour of this High Court, the Prisoner hath been

brought to the bar before any issue joined in the cause. My

lord, I did at the first court exhibit a Charge against him,

containing the highest Treasons that ever was wrought upon the

theatre of England; That a king of England trusted to keep the

law, that had taken an oath so to do, that had tribute paid him

for that end, should be guilty of a wicked Design to subvert and

destroy our Laws, and introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical

Government, in defiance of the Parliament and their Authority,

set up his standard for War against his Parliament and People:

And I did humbly pray, in the behalf of the people of England,

that he might speedily be required to make an Answer to the

Charge. But my lord, instead of making any Answer, he did then

dispute the Authority of this High Court. Your lordship was

pleased to give him a further day to consider, and to put in his

Answer; which day being Yesterday, I did humbly move, that he

might be required to give a direct and positive Answer, either

by denying or confession of it; But, my lord, he was then

pleased for to demur to the Jurisdiction of the Court; which the

court did then over-rule, and commanded him to give a direct and

positive Answer. My lord, besides this great delay of justice, I

shall now humbly move your lordship for speedy Judgment against

him. My lord, I might press your lordship upon the whole, that

according to the known rules of the law of the land, That if a

Prisoner shall stand as contumacious in contempt, and shall not

put in an issuable plea, Guilty or not Guilty of the Charge

given against him, whereby he may come to a fair trial; that, as

by an implicit confession, it may be taken _pro confesso_, as it

hath been done to those who have deserved more favour than the

Prisoner at the bar has done. But, besides, my lord, I shall

humbly press your lordship upon the whole fact. The house of

commons, the supreme Authority and Jurisdiction of the kingdom,

they have declared, That it is notorious, that the matter of the

Charge is true, as it is in truth, my lord, as clear as crystal,

and as the sun that shines at noon-day: which if your lordship

and the Court be not satisfied in, I have notwithstanding, on

the people of England's behalf, several Witnesses to produce.

And therefore I do humbly pray, and yet I must confess it is not

so much I, as the innocent blood that hath been shed, the cry

whereof is very great for justice and judgment; and therefore I

do humbly pray, that speedy Judgment be pronounced against the

Prisoner at the bar.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, you have heard what is moved by the Counsel

on the behalf of the kingdom against you. Sir, you may well

remember, and if you do not, the Court cannot forget, what

dilatory dealings the Court hath found at your hands. You were

pleased to propound some Questions, you have had our Resolutions

upon them. You were told, over and over again, That the Court

did affirm their own jurisdiction; that it was not for you, nor

any other man, to dispute the jurisdiction of the supreme and

highest Authority of England, from which there is no appeal, and

touching which there must be no dispute; yet you did persist in

such carriage, as you gave no manner of obedience, nor did you

acknowledge any authority in them, nor the High Court that

constituted this Court of Justice. Sir, I must let you know from

the Court, that they are very sensible of these delays of

your's, and that they ought not, being thus authorised by the

supreme Court of England, to be thus trifled withal; and that

they might in justice, if they pleased, and according to the

rules of justice, take advantage of these delays and proceed to

pronounce judgment against you; yet nevertheless they are

pleased to give direction, and on their behalfs I do require

you, that you make a positive Answer unto this Charge that is

against you, Sir, in plain terms, for Justice knows no respect

of persons; you are to give your positive and final Answer in

plain English, whether you be Guilty or Not Guilty of these

Treasons laid to your charge.

The King, after a little pause, said,

KING--When I was here yesterday, I did desire to speak for the

Liberties of the people of England; I was interrupted; I desire

to know yet whether I may speak freely or not.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, you have had the Resolution of the Court

upon the like question the last day, and you were told that

having such a Charge of so high a nature against you, and your

work was, that you ought to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the

Court, and to answer to your Charge. Sir, if you answer to your

Charge, which the Court gives you leave now to do, though they

might have taken the advantage of your contempt; yet if you be

able to answer to your Charge, when you have once answered, you

shall be heard at large, make the best defence you can. But,

Sir, I must let you know from the Court, as their commands, that

you are not to be permitted to issue out into any other

discourses, till such time as you have given a positive Answer

concerning the matter that is charged upon you.

KING--For the Charge, I value it not a rush; it is the Liberty

of the People of England that I stand for. For me to acknowledge

a new Court that I never heard of before, I that am your King,

that should be an example to all the people of England for to

uphold justice, to maintain the old laws: indeed I do not know

how to do it. You spoke very well the first day that I came here

(on Saturday) of the obligations that I had laid upon me by God,

to the maintenance of the Liberties of my people; the same

obligation you spake of, I do acknowledge to God that I owe to

him, and to my people, to defend as much as in me lies the

ancient laws of the kingdom: therefore, until that I may know

that this is not against the fundamental Laws of the kingdom, by

your favour I can put in no particular Charge.[23] If you will

give me time, I will shew you my Reasons why I cannot do it, and

this----

Here, being interrupted, he said,

By your favor, you ought not to interrupt me: How I came here, I

know not; there's no law for it to make your king your prisoner.

