sur Préneste, p. 104). The quarries down toward Gallicano supplied tufa
of the same texture, but the quarries are too small to have supplied
much. But this tufa from the ridge back of the town seems not to have
been used in Gallicano to any great extent, for the tufa there is of a
different kind and comes from the different cuts in the ridges on either
side of the town, and from a quarry just west of the town across the
valley.]
[Footnote 23: Plautus, Truc., 691 (see [Probus] de ultimis syllabis, p.
263, 8 (Keil); C.I.L., XIV, p. 288, n. 9); Plautus, Trin., 609 (Festus,
p. 544 (de Ponor), Mommsen, Abhand. d. berl. Akad., 1864, p. 70);
Quintilian I, 5, 56; Festus under "tongere," p. 539 (de Ponor), and
under "nefrendes," p. 161 (de Ponor).]
[Footnote 24: Cave has been attached rather more to Genazzano during
Papal rule than to Praeneste, and it belongs to the electoral college of
Subiaco, Tomassetti, Delia Campagna Romana, p. 182.]
[Footnote 25: I heard everywhere bitter and slighting remarks in
Praeneste about Cave, and much fun made of the Cave dialect. When there
are church festivals at Cave the women usually go, but the men not
often, for the facts bear out the tradition that there is usually a
fight. Tomassetti, Della Campagna Romana, p. 183, remarks upon the
differences in dialect.]
[Footnote 26: Mommsen, Bull. dell'Instituto, 1862, p. 38, thinks that
the civilization in Praeneste was far ahead of that of the other Latin
cities.]
[Footnote 27: It is to be noted that this Marcigliana road was not to
tap the trade route along the Volscian side of the Liris-Trerus valley,
which ran under Artena and through Valmontone. It did not reach so far.
It was meant rather as a threat to that route.]
[Footnote 28: Whether these towns are Pedum or Bola, Scaptia, and
Querquetula is not a question here at all.]
[Footnote 29: Gatti, in Not. d. Scavi, 1903, p. 576, in connection with
the Arlenius inscription, found on the site of the new Forum below
Praeneste in 1903, which mentions Ad Duas Casas as confinium territorio
Praenestinae, thought that it was possible to identify this place with a
fundus and possessio Duas Casas below Tibur under Monte Gennaro, and
thus to extend the domain of Praeneste that far, but as Huelsen saw
(Mitth. des k.d. Arch, Inst., 19 (1904), p. 150), that is manifestly
impossible, doubly so from the modern analogies which he quotes (l.c.,
note 2) from the Dizionario dei Comuni d'Italia.]
[Footnote 30: It might be objected that because Pietro Colonna in 1092
A.D. assaulted and took Cave as his first step in his revolt against
Clement III (Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 240), that Cave was at
that time a dependency of Praeneste. But it has been shown that
Praeneste's diocesan territory expanded and shrunk very much at
different times, and that in general the extent of a diocese, when
larger, depends on principles which ancient topography will not allow.
And too it can as well be said that Pietro Colonna was paying up ancient
grudge against Cave, and certainly also he realized that of all the
towns near Praeneste, Cave was strategically the best from which to
attack, and this most certainly shows that in ancient times such natural
barriers between the two must have been practically impassable.]
[Footnote 31: To be more exact, on the least precipitous side, that
which looks directly toward Rocca di Cave.]
[Footnote 32: To anticipate any one saying that this scarping is modern,
and was done to make the approach to the Via del Colonnaro, I will say
that the modern part of it is insignificant, and can be most plainly
distinguished, and further, that the two pieces of opus incertum which
are there, as shown also in Fernique's map, Étude sur Préneste, opp. p.
222, are Sullan in date.]
[Footnote 33: Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, map facing p. 222. His book
is on the whole the best one on Praeneste but leaves much to be desired
when the question is one of topography or epigraphy (see Dessau's
comment C.I.L., XIV, p. 294, n. 4). Even Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 68,
n. 1, took the word of a citizen of the town who wrote him that parts of
a wall of opus quadratum could be traced along the Via dello Spregato,
and so fell into error. Blondel, Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire de
l'école française de Rome, 1882, plate 5, shows a little of this
polygonal cyclopean construction.]
[Footnote 34: Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 511, wrote his note on the wall
beyond San Francesco from memory. He says that one follows the monastery
wall down, and then comes to a big reservoir. The monastery wall has
only a few stones from the cyclopean wall in it, and they are set in
among rubble, and are plainly a few pieces from the upper wall above the
gate. The reservoir which he reaches is half a mile away across a
depression several hundred feet deep, and there is no possible
connection, for the reservoir is over on Colle San Martino, not on the
hill of Praeneste at all.]
[Footnote 35: The postern or portella is just what one would expect near
a corner of the wall, as a less important and smaller entrance to a
terrace less wide than the main one above it, which had its big gates at
west and east, the Porta San Francesco and the Porta del Cappuccini. The
Porta San Francesco is proved old and famous by C.I.L., XIV, 3343, where
supra viam is all that is necessary to designate the road from this
gate. Again an antica via in Via dello Spregato (Not. d. Scavi, I
(1885), p. 139, shows that inside this oldest cross wall there was a
road part way along it, at least.)]