I was in a Treaty upon the public faith of the kingdom, that was

the known[24] ... two Houses of Parliament that was the

representative of the kingdom; and when that I had almost made

an end of the Treaty, then I was hurried away, and brought

hither: and therefore----

Here the Lord President said, Sir, you must know the pleasure of

the Court.

KING--By your favour, sir.

LORD PRESIDENT--Nay, sir, by your favour, you may not be

permitted to fall into those discourses; you appear as a

Delinquent, you have not acknowledged the authority of the

Court, the Court craves it not of you; but once more they

command you to give your positive Answer.--Clerk, do your duty.

KING--Duty, Sir!

The Clerk reads.

'Charles Stuart, king of England, you are accused in behalf of

the commons of England of divers Crimes and Treasons, which

Charge hath been read unto you: the Court now requires you to

give your positive and final Answer, by way of confession or

denial of the Charge.'

KING--Sir, I say again to you, so that I might give satisfaction

to the people of England of the clearness of my proceeding, not

by way of Answer, not in this way, but to satisfy them that I

have done nothing against that trust that has been committed to

me, I would do it; but to acknowledge a new Court, against their

Privileges, to alter the fundamental laws of the kingdom--sir,

you must excuse me.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, this is the third time that you have

publicly disowned this Court, and put an affront upon it. How

far you have preserved the privileges of the people, your

actions have spoke it; but truly, Sir, men's intentions ought to

be known by their actions; you have written your meaning in

bloody characters throughout the whole kingdom. But, Sir, you

understand the pleasure of the Court.--Clerk, Record the

Default.--And, Gentlemen, you that took charge of the Prisoner,

take him back again.

KING--I will only say this one word more to you: If it were only

my own particular, I would not say any more, nor interrupt you.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, you have heard the pleasure of the Court,

and you are (notwithstanding you will not understand it) to find

that you are before a court of justice.

Then the King went forth with his guard, and proclamation was made, That

all persons which had then appeared, and had further to do at the Court,

might depart into the Painted Chamber; to which place the Court did

forthwith adjourn, and intended to meet in Westminster Hall by ten of

the clock next morning.

CRYER--God bless the kingdom of England!

Wednesday, January 24th, 1649.

This day it was expected the High Court of Justice would have met in

Westminster Hall, about ten of the clock; but at the time appointed, one

of the Ushers, by direction of the Court (then sitting in the Painted

Chamber) gave notice to the people there assembled, That in regard the

Court was then upon the Examination of Witnesses, in relation to present

affairs, in the Painted Chamber, they could not sit there; but all

persons appointed to be there, were to appear upon further summons.

The Proceedings of the High Court of Justice sitting in

Westminster Hall, on Saturday the 27th of January 1649.

O Yes made: Silence commanded; the court called; Serjeant

Bradshaw Lord President (in a scarlet robe), with sixty-eight

other members of the court.

As the King comes in, a Cry made in the Hall for Execution!

Justice! Execution![25]

KING--I shall desire a word to be heard a little, and I hope I

shall give no occasion of interruption.

LORD PRESIDENT--You may answer in your time, hear the Court

first.

KING--If it please you, Sir, I desire to be heard, and I shall

not give any occasion of interruption, and it is only in a word:

a sudden Judgment.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, you shall be heard in due time, but you are

to hear the Court first.

KING--Sir, I desire--it will be in order to what I believe the

Court will say; and therefore, Sir, an hasty Judgment is not so

soon recalled.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, you shall be heard before the Judgment be

given, and in the mean time you may forbear.

KING--Well, Sir, shall I be heard before the Judgment be given?

LORD PRESIDENT--Gentlemen, it is well known to all, or most of

you here present, that the Prisoner at the Bar hath been several

times convened and brought before the Court to make answer to a

Charge of Treason, and other high Crimes exhibited against him

in the name of the people of England [Here a malignant lady

(Lady Fairfax) interrupted the Court, saying 'Not half the

People'; but she was soon silenced. See the Trial of Daniel

Axtell, Oct. 15, 1660]; to which Charge being required to answer

he hath been so far from obeying the commands of the Court by

submitting to their justice, as he began to take upon him to

offer reasoning and debate unto the Authority of the Court, and

of the highest court that constituted them to try and judge him:

but being over-ruled in that, and required to make his Answer,

he was still pleased to continue contumacious, and to refuse to

submit or answer. Hereupon the Court, that they may not be

wanting to themselves, to the trust reposed in them, nor that

any man's wilfulness prevent justice, they have thought fit to

take the matter into their consideration, they have considered

of the Charge, they have considered of the Contumacy, and of

that Confession, which in law doth arise upon that contumacy;

they have likewise considered of the notoriety of the fact

charged upon this Prisoner, and upon the whole matter they are

resolved, and have agreed upon a Sentence to be now pronounced

against this Prisoner; but in respect he doth desire to be

heard, before the Sentence be read and pronounced, the Court

hath resolved that they will hear him. Yet, Sir, thus much I

must tell you beforehand, which you have been minded of at other

courts, that if that you have to say be to offer any debate

concerning jurisdiction, you are not to be heard in it; you have

offered it formerly, and you have indeed struck at the root,

that is, the power and supreme authority of the Commons of

England, which this Court will not admit a debate of; and which

indeed is an irrational thing in them to do, being a court that

acts upon authority derived from them, that they should presume

to judge upon their superior, from whom there is no appeal. But,

sir, if you have anything to say in defence of yourself

concerning the matter charged, the Court hath given me in

command to let you know they will hear you.

KING--Since that I see that you will not hear anything of

debate concerning that which I confess I thought most material

for the Peace of the Kingdom, and for the Liberty of the

Subject, I shall wave it; I shall speak nothing to it, but only

I must tell you, that this many a day all things have been taken

away from me, but that, that I call more dear to me than my

life, which is my conscience and my honour: and if I had respect

to my life more than the Peace of the Kingdom, the Liberty of

the Subject, certainly I should have made a particular Defence

for myself; for by that at leastwise I might have delayed an

ugly Sentence, which I believe will pass upon me. Therefore

certainly, Sir, as a man that hath some understanding, some

knowledge of the world, if that my true zeal to my country had

not overborne the care that I have of my own preservation, I

should have gone another way to work than that I have done. Now,

Sir, I conceive, that an hasty Sentence once passed, may sooner

be repented than recalled; and truly, the self-same desire that

I have for the Peace of the Kingdom, and the Liberty of the

subject more than my own particular, does make me now at last

desire, that having something for to say that concerns both, I

desire before Sentence be given, that I may be heard in the

Painted Chamber before the Lords and Commons. This delay cannot

be prejudicial to you, whatsoever I say; if that I say no

reason, those that hear me must be judges: I cannot be judge of

that, which I have: if it be reason, and really for the welfare

of the kingdom, and the liberty of the subject, I am sure on't,

very well it is worth the hearing; therefore I do conjure you,

as you love that which you pretend, I hope it is real, the

Liberty of the Subject, the Peace of the kingdom, that you will

grant me the hearing, before any Sentence be past. I only desire

this, that you will take this into your consideration, it may be

you have not heard of it before-hand; if you will, I'll retire,

and you may think of it; but if I cannot get this liberty I do

here protest, that so fair shews of Liberty and Peace are pure

shews, and not otherwise, since you will not hear your king.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, you have now spoken.

KING--Yes, Sir.

LORD PRESIDENT--And this that you have said is a further

declining of the Jurisdiction of this Court, which was the thing

wherein you were limited before.

KING--Pray excuse me, Sir, for my interruption, because you

mistake me; it is not a declining of it, you do judge me before

you hear me speak; I say it will not, I do not decline it,

though I cannot acknowledge the Jurisdiction of the Court; yet,

Sir, in this give me leave to say, I would do it, though I do

not by this acknowledge it, I do protest it is not the declining

of it, since I say, if that I do say any thing, but that which

is for the Peace of the Kingdom, and the Liberty of the Subject,

then the shame is mine. Now I desire that you will take this

into your consideration; if you will, I'll withdraw.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, this is not altogether new that you have

moved unto us, not altogether new to us, though it is the first

time in person you have offered it to the Court. Sir, you say

you do not decline the Jurisdiction of the Court.

KING--Not in this that I have said.

LORD PRESIDENT--I understand you well, Sir; but nevertheless,

that which you have offered seems to be contrary to that saying

of yours; for the Court are ready to give a Sentence; It is not

as you say, That they will not hear your king; for they have

been ready to hear you, they have patiently waited your pleasure

for three Courts together, to hear what you would say to the

People's Charge against you, to which you have not vouchsafed to

give any Answer at all. Sir, this tends to a further delay;

truly, Sir, such delays as these, neither may the kingdom nor

justice well bear; you have had three several days to have

offered in this kind what you would have pleased. This Court is

founded upon that Authority of the Commons of England in whom

rests the supreme jurisdiction; that which you now tender is to

have another jurisdiction, and a co-ordinate jurisdiction. I

know very well you express yourself, Sir, that notwithstanding

that you would offer to the Lords and Commons in the Painted

Chamber, yet nevertheless you would proceed on here, I did hear

you say so. But, Sir, that you would offer there, whatever it

is, it must needs be in delay of the Justice here; so as if this

Court be resolved, and prepared for the Sentence, this that you

offer they are not bound in justice to grant; But, Sir,

according to what you seem to desire, and because you shall know

the further pleasure of the Court upon that which you have

moved, the Court will withdraw for a time.

KING--Shall I withdraw?

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, you shall know the pleasure of the Court

presently.

The Court withdraws for half an hour into the Court of Wards.

SERJEANT-AT-ARMS--The Court gives command, that the Prisoner be

withdrawn; and they give order for his return again.

The Court withdraws for half an hour and returns.

LORD PRESIDENT--Serjeant-at-Arms, send for your Prisoner.