[Footnote 36: The Cyclopean wall inside the Porta del Sole was laid bare
in 1890, Not. d. Scavi, 7-8 (1890), p. 38.]
[Footnote 37: Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 501: "A destra della contrada degli
Arconi due cippi simili a quelli del pomerio di Roma furono scoperti nel
risarcire la strada Tanno 1824."]
[Footnote 38: Some of the paving stones are still to be seen in situ
under the modern wall which runs up from the brick reservoir of imperial
date. This wall was to sustain the refuse which was thrown over the city
wall. The place between the walls is now a garden.]
[Footnote 39: I have examined with care every foot of the present
western wall on which the houses are built, from the outside, and from
the cellars inside, and find no traces of antiquity, except the few
stones here and there set in late rubble in such a way that it is sure
they have been simply picked up somewhere and brought there for use as
extra material.]
[Footnote 40: C.I.L., XIV., 3029; PED XXC. Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 497,
mentions an inscription, certainly this one, but reads it PED XXX, and
says it is in letters of the most ancient form. This is not true. The
letters are not so very ancient. I was led by his note to examine every
stone in the cyclopean wall around the whole city, but no further
inscription was forthcoming.]
[Footnote 41: This stretch of opus incertum is Sullan reconstruction
when he made a western approach to the Porta Triumphalis to correspond
to the one at the east on the arches. This piece of wall is strongly
made, and is exactly like a piece of opus incertum wall near the Stabian
gate at Pompeii, which Professor Man told me was undoubtedly Sullan.]
[Footnote 42: Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 19, who is usually a good
authority on Praeneste, thinks that all the opus quadratum walls were
built as surrounding walls for the great sanctuary of Fortuna. But the
facts will not bear out his theory. Ovid, Fasti VI, 61-62, III, 92;
Preller, Roem. Myth., 2, 191, are interesting in this connection.]
[Footnote 43: I could get no exact measurements of the reservoir, for
the water was about knee deep, and I was unable to persuade my guides to
venture far from the entrance, but I carried a candle to the walls on
both sides and one end.]
[Footnote 44: At some places the concrete was poured in behind the wall
between it and the shelving cliff, at other places it is built up like
the wall. The marks of the stones in the concrete can be seen most
plainly near Porta S. Martino (Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, p. 104,
also mentions it). The same thing is true at various places all along
the wall.]
[Footnote 45: Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, p. 107, has exact
measurements of the walls.]
[Footnote 46: Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, p. 108, from Cecconi, Storia
di Palestrina, p. 43, considers as a possibility a road from each side,
but he is trying only to make an approach to the temple with
corresponding parts, and besides he advances no proofs.]
[Footnote 47: There seems to have been only a postern in the ancient
wall inside the present Porta del Sole.]
[Footnote 48: Many feet of this ancient pavement were laid bare during
the excavations in April, 1907, which I myself saw, and illustrations of
which are published in the Notizie d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1907), pp. 136,
292.]
[Footnote 49: Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 57 ff. for argument and proof,
beginning with Varro, de I. 1. VI, 4: ut Praeneste incisum in solario
vidi.]
[Footnote 50: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 43.]
[Footnote 51: The continuation of the slope is the same, and the method
of making roads in the serpentine style to reach a gate leading to the
important part of town, is not only the common method employed for hill
towns, but the natural and necessary one, not only in ancient times, but
still today.]
[Footnote 52: Through the courtesy of the Mayor and the Municipal
Secretary of Palestrina, I had the only exact map in existence of modern
Palestrina to work with. This map was getting in bad condition, so I
traced it, and had photographic copies made of it, and presented a
mounted copy to the city. This map shows these wall alignments and the
changes in direction of the cyclopean wall on the east of the city.
Fernique seems to have drawn off-hand from this map, so his plan (l.c.,
facing p. 222) is rather carelessly done.
I shall publish the map in completeness within a few years, in a place
where the epochs of the growth of the city can be shown in colors.]
[Footnote 53: I called the attention of Dr. Esther B. Van Deman,
Carnegie Fellow in the American School of Classical Studies in Rome, who
came out to Palestrina, and kindly went over many of my results with me,
to this piece of wall, and she agreed with me that it had been an
approach to the terrace in ancient times.]
[Footnote 54: C.I.L., XIV, 2850. The inscription was on a small cippus,
and was seen in a great many different places, so no argument can be
drawn from its provenience.]
[Footnote 55: This may have been the base for the statue of M. Anicius,
so famous after his defense at Casilinum. Livy XXIII, 19, 17-18.
It might not be a bad guess to say that the Porta Triumphalis first got
its name when M. Anicius returned with his proud cohort to Praeneste.]
[Footnote 56: Not. d. Scavi, 7-8 (1890), p. 38. This platform is a
little over three feet above the level of the modern piazza, but is now
hidden under the steps to the Corso. But the piece of restraining wall
is still to be seen in the piazza, and it is of the same style of opus
quadratum construction as the walls below the Barberini gardens.]
[Footnote 57: Strabo V, 3, II (238, 10): [Greek: erymnae men oun
ekatera, poly derumnotera Prainestos].]
[Footnote 58: Plutarch, Sulla, XXVIII: [Greek: Marios de pheygon eis
Praineston aedae tas pylas eyre kekleimenas].]