Sir, you were pleased to make a motion here to the Court to

offer a desire of yours, touching the propounding of somewhat to

the Lords in the Painted Chamber, for the peace of the kingdom;

Sir, you did, in effect, receive an Answer before the Court

adjourned; truly, Sir, their withdrawing, and adjournment was

_pro forma tantum_: for it did not seem to them that there was

any difficulty in the thing; they have considered of what you

have moved, and have considered of their own Authority, which is

founded, as hath been often said, upon the supreme Authority of

the Commons of England assembled in parliament: the Court acts

according to their Commission. Sir, the return I have to you

from the Court, is this: That they have been too much delayed by

you already, and this that you now offer hath occasioned some

little further delay; and they are Judges appointed by the

highest Judges; and Judges are no more to delay, than they are

to deny Justice: they are good words in the great old Charter of

England; _Nulli negabimus, nulli vendemus, nulli differemus

Justitiam._ There must be no delay; but the truth is, Sir, and

so every man here observes it, that you have much delayed them

in your Contempt and Default, for which they might long since

have proceeded to Judgment against you; and notwithstanding what

you have offered, they are resolved to proceed to Punishment,

and to Judgment, and that is their unanimous Resolution.

KING--Sir, I know it is in vain for me to dispute, I am no

sceptic for to deny the Power that you have; I know that you

have Power enough: Sir, I confess, I think it would have been

for the kingdom's peace, if you would have taken the pains for

to have shewn the lawfulness of your Power; for this Delay that

I have desired, I confess it is a delay, but it is a delay very

important for the Peace of the Kingdom; for it is not my person

that I look on alone, it is the kingdom's welfare, and the

kingdom's peace; it is an old Sentence, That we should think

long, before we resolve of great matters. Therefore, Sir, I do

say again, that I do put at your doors all the inconveniency of

an hasty Sentence. I confess I have been here now, I think, this

week; this day eight days was the day I came here first, but a

little Delay of a day or two further may give Peace; whereas an

hasty Judgment may bring on that trouble and perpetual

inconveniency to the kingdom, that the child that is unborn may

repent it; and therefore again, out of the duty I owe to God,

and to my country, I do desire that I may be heard by the Lords

and Commons in the Painted Chamber, or any other chamber that

you will appoint me.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, you have been already answered to what you

even now moved, being the same you moved before, since the

Resolution and the Judgment of the Court in it; and the Court

now requires to know whether you have any more to say for

yourself than you have said, before they proceed to Sentence?

KING--I say this, Sir, That if you will hear me, if you will

give but this Delay, I doubt not but I shall give some

satisfaction to you all here, and to my People after that; and

therefore I do require you, as you will answer it at the

dreadful Day of Judgment, that you will consider it once again.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, I have received direction from the Court.

KING--Well, Sir.

LORD PRESIDENT--If this must be re-enforced, or any thing of

this nature, your Answer must be the same; and they will

proceed to Sentence, if you have nothing more to say.

KING--Sir, I have nothing more to say, but I shall desire, that

this may be entered what I have said.

LORD PRESIDENT--The Court then, Sir, hath something else to say

to you; which, although I know it will be very unacceptable, yet

notwithstanding they are willing, and are resolved to discharge

their duty. Sir, You speak very well of a precious thing, which

you call Peace; and it had been much to be wished that God had

put it into your heart, that you had as effectually and really

endeavoured and studied the Peace of the kingdom, as now in

words you seem to pretend; but, as you were told the other day,

actions must expound intentions; yet actions have been clean

contrary. And truly, Sir, it doth appear plainly enough to them,

that you have gone upon very erroneous principles: The kingdom

hath felt it to their smart; and it will be no case to you to

think of it; for, Sir, you have held yourself, and let fall such

language, as if you had been no way subject to the Law, or that

the law had not been your superior. Sir, the Court is very

sensible of it, and I hope so are all the understanding people

of England, that the law is your superior; that you ought to

have ruled according to the law; you ought to have so. Sir, I

know very well your pretence hath been that you have done so;

but, Sir, the difference hath been who shall be the expositors

of this law: Sir, whether you and your party, out of courts of

justice, shall take upon them to expound law, or the courts of

justice, who are the expounders? Nay, the Sovereign and the High

Court of Justice, the Parliament of England, that are not only

the highest expounders, but the sole makers of the law? Sir, for

you to set yourself with your single judgment, and those that

adhere unto you, to set yourself against the highest Court of

Justice, that is not law. Sir, as the Law is your Superior, so

truly, Sir, there is something that is superior to the Law, and

that is indeed the Parent or Author of the Law, and that is the

people of England: for, Sir, as they are those that at the first

(as other countries have done) did chuse to themselves this form

of government even for Justice sake, that justice might be

administered, that peace might be preserved; so, Sir, they gave

laws to their governors, according to which they should govern;

and if those laws should have proved inconvenient or prejudicial

to the public, they had a power in them, and reserved to

themselves, to alter as they shall see cause. Sir, it is very

true what some of your side have said, '_Rex non habet parem in

regno_,' say they: This Court will say the same, while King,

that you have not your peer in some sense, for you are _major

singulis_; but they will aver again that you are _minor

universis_. And the same Author tells you that, '_non debet esse

major eo in regno suo in exhibitione juris, minimus autem esse

debet in judicio suscipiendo_' [Bract., De Leg., lib. I. c.

viii.]

This we know to be law, _Rex habet superiorem, Deum et legem,

etiam et curiam_; so says the same author. And truly, Sir, he

makes bold to go a little further, _Debent ei ponere fraenum_:

they ought to bridle him. And, Sir, we know very well the

stories of old: those wars that were called the Barons' War,

when the nobility of the land did stand out for the Liberty and

Property of the Subject, and would not suffer the kings, that

did invade, to play the tyrants freer, but called them to

account for it; we know that truth, that they did _fraenum

ponere_. But, sir, if they do forbear to do their duty now, and

are not so mindful of their own honour and the kingdom's good as

the Barons of England of old were, certainly the Commons of

England will not be unmindful of what is for their preservation,

and for their safety; _Justitiae fruendi causa reges constituti

sunt_. This we learn: The end of having kings, or any other

governors, it is for the enjoying of justice; that is the end.

Now, Sir, if so be the king will go contrary to that end, or any

other governor will go contrary to the end of his government;

Sir, he must understand that he is but an officer in trust, and

he ought to discharge that trust; and they are to take order for

the animadversion and punishment of such an offending governor.

This is not law of yesterday, Sir (since the time of the

division betwixt you and your people), but it is law of old. And

we know very well the Authors and the Authorities that do tell

us what the law was in that point upon the Election of Kings

upon the Oath that they took unto their people: And if they did

not observe it, there were those things called Parliaments; the

Parliaments were they that were to adjudge (the very Words of

the Author) the plaints and wrongs done of the king and the

queen, or their children; such wrongs especially, when the

people could have no where else any Remedy. Sir, that hath been

the people of England's case: they could not have their Remedy

elsewhere but in parliament.

Sir, Parliaments were ordained for that purpose, to redress the

Grievances of the people; that was their main end. And truly,

Sir, if so be that the kings of England had been rightly mindful

of themselves, they were never more in majesty and state than in

the Parliament: But how forgetful some have been, Stories have

told us, we have a miserable, a lamentable, a sad experience of

it. Sir, by the old laws of England, I speak these things the

rather to you, because you were pleased to let fall the other

day, You thought you had as much knowledge in the Law as most

gentlemen in England: it is very well, Sir. And truly, Sir, it

is very fit for the gentlemen of England to understand that Law

under which they must live, and by which they must be governed.

And then, Sir, the Scripture says, 'They that know their

master's will and do it not' what follows? The Law is your

master, the acts of parliament.

The Parliaments were to be kept antiently, we find in our old

Author, twice in the year, that the Subject upon any occasion

might have a ready Remedy and Redress for his Grievance.

Afterwards, by several acts of parliament in the days of your

predecessor Edward the third, they should have been once a year.

Sir, what the Intermission of parliaments hath been in your

time, it is very well known, and the sad consequences of it; and

what in the interim instead of these Parliaments hath been by

you by an high and arbitrary hand introduced upon the People,

that likewise hath been too well known and felt. But when God by

his Providence had so far brought it about, that you could no

longer decline the calling of a Parliament, Sir, yet it will

appear what your ends were against the antient and your native

kingdom of Scotland: the Parliament of England not serving your

ends against them, you were pleased to dissolve it. Another

great necessity occasioned the calling of this parliament; and

what your Designs, and Plots, and Endeavours all along have

been, for the crushing and confounding of this Parliament, hath

been very notorious to the whole kingdom. And truly, Sir, in

that you did strike at all; that had been a sure way to have

brought about That that this Charge lays upon you, your

intention to subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Land; for the

great bulwark of the Liberties of the People is the Parliament

of England; and to subvert and root up that, which your aim hath

been to do, certainly at one blow you had confounded the

Liberties and the Property of England.

Truly, Sir, it makes me to call to mind; I cannot forbear to

express it; for, Sir, we must deal plainly with you, according

to the merits of your cause; so is our Commission; it makes me

to call to mind (these proceedings of yours) That that we read

of a great Roman Emperor, by the way let us call him a great

Roman tyrant, Caligula, that wished that the people of Rome had

had but one neck, that at one blow he might cut it off. And your

proceedings have been somewhat like to this; for the body of the

people of England hath been (and where else) represented but in

the Parliament; and could you but have confounded that, you had

at one blow cut off the neck of England. But God hath reserved

better things for us, and hath pleased for to confound your

designs, and to break your forces, and to bring your person into

custody, that you might be responsible to justice.

Sir, we know very well that it is a question much on your side

press'd, By what Precedent we shall proceed? Truly, Sir, for

Precedents, I shall not upon these occasions institute any long

discourse; but it is no new thing to cite precedents almost of

all nations, where the people (where the power hath been in

their hands) have made bold to call their Kings to account; and

where the change of government hath been upon occasion of the

Tyranny and Misgovernment of those that have been placed over

them, I will not spend time to mention either France, or Spain,

or the Empire, or other countries; volumes may be written of it.