[Footnote 59: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 282; Nibby, Analisi, II,
p. 491.]
[Footnote 60: Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, pp. 180-181. The walls were
built in muro merlato. It is not certain where the Murozzo and Truglio
were. Petrini guesses at their site on grounds of derivation.]
[Footnote 61: Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 248.]
[Footnote 62: Also called Porta S. Giacomo, or dell'Ospedale.]
[Footnote 63: Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 252.]
[Footnote 64: Closed seemingly in Sullan times.]
[Footnote 65: The rude corbeling of one side of the gate is still very
plainly to be seen. The gate is filled with mediaeval stone work.]
[Footnote 66: There is a wooden gate here, which can be opened, but it
only leads out upon a garden and a dumping ground above a cliff.]
[Footnote 67: This was the only means of getting out to the little
stream that ran down the depression shown in plate III, and over to the
hill of S. Martino, which with the slope east of the city could properly
be called Monte Glicestro outside the walls.]
[Footnote 68: This gate is now a mediaeval tower gate, but the stones of
the cyclopean wall are still in situ, and show three stones, with
straight edge, one above the other, on each side of the present gate,
and the wall here has a jog of twenty feet. The road out this gate could
not be seen except from down on the Cave road, and it gave an outlet to
some springs under the citadel, and to the valley back toward
Capranica.]
[Footnote 69: This last stretch of the wall did not follow the present
wall, but ran up directly back of S. Maria del'Carmine, and was on the
east side of the rough and steep track which borders the eastern side of
the present Franciscan monastery.]
[Footnote 70: The several courses of opus quadratum which were found a
few years ago, and are at the east entrance to the Corso built into the
wall of a lumber store, are continued also inside that wall, and seem to
be the remains of a gate tower.]
[Footnote 71: See page 28. This gap in the wall is still another proof
for the gate, for it was down the road, which was paved, that the water
ran after rainstorms, if at no other time.]
[Footnote 72: This gate is very prettily named by Cecconi, Spiegazione
de Numeri, Map facing page 1: l'antica Porta di San Martino chiusa.]
[Footnote 73: Since the excavations of the past two years, nothing has
been written to show what relations a few newly discovered pieces of
ancient paved roads have to the city and to its gates, and for that
reason it becomes necessary to say something about a matter only
tolerably treated by the writers on Praeneste up to their dates of
publication.]
[Footnote 74: Ashby, Classical Topog. of the Roman Campagna, in Papers
of the British School at Rome, Vol. 1, Map VI.]
[Footnote 75: This road is proved as ancient by the discovery in 1906
(Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 3 (1906), p. 317) of a small paved road, a
diverticolo, in front of the church of S. Lucia, which is a direct
continuation of the Via degli Arconi. This diverticolo ran out the Colle
dell'Oro. See Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 20, n. 37; Fernique,
Étude sur Préneste, p. 122; Marucchi, Guida Archeologica, p. 122.]
[Footnote 76: This road to Marcigliano had nothing to do with either the
Praenestina or the Labicana. Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 5 (1897), p. 255; 2
(1877-78), p. 157; Bull. dell'Inst., 1876, pp. 117 ff. make the via S.
Maria the eastern boundary of the necropolis.]
[Footnote 77: Not. d. Scavi, 11 (1903), pp. 23-25.]
[Footnote 78: Probably the store room of some little shop which sold the
exvotos. Bull. dell'Inst., 1883, p. 28.]
[Footnote 79: Bull. dell'Inst., 1871, p. 72 for tombs found on both
sides the modern road to Rome, the exact provenience being the vocabolo
S. Rocco, on the Frattini place; Stevenson, Bull. dell'Inst., 1883, pp.
12 ff., for tombs in the vigna Soleti along the diverticolo from the Via
Praenestina. Also at Bocce Rodi, one mile west of the city, tombs of the
imperial age were found (Not. d. Scavi, 10 (1882-83), p. 600); C.I.L.,
XIV, 2952, 2991, 4091, 65; Bull. dell'Inst., 1870, p. 98.]
[Footnote 80: The roads are the present Via Praenestina toward
Gallicano, and the Via Praenestina Nuova which crosses the Casilina to
join the Labicana. This great deposit of terra cottas was found in 1877
at a depth of twelve feet below the present ground level. Fernique,
Revue Arch., XXXV (1878), p. 240, notes 1, 2, and 3, comes to the best
conclusions on this find. It was a factory or kiln for the terra cottas,
and there was a store in connection at or near the junction of the
roads. Other stores of deposits of the same kinds of objects have been
found (see Fernique, l.c.) at Falterona, Gabii, Capua, Vicarello; also
at the temple of Diana Nemorensis (Bull. dell'Inst., 1871, p. 71), and
outside Porta S. Lorenzo at Rome (Bull. Com., 1876, p. 225), and near
Civita Castellana (Bull. dell'Inst., 1880, p. 108).]
[Footnote 81: Strabo V, 3, 11 (C. 239); [Greek: ... dioruxi
kryptais--pantachothen mechri tou pedion tais men hydreias charin ktl.];
Vell. Paterc. II, 27, 4.]
[Footnote 82: As one goes out the Porta S. Francesco and across the
depression by the road which winds round to the citadel, he finds both
above and below the road several reservoirs hollowed out in the rock of
the mountain, which were filled by the rain water which fell above them
and ran into them.]
[Footnote 83: Cola di Rienzo did this (see note 59), and so discovered
the method by which the Praenestines communicated with the outside
world. Sulla fixed his camp on le Tende, west of the city, that he might
have a safe position himself, and yet threaten Praeneste from the rear,
from over Colle S. Martino, as well as by an attack in front.]
[Footnote 84: C.I.L., XIV, 3013, 3014 add., 2978, 2979, 3015.]
[Footnote 85: Nibby, Analisi, p. 510. It could be seen in 1907, but not
so very clearly.]
[Footnote 86: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 79, thinks this
reservoir was for storing water for a circus in the valley below. This
is most improbable. It was a reservoir to supply a villa which covered
the lower part of the slope, as the different remains certainly show.]
[Footnote 87: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 301, n. 30, 31, from
Annali int. rerum Italic, scriptorum, Vol. 24, p. 1115; Vol. 21, p. 146,
and from Ciacconi, in Eugen. IV, Platina et Blondus.]
[Footnote 88: The mediaeval Italian towns everywhere made use of the
Roman aqueducts, and we have from the middle ages practically nothing
but repairs on aqueducts, hardly any aqueducts themselves.]
[Footnote 89: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 338, speaks of this
aqueduct as "quel mirabile antico cuniculo."]
[Footnote 90: The springs Acqua Maggiore, Acqua della Nocchia, Acqua del
Sambuco, Acqua Ritrovata, Acqua della Formetta (Petrini, Memorie
Prenestine, p. 286).]
[Footnote 91: Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, p. 96 ff., p. 122 ff.;
Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 501 ff.; Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 45.]
[Footnote 92: Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 503, the sanest of all the writers
on Praeneste, even made some ruins which he found under the Fiumara
house on the east side of town, into the remains of a reservoir to
correspond to the one in the Barberini gardens. The structures according
to material differ in date about two hundred years.]
[Footnote 93: C.I.L., XIV, 2911, was found near this reservoir, and
Nibby from this, and a likeness to the construction of the Castra
Praetoria at Rome, dates it so (Analisi, p. 503).]
[Footnote 94: This is the opinion of Dr. Esther B. Van Deman of the
American School in Rome.]
[Footnote 95: See above, page 29.]
[Footnote 96: There is still another small reservoir on the next terrace
higher, the so-called Borgo terrace, but I was not able to examine it
satisfactorily enough to come to any conclusion. Palestrina is a
labyrinth of underground passages. I have explored dozens of them, but
the most of them are pockets, and were store rooms or hiding places
belonging to the houses under which they were.]
[Footnote 97: This is shown by the network of drains all through the
plain below the city. Strabo V, 3, 11 (C. 239); Vell. Paterc. II, 27, 4;
Valer. Max. VI, 8, 2; Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 77; Fernique,
Étude sur Préneste, p. 123.]
[Footnote 98: Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 85.]
[Footnote 99: There are many references to the temple. Suetonius, Dom.,
15, Tib., 63; Aelius Lampridius, Life of Alex. Severus, XVIII, 4, 6
(Peter); Strabo V, 3, 11 (238, 10); Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 86-87;
Plutarch, de fort. Rom. (Moralia, p. 396, 37); C.I.L., I, p. 267;
Preller, Roem. Myth. II, 192, 3 (pp. 561-563); Cecconi, Storia di
Palestrina, p. 275, n. 29, p. 278, n. 37.]
[Footnote 100: "La città attuale è intieramente fondata sulle rovine del
magnifico tempio della Fortuna," Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 494. "E niuno
ignora che il colossale edificio era addossato al declivio del monte
prenestino e occupava quasi tutta l'area ove oggi si estende la moderna
città," Marucchi, Bull. Com., 32 (1904), p. 233.]
[Footnote 101: This upper temple is the one mentioned in a manifesto of
1299 A.D. made by the Colonna against the Caetani (Cecconi, Storia di
Palestrina, p. 275, n. 29). It is an order of Pope Boniface VIII, ex
Codic. Archiv. Castri S. Angeli signat, n. 47, pag. 49: Item, dicunt
civitatem Prenestinam cum palatiis nobilissimis et cum templo magno et
sollempni ... et cum muris antiquis opere sarracenico factis de
lapidibus quadris et magnis totaliter suppositam fuisse exterminio et
ruine per ipsum Dominum Bonifacium, etc. Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p.
419 ff.
Also as to the shape of the upper temple and the number of steps to it,
we have certain facts from a document from the archives of the Vatican,
published in Petrini, l.c., p. 429; palacii nobilissimi et antiquissimi
scalae de nobilissimo marmore per quas etiam equitando ascendi poterat
in Palacium ... quaequidem scalae erant ultra centum numero. Palacium
autem Caesaris aedificatum ad modum unius C propter primam litteram
nominis sui, et templum palatio inhaerens, opere sumptuosissimo et
nobilissimo aedificatum ad modum s. Mariae rotundae de urbe.]
[Footnote 102: Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, under Das
Heiligtum der Fortuna in Praeneste, p. 47 ff.]
[Footnote 103: Cicero, De Div., II, 41, 85.]