But truly, Sir, that of the kingdom of Arragon, I shall think

some of us have thought upon it, where they have the justice of

Arragon, that is, a man, _tanquam in medio positus_, betwixt the

King of Spain and the people of the country; that if wrong be

done by the King, he that is king of Arragon, the justice, hath

power to reform the wrong; and he is acknowledged to be the

king's superior, and is the grand preserver of their privileges,

and hath prosecuted kings upon their miscarriages.

Sir, what the Tribunes of Rome were heretofore, and what the

Ephori were to the Lacedemonian State, we know that is the

Parliament of England to the English state; and though Rome

seemed to lose its liberty when once the Emperors were; yet you

shall find some famous acts of justice even done by the Senate

of Rome; that great Tyrant of his time, Nero, condemned and

judged by the Senate. But truly, Sir, to you I should not need

to mention these foreign examples and stories: If you look but

over Tweed, we find enough in your native kingdom of Scotland.

If we look to your first King Fergus, that your Stories make

mention of, he was an elective king; he died, and left two sons,

both in their minority; the kingdom made choice of their uncle,

his brother, to govern in the minority. Afterwards the elder

brother, giving small hope to the people that he would rule or

govern well, seeking to supplant that good uncle of his that

governed them justly, they set the elder aside, and took to the

younger. Sir, if I should come to what your Stories make mention

of, you know very well you are the hundred and ninth king of

Scotland; for not to mention so many kings as that kingdom,

according to their power and privileges, have made bold to deal

withal, some to banish, and some to imprison, and some to put to

death, it would be too long: and as one of your own authors

says, it would be too long to recite the manifold examples that

your own stories make mention of. _Reges_, etc. (say they) we do

create: we created kings at first: _Leges_, etc., we imposed

laws upon them. And as they are chosen by the suffrages of the

People at the first, so upon just occasion, by the same

suffrages they may be taken down again. And we will be bold to

say, that no kingdom hath yielded more plentiful experience than

that your native kingdom of Scotland hath done concerning the

Deposition and the Punishment of their offending and

transgressing kings.

It is not far to go for an example: near you--Your grandmother

set aside, and your Father, an infant, crowned. And the State

did it here in England; here hath not been a want of some

examples. They have made bold (the Parliament and the People of

England) to call their Kings to account; there are frequent

examples of it in the Saxons' time, the time before the

Conquest. Since the Conquest there want not some Precedents

neither; King Edward the Second, King Richard the Second, were

dealt with so by the Parliament, as they were deposed and

deprived. And truly, Sir, whoever shall look into their Stories,

they shall not find the Articles that are charged upon them to

come near to that height and capitalness of Crimes that are laid

to your Charge; nothing near.

Sir, you were pleased to say, the other day, wherein they

dissent; and I did not contradict it. But take all together,

Sir; If you were as the Charge speaks, and no otherwise,

admitted king of England; but for that you were pleased then to

alledge, how that for almost a thousand years these things have

been, Stories will tell you, if you go no higher than the time

of the Conquest; if you do come down since the Conquest, you are

the twenty-fourth king from William called the Conqueror, you

shall find one half of them to come merely from the state, and

not merely upon the point of descent. It were easy to be

instanced to you; but time must not be lost that way. And truly,

Sir, what a grave and learned Judge said in his time, and well

known to you, and is since printed for posterity, That although

there was such a thing as a descent many times, yet the kings of

England ever held the greatest assurance of their Titles when it

was declared by Parliament. And, Sir, your Oath, the manner of

your Coronation, doth shew plainly, that the kings of England,

although it is true, by the law the next person in blood is

designed: yet if there were just cause to refuse him, the people

of England might do it. For there is a Contract and a bargain

made between the King and his people, and your Oath is taken;

and certainly, Sir, the bond is reciprocal; for as you are the

Liege Lord, so they Liege Subjects. And we know very well, that

hath been so much spoken of, _Ligeantia est duplex_. This we

know, now, the one tie, the one bond, is the Bond of Protection

that is due from the sovereign; the other is the Bond of

Subjection that is due from the Subject. Sir, if this bond be

once broken, farewell sovereignty! _Subjectio trahit_, etc.

These things may not be denied, Sir; I speak it rather, and I

pray God it may work upon your heart, that you may be sensible

of your Miscarriages. For whether you have been, as by your

office you ought to be, a Protector of England, or the Destroyer

of England, let all England judge, or all the world, that hath

look'd upon it. Sir, though you have it by inheritance in the

way that is spoken of, yet it must not be denied that your

office was an office of trust, and indeed an office of the

highest trust lodged in any single person; For as you were the

Grand Administrator of Justice, and others were, as your

delegates, to see it done throughout your realms; if your

greatest office were to do Justice, and preserve your People

from wrong, and instead of doing that, you will be the great

Wrong-doer yourself; if instead of being a Conservator of the

Peace, you will be the grand Disturber of the Peace; surely this

is contrary to your office, contrary to your trust. Now, Sir,

if it be an office of inheritance, as you speak of, your Title

by Descent, let all men know that great offices are seizable and

forfeitable, as if you had it but for a year, and for your life.