[Footnote 104: Marucchi wishes to make the east cave the older and the
real cave of the sortes. However, he does not know the two best
arguments for his case; Lampridius, Alex. Severus, XVIII, 4, 6 (Peter);
Huic sors in templo Praenestinae talis extitit, and Suetonius Tib., 63:
non repperisset in arca nisi relata rursus ad templum. Topography is all
with the cave on the west, Marucchi is wrong, although he makes a very
good case (Bull. Com., 32 (1904), p. 239).]
[Footnote 105: Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 85: is est hodie locus saeptus
religiose propter Iovis pueri, qui lactens cum lunone Fortunae in gremio
sedens, ... eodemque tempore in eo loco, ubi Fortunae nunc est aedes,
etc.]
[Footnote 106: C.I.L., XIV, 2867: ...ut Triviam in Iunonario, ut in
pronao aedis statuam, etc., and Livy, XXIII, 19, 18 of 216 B.C.: Idem
titulus (a laudatory inscription to M. Anicius) tribus signis in aede
Fortunae positis fuit subiectus.]
[Footnote 107: This question is not topographical and can not be
discussed at any length here. But the best solution seems to be that
Fortuna as child of Jupiter (Diovo filea primocenia, C.I.L., XIV., 2863,
Iovis puer primigenia, C.I.L., XIV, 2862, 2863) was confounded with her
name Iovis puer, and another cult tradition which made Fortuna mother of
two children. As the Roman deity Jupiter grew in importance, the
tendency was for the Romans to misunderstand Iovis puer as the boy god
Jupiter, as they really did (Wissowa, Relig. u. Kult. d. Roemer, p.
209), and the pride of the Praenestines then made Fortuna the mother of
Jupiter and Juno, and considered Primigenia to mean "first born," not
"first born of Jupiter."]
[Footnote 108: The establishment of the present Cathedral of S. Agapito
as the basilica of ancient Praeneste is due to the acumen of Marucchi,
who has made it certain in his writings on the subject. Bull. dell'
Inst., 1881, p. 248 ff., 1882, p. 244 ff.; Guida Archeologica, 1885, p.
47 ff.; Bull. Com., 1895, p. 26 ff., 1904, p. 233 ff.]
[Footnote 109: There are 16 descriptions and plans of the temple. A full
bibliography of them is in Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium,
pp. 51-52.]
[Footnote 110: Marucchi. Bull. Com., XXXII (1904), p. 240. I also saw it
very plainly by the light of a torch on a pole, when studying the temple
in April, 1907.]
[Footnote 111: See also Revue Arch., XXXIX (1901), p. 469, n. 188.]
[Footnote 112: C.I.L, XIV, 2864.]
[Footnote 113: See Henzen, Bull. dell'Inst., 1859, p. 23, from Paulus ex
Festo under manceps. This claims that probably the manceps was in charge
of the maintenance (manutenzione) of the temple, and the cellarii of the
cella proper, because aeditui, of whom we have no mention, are the
proper custodians of the entire temple, precinct and all.]
[Footnote 114: C.I.L., XIV, 3007. See Jordan, Topog. d. Stadt Rom, I, 2,
p. 365, n. 73.]
[Footnote 115: See Delbrueck, l.c., p. 62.]
[Footnote 116: C.I.L., XIV, 2922; also on bricks, Ann. dell'Inst., 1855,
p. 86--C.I.L., XIV, 4091, 9.]
[Footnote 117: C.I.L., XIV, 2980; C. Caesius M.f.C. Flavius L.f. Duovir
Quinq. aedem et portic d.d. fac. coer. eidemq. prob.]
[Footnote 118: C.I.L., XIV, 2995; ...summa porticum
mar[moribus]--albario adiecta. Dessau says on "some public building,"
which is too easy. See Vitruvius, De Architectura, 7, 2; Pliny, XXXVI,
177.]
[Footnote 119: Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 430. See also Juvenal
XIV, 88; Friedlaender, Sittengeschichte Roms, II, 107, 10.]
[Footnote 120: Delbrueck, l.c., p. 62, with illustration.]
[Footnote 121: Although Suaresius (Thesaurus Antiq. Italiae, VIII, Part
IV, plate, p. 38) uses some worthless inscriptions in making such a
point, his idea is good. Perhaps the lettered blocks drawn for the
inquirer from the arca were arranged here on this slab. Another
possibility is that it was a place of record of noted cures or answers
of the Goddess. Such inscriptions are well known from the temple of
Aesculapius at Epidaurus, Cavvadias, [Greek: 'Ephaem. 'Arch.], 1883, p.
1975; Michel, Recueil d'insc. grec., 1069 ff.]
[Footnote 122: Mommsen, Unterital. Dialekte, pp. 320, 324; Marquardt,
Staatsverwaltung, 3, p. 271, n. 8. See Marucchi, Bull. Com., 32 (1904),
p. 10.]
[Footnote 123: Delbrueck, l.c., pp. 50, 59, does prove that there is no
reason why [Greek: lithostroton] can not mean a mosaic floor of colored
marble, but he forgets comparisons with the date of other Roman mosaics,
and that Pliny would not have missed the opportunity of describing such
wonderful mosaics as the two in Praeneste. Marucchi, Bull. Com., 32
(1904), p. 251 goes far afield in his Isityches (Isis-Fortuna) quest,
and gets no results.
The latest discussion of the subject was a joint debate held under the
auspices of the Associazione Archeologica di Palestrina between
Professors Marucchi and Vaglieri, which is published thus far only in
the daily papers, the Corriere D'Italia of Oct. 2, 1907, and taken up in
an article by Attilio Rossi in La Tribuna of October 11, 1907. Vaglieri,
in the newspaper article quoted, holds that the mosaic is the work of
Claudius Aelianus, who lived in the latter half of the second century
A.D. Marucchi, in the same place, says that in the porticoes of the
upper temple are traces of mosaic which he attributes to the gift of
Sulla mentioned by Pliny XXXVI, 189, but in urging this he must shift
delubrum Fortunae to the Cortina terrace and that is entirely
impossible.
I may say that a careful study and a long paper on the Barberini mosaic
has just been written by Cav. Francesco Coltellacci, Segretario Comunale
di Palestrina, which I had the privilege of reading in manuscript.]
[Footnote 124: For the many opinions as to the subject of the mosaic,
see Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 75.]
[Footnote 125: This has been supposed to be a villa of Hadrian's because
the Braschi Antinoüs was found here, and because we find bricks in the
walls with stamps which date from Hadrian's time. But the best proof
that this building, which is under the modern cemetery, is Hadrian's, is
that the measurements of the walls are the same as those in his villa
below Tibur. Dr. Van Deman, of the American School in Rome, spent two
days with me in going over this building and comparing measurements with
the villa at Tibur. I shall publish a plan of the villa in the near
future. See Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, p. 120, for a meagre
description of the villa.]
[Footnote 126: Delbrueck, l.c., p. 58, n. 1.]
[Footnote 127: The aerarium is under the temple and at the same time cut
back into the solid rock of the cliff just across the road at one corner
of the basilica. An aerarium at Rome under the temple of Saturn is
always mentioned in this connection. There is also a chamber of the same
sort at the upper end of the shops in front of the basilica Aemilia in
the Roman Forum, to which Boni has given the name "carcere," but Huelsen
thinks rightly that it is a treasury of some sort. There is a like
treasury in Pompeii back of the market, so Mau thinks, Vaglieri in
Corriere D'Italia, Oct 2, 1907.]
[Footnote 128: See note 106.]
[Footnote 129: C.I.L., XIV, 2875. This dedication of "coques atriensis"
probably belongs to the upper temple.]
[Footnote 130: Alle Quadrelle casale verso Cave e Valmontone, Cecconi,
Storia di Palestrina, p. 70; Chaupy, Maison d'Horace, II, p. 317;
Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 326, n. 9.]
[Footnote 131: The martyr suffered death contra civitatem praenestinam
ubi sunt duae viae, Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 144, n. 3, from Martirol.
Adonis, 18 Aug. Cod. Vat. Regin., n. 511 (11th cent. A.D.).]
[Footnote 132: C.I.L., XIV, 3014; Bull. munic., 2 (1874), p. 86; C.I.L.,
VI, p. 885, n. 1744a; Tac. Ann., XV, 46 (65 A.D.); Friedlaender,
Sittengeschichte Roms, II, p. 377; Cicero, pro Plancio, XXVI, 63; Epist.
ad Att., XII, 2, 2; Cassiodorus, Variae, VI, 15.]
[Footnote 133: A black and white mosaic of late pattern was found there
during the excavations. Not. d. Scavi, 1877, p. 328; Fernique, Revue
Arch., XXXV (1878), p. 233; Fronto, p. 157 (Naber).]
[Footnote 134: On Le Colonelle toward S. Pastore. Cecconi, Storia di
Palestrina, p. 60.]
[Footnote 135: I think this better than the supposition that these
libraries were put up by a man skilled in public and private law. See
C.I.L, XIV, 2916.]
[Footnote 136: Not d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1896), p. 330.]
[Footnote 137: Livy XXIII, 19, 17-18: statua cius (M. Anicii) indicio
fuit, Praeneste in foro statuta, loricata, amicta toga, velato capite,
etc.]
[Footnote 138: See also the drawing and illustrations, one of which, no.
2, is from a photograph of mine, in Not. d. Scavi, 1907, pp. 290-292.
The basilica is built in old opus quadratum of tufa, Not. d. Scavi, I
(1885), p. 256.]
[Footnote 139: In April, 1882 (Not. d. Scavi, 10 (1882-83), p. 418),
during a reconstruction of the cathedral of S. Agapito, ancient pavement
was found in a street back of the cathedral, and many pieces of Doric
columns which must have been from the peristile of the basilica. See
Plate IV for new pieces just found of these Doric columns.]
[Footnote 140: Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1896), p. 49. Also in same
place: "l'area sacra adiacente al celebre santuario della Fortuna
Primigenia" is the description of the cortile of the Seminary.]
[Footnote 141: More discussion of this point above in connection with
the temple, page 51.]
[Footnote 142: I was in Praeneste during all the excavations of 1907,
and made these photographs while I was there.]
[Footnote 143: The drawing of the Not. d. Scavi, 1907, p. 290, which
shows a probable portico is not exact.]
[Footnote 144: It is now called the Via delle Scalette.]