Therefore, Sir, it will concern you to take into your serious

consideration your great Miscarriages in this kind. Truly, Sir,

I shall not particularize the many Miscarriages of your reign

whatsoever, they are famously known: It had been happy for the

kingdom, and happy for you too, if it had not been so much

known, and so much felt, as the Story of your Miscarriages must

needs be, and hath been already.

Sir, That which we are now upon, by the command of the highest

Court, hath been and is to try and judge you for these great

offences of your's. Sir, the Charge hath called you Tyrant, a

Traitor, a Murderer, and a Public Enemy to the Commonwealth of

England. Sir, it had been well if that any of all these terms

might rightly and justly have been spared, if any one of them at

all.

KING--Ha!

LORD PRESIDENT--Truly, Sir, We have been told '_Rex est dum bene

regit, Tyrannus qui populum opprimit_': And if so be that be the

definition of a Tyrant, then see how you come short of it in

your actions, whether the highest Tyrant, by that way of

arbitrary government, and that you have sought for to introduce,

and that you have sought to put, you were putting upon the

people? Whether that was not as high an Act of Tyranny as any of

your predecessors were guilty of, nay, many degrees beyond it?

Sir, the term Traitor cannot be spared. We shall easily agree it

must denote and suppose a Breach of Trust; and it must suppose

it to be done to a superior. And therefore, Sir, as the people

of England might have incurred that respecting you, if they had

been truly guilty of it, as to the definition of law; so on the

other side, when you did break your trust to the kingdom, you

did break your trust to your superior; For the kingdom is that

for which you were trusted. And therefore, sir, for this breach

of Trust when you are called to account, you are called to

account by your superiors. '_Minimus ad majorem in judicium

vocat._' And, Sir, the People of England cannot be so far

wanting to themselves, God having dealt so miraculously and

gloriously for them: but that having power in their hands, and

their great enemy, they must proceed to do justice to themselves

and to you: For, Sir, the Court could heartily desire, that you

would lay your hand upon your heart, and consider what you have

done amiss, that you would endeavour to make your peace with

God. Truly, Sir, these are your High-Crimes, Tyranny and

Treason.

There is a third thing too, if those had not been, and that is

Murder, which is laid to your charge. All the bloody Murders,

which have been committed since this time that the division was

betwixt you and your people, must be laid to your charge, which

have been acted or committed in these late wars. Sir, it is an

heinous and crying sin: And truly, Sir, if any man will ask us

what Punishment is due to a Murderer, let God's Law, let man's

law speak. Sir, I will presume that you are so well read in

Scripture, as to know what God himself hath said concerning the

shedding of man's blood: Gen. IX., Numb. XXXV. will tell you

what the punishment is: And which this Court, in behalf of the

whole kingdom, are sensible of, of that innocent blood that has

been shed, whereby indeed the land stands still defiled with

that blood; and, as the text hath it, it can no way be cleansed

but with the shedding of the Blood of him that shed this blood.

Sir, we know no dispensation from this blood in that Commandment

'Thou shalt do no Murder': We do not know but that it extends to

kings as well as to the meanest peasants, the meanest of the

people: the command is universal. Sir, God's law forbids it;

Man's law forbids it: Nor do we know that there is any manner of

exception, not even in man's laws, for the punishment of murder

in you. It is true, that in the case of kings every private hand

was not to put forth itself to this work for their reformation

and punishment; But, Sir, the people represented having power in

their hands, had there been but one wilful act of murder by you

committed, had power to have convened you, and to have punished

you for it.

But then, Sir, the weight that lies upon you in all those

respects that have been spoken, by reason of your Tyranny,

Treason, Breach of Trust, and the Murders that have been

committed; surely, Sir, it must drive you into a sad

consideration concerning your eternal condition. As I said at

first, I know it cannot be pleasing to you to hear any such

things as these are mentioned unto you from this Court, for so

we do call ourselves, and justify ourselves to be a Court, and a

high Court of Justice, authorized by the highest and solemnest

court of the kingdom, as we have often said; And although you do

not yet endeavour what you may to discourt us, yet we do take

knowledge of ourselves to be such a Court as can administer

Justice to you: and we are bound, Sir, in duty to do it. Sir,

all I shall say before the reading of your Sentence, it is but

this: The Court does heartily desire that you will seriously

think of those evils that you stand guilty of. Sir, you said

well to us the other day, you wished us to have God before our

eyes. Truly Sir, I hope all of us have so: That God, who we know

is a King of Kings, and Lord of Lords; that God with whom there

is no respect of Persons; that God, who is the Avenger of

innocent Blood; We have that God before us; that God, who does

bestow a curse upon them that with-hold their hands from

shedding of blood, which is in the case of guilty malefactors,

and that do deserve death: That God we have before our eyes. And

were it not that the conscience of our duty hath called us unto

this place, and this imployment, Sir, you should have had no

appearance of a Court here. But, Sir, we must prefer the

discharge of our duty unto God, and unto the kingdom, before any

other respect whatsoever. And although at this time many of us,

if not all of us, are severely threatened by some of your party,

what they intend to do, Sir, we do here declare, That we shall

not decline or forbear the doing of our duty in the

administration of Justice, even to you, according to the merit

of your Offence although God should permit those men to effect

all that bloody design in hand against us. Sir, we will say, and

we will declare it, as those Children in the Fiery Furnace, that

would not worship the golden image, that Nebuchadnezzar had set

up, 'That their God was able to deliver them from that danger

that they were near unto'; But yet if he would not do it, yet

notwithstanding that they would not fall down and worship the

Image. We shall thus apply it; That though we should not be

delivered from those bloody hands and hearts that conspire the

overthrow of the kingdom in general, of us in particular, for

acting in this great Work of Justice, though we should perish in

the Work, yet by God's grace, and by God's strength, we will go

on with it. And this is all our resolutions, Sir, I say for

yourself, we do heartily wish and desire that God would be

pleased to give you a sense of your sins, that you would see

wherein you have done amiss, that you may cry unto him, that God

would deliver you from Blood-guiltiness. A good king was once

guilty of that particular thing, and was clear otherwise, saving

in the matter of Uriah. Truly, Sir, the Story tells us that he

was a repentant king: and it signifies enough, that he had died

for it, but that God was pleased to accept of him, and to give

him his pardon, 'Thou shalt not die, but the child shall die:

Thou hast given cause to the enemies of God to blaspheme.'

KING--I would desire only one word before you give Sentence; and

that is, that you would hear me concerning those great

Imputations that you have laid to my charge.

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, You must give me now leave to go on; for I

am not far from your Sentence, and your time is now past.

KING--But I shall desire you will hear me a few words to you:

For truly, whatever Sentence you will put upon me in respect of

those heavy imputations, that I see by your Speech you have put

upon me; Sir, It is very true, that----

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, I must put you in mind: Truly, Sir, I would

not willingly, at this time especially, interrupt you in

anything you have to say, that is proper for us to admit of;

but, Sir, you have not owned us as a Court, and you look upon us

as a sort of people met together; and we know what language we

receive from your party.

KING--I know nothing of that.

LORD PRESIDENT--You disavow us as a Court; and therefore for you

to address yourself to us, not acknowledging us as a Court to

judge of what you say, it is not to be permitted. And the truth

is, all along, from the first time you were pleased to disavow

and disown us, the Court needed not to have heard you one word;

For unless they be acknowledged a Court, and engaged, it is not

proper for you to speak. Sir, we have given you too much liberty

already, and admitted of too much delay, and we may not admit of

any farther. Were it proper for us to do it, we should hear you

freely; and we should not have declined to hear you at large,

what you could have said or proved on your behalf, whether for

totally excusing, or for in part excusing those great and

heinous Charges, that in whole or in part are laid upon you.

But, Sir, I shall trouble you no longer; your sins are of so

large a dimension, that if you do but seriously think of them,

they will drive you to a sad consideration of it, and they may

improve in you a sad and serious repentance; And that the Court

doth heartily wish that you may be so penitent for what you have

done amiss, that God may have mercy, at leastwise, upon your

better part: Truly, Sir, for the other, it is our parts and

duties to do that, which the law prescribes. We are not here

_jus dare_ but _jus dicere_. We cannot be unmindful of what the

Scripture tells us; 'For to acquit the Guilty is of equal

Abomination, as to condemn the Innocent.' We may not acquit the

Guilty. What sentence the law affirms to a Traitor, Tyrant, a

Murderer, and a public Enemy to the Country, that Sentence you

are now to hear read unto you; and that is the Sentence of the

Court.

The Lord President commands the sentence to be read: make an O yes, and

command Silence while the Sentence is read.

O yes made: Silence commanded.

The Clerk read the Sentence, which was drawn up in Parchment:

'Whereas the Commons of England in Parliament had appointed them

an High Court of Justice, for the Trying of Charles Stuart, King

of England, before whom he had been three times convened; and at

the first time a Charge of High-Treason, and other Crimes and

Misdemeanors, was read in the behalf of the Kingdom of England,'

etc. [Here the Clerk read the Charge.] 'Which Charge being read

unto him, as aforesaid, he the said Charles Stuart was required

to give his Answer: But he refused so to do; and so expressed

the several Passages of his Trial in refusing to answer. For all

which Treasons and Crimes this Court doth adjudge, That the said

Charles Stuart, as a Tyrant, Traitor, Murderer, and a Public

Enemy, shall be put to Death, by the severing his Head from His

Body.'

After the Sentence read, the Lord President said, This Sentence

now read and published, is the Act, Sentence, Judgment, and

Resolution of the whole Court.

Here the Court stood up, as assenting to what the President

said.

KING--Will you hear me a word, Sir?

LORD PRESIDENT--Sir, you are not to be heard after the Sentence.

KING--No, Sir?

LORD PRESIDENT--No, Sir; by your favour, Sir. Guard, withdraw

your Prisoner.

KING--I may speak after the Sentence--By your Favour, Sir, I may

Speak after the Sentence ever.

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