[Footnote 145: Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, p. 58.]
[Footnote 146: See full-page illustration in Delbrueck, l.c., p. 79.]
[Footnote 147: See page 30. But ex d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) would refer
better to the Sullan forum below the town, especially as the two bases
set up to Pax Augusti and Securitas Augusti (C.I.L., XIV, 2898, 2899)
were found down on the site of the lower forum.]
[Footnote 148: C.I.L., XIV, 2908, 2919, 2916, 2937, 2946, 3314, 3340.]
[Footnote 149: C.I.L., XIV, 2917, 2919, 2922, 2924, 2929, 2934, 2955,
2997, 3014, Not. d. Scavi, 1903, p. 576.]
[Footnote 150: F. Barnabei, Not. d. Scavi, 1894, p. 96.]
[Footnote 151: C.I.L., XIV, 2914.]
[Footnote 152: Not. d. Scavi, 1897, p. 421; 1904, p. 393.]
[Footnote 153: Foggini, Fast. anni romani, 1774, preface, and Mommsen,
C.I.L., I, p. 311 (from Acta acad. Berol., 1864, p. 235; See also
Henzen, Bull. dell'Inst., 1864, p. 70), were both wrong in putting the
new forum out at le quadrelle, because a number of fragments of the
calendar of Verrius Flaccus were found there. Marucchi proves this in
his Guida Arch., p. 100, Nuovo Bull. d'Arch. crist., 1899, pp. 229-230;
Bull. Com., XXXII (1904), p. 276.
The passage from Suetonius, De Gram., 17 (vita M. Verri Flacci), is
always to be cited as proof of the forum, and that it had a well-marked
upper and lower portion; Statuam habet (M. Verrius Flaccus) Praeneste in
superiore fori parte circa hemicyclium, in quo fastos a se ordinatos et
marmoreo parieti incisos publicarat.]
[Footnote 154: Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, p. 50, n. 1,
from Preller, Roemische Mythologie, II, p. 191, n. 1.]
[Footnote 155: C.I.L., XIV, 4097, 4105a, 4106f.]
[Footnote 156: Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 320, n. 19.]
[Footnote 157: Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 35.]
[Footnote 158: Tibur shows 1 to 32 and Praeneste 1 to 49 names of
inhabitants from the Umbro-Sabellians of the Appennines. These
statistics are from A. Schulten, Italische Namen und Staemme, Beitraege
zur alten Geschichte, II, 2, p. 171. The same proof comes from the
likeness between the tombs here and in the Faliscan country: "Le tombe a
casse soprapposte possono considerarsi come repositori per famiglie
intere, e corrispondono alle grande tombe a loculo del territorio
falisco". Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 5 (1897), p. 257, from Mon. ant. pubb.
dall'Acc. dei Lincei, Ant. falische, IV, p. 162.]
[Footnote 159: Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, V, p. 159.]
[Footnote 160: Livy VI, 29; C.I.L., XIV, 2987.]
[Footnote 161: Livy VII, 11; VII, 19; VIII, 12.]
[Footnote 162: Praeneste is not in the dedication list of Diana at Nemi,
which dates about 500 B.C., Priscian, Cato IV, 4, 21 (Keil II, p. 129),
and VII, 12, 60 (Keil II, p. 337). Livy II, 19, says Praeneste deserted
the Latins for Rome.]
[Footnote 163: Livy VIII, 14.]
[Footnote 164: Val. Max., De Superstitionibus, I, 3, 2; C.I.L., XIV,
2929, with Dessau's note.]
[Footnote 165: See note 28.]
[Footnote 166: "Praeneste wird immer eine selbstaendige Stellung
eingenommen haben" Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alt., II, p. 523. Praeneste
is mentioned first of the league cities in the list given by [Aurelius
Victor], Origo-gentis Rom., XVII, 6, and second in the list in Diodorus
Siculus, VII, 5, 9 Vogel and also in Paulus, p. 159 (de Ponor).
Praeneste is called by Florus II, 9, 27 (III, 21, 27) one of the
municipia Italiae splendidissima along with Spoletium, Interamnium,
Florentia.]
[Footnote 167: Livy XXIII, 20, 2.]
[Footnote 168: Livy I, 30, 1.]
[Footnote 169: Cicero, de Leg., II, 2, 5.]
[Footnote 170: Pauly-Wissowa, Real Enc. under "Anicia."]
[Footnote 171: The old Oscan names in Pompeii, and the Etruscan names on
the small grave stones of Caere, C.I.L., X, 3635-3692, are neither so
numerous.]
[Footnote 172: Dionysius III, 2.]
[Footnote 173: Polybius VI, 14, 8; Livy XLIII, 2, 10.]
[Footnote 174: Festus, p. 122 (de Ponor): Cives fuissent ut semper
rempublicam separatim a populo Romano haberent, and supplemented, l.c.,
Pauli excerpta, p. 159 (de Ponor): participes--fuerunt omnium
rerum--praeterquam de suffragio ferendo, aut magistratu capiendo.]
[Footnote 175: Civitas sine suffragio, quorum civitas universa in
civitatem Romanam venit, Livy VIII, 14; IX, 43; Festus, l.c., p. 159.]
[Footnote 176: Paulus, p. 159 (de Ponor): Qui ad civitatem Romanam ita
venerunt, ut municipes essent suae cuiusque civitatis et coloniae, ut
Tiburtes, Praenestini, etc.]
[Footnote 177: I do not think so. The argument is taken up later on page
73. It is enough to say here that Tusculum was estranged from the Latin
League because she was made a municipium (Livy VI, 25-26), and how much
less likely that Praeneste would ever have taken such a status.]
[Footnote 178: C. Gracchus in Gellius X, 3.]
[Footnote 179: Tibur had censors in 204 B.C. (Livy XXIX, 15), and later
again, C.I.L, I, 1113, 1120 = XIV, 3541, 3685. See also Marquardt,
Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 159.]
[Footnote 180: C.I.L, XIV, 171, 172, 2070.]
[Footnote 181: C.I.L., XIV, 2169, 2213, 4195]
[Footnote 182: Cicero, pro Milone, 10, 27; 17, 45; Asconius, in
Milonianam, p. 27, l. 15 (Kiessling); C.I.L., XIV, 2097, 2110, 2112,
2121.]
[Footnote 183: C.I.L., XIV, 3941, 3955.]
[Footnote 184: Livy III, 18, 2; VI, 26, 4.]
[Footnote 185: Livy IX, 16, 17; Dio, frag. 36, 24; Pliny XVII, 81.
Ammianus Marcellinus XXX, 8, 5; compare Gellius X, 3, 2-4. This does not
show, I think, what Dessau (C.I.L., XIV, p. 288) says it does: "quanta
fuerit potestas imperatoris Romani in magistratus sociorum," but shows
rather that the Roman dictator took advantage of his power to pay off
some of the ancient grudge against the Latins, especially Praeneste. The
story of M. Marius at Teanum Sidicinum, and the provisions made at Cales
and Ferentinum on that account, as told in Gellius X, 3, 2-3, also show
plainly that not constitutional powers but arbitrary ones, are in
question. In fact, it was in the year 173 B.C., that the consul L.
Postumius Albinus, enraged at a previous cool reception at Praeneste,
imposed a burden on the magistrates of the town, which seems to have
been held as an arbitrary political precedent. Livy XLII, 1: Ante hunc
consulem NEMO umquam sociis in ULLA re oneri aut sumptui fuit.]
[Footnote 186: Praenestinus praetor ... ex subsidiis suos duxerat, Livy
IX, 16, 17.]
[Footnote 187: A praetor led the contingent from Lavinium, Livy VIII,
11, 4; the praetor M. Anicius led from Praeneste the cohort which gained
such a reputation at Casilinum, Livy XXIII, 17-19. Strabo V, 249; cohors
Paeligna, cuius praefectus, etc., proves nothing for a Latin
contingent.]
[Footnote 188: For the evidence that the consuls were first called
praetors, see Pauly-Wissowa, Real Enc. under the word "consul" (Vol. IV,
p. 1114) and the old Pauly under "praetor."
Mommsen, Staatsrecht, II, 1, p. 74, notes 1 and 2, from other evidence
there quoted, and especially from Varro, de l.l., V, 80: praetor dictus
qui praeiret iure et exercitu, thinks that the consuls were not
necessarily called praetors at first, but that probably even in the time
of the kings the leader of the army was called the prae-itor. This is a
modification of the statement six years earlier in Marquardt,
Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 149, n. 4.]
[Footnote 189: This caption I owe to Jos. H. Drake, Prof. of Roman Law
at the University of Michigan.]
[Footnote 190: Livy VIII, 3, 9; Dionysius III, 5, 3; 7, 3; 34, 3; V,
61.]
[Footnote 191: Pauly-Wissowa under "dictator," and Mommsen, Staatsrecht,
II, 171, 2.]
[Footnote 192: Whether Egerius Laevius Tusculanus (Priscian, Inst., IV,
p. 129 Keil) was dictator of the whole of the Latin league, as Beloch
(Italischer Bund, p. 180) thinks, or not, according to Wissowa (Religion
und Kultus der Roemer, p. 199), at least a dictator was the head of some
sort of a Latin league, and gives us the name of the office (Pais,
Storia di Roma, I, p. 335).]
[Footnote 193: If it be objected that the survival of the dictatorship
as a priestly office (Dictator Albanus, Orelli 2293, Marquardt,
Staatsverw., I, p. 149, n. 2) means only a dictator for Alba Longa,
rather than for the league of which Alba Longa seems to have been at one
time the head, there can be no question about the Dictator Latina(rum)
fer(iarum) caussa of the year 497 (C.I.L., I.p. 434 Fasti Cos.
Capitolini), the same as in the year 208 B.C. (Livy XXVII, 33, 6). This
survival is an exact parallel of the rex sacrorum in Rome (for
references and discussion, see Marquardt, Staatsverw., III, p. 321), and
the rex sacrificolus of Varro, de l.l. VI, 31. Compare Jordan, Topog. d.
Stadt Rom, I, p. 508, n. 32, and Wissowa, Rel. u. Kult d. Roemer, p.
432. Note also that there were reges sacrorum in Lanuvium (C.I.L, XIV,
2089), Tusculum (C.I.L, XIV, 2634), Velitrae (C.I.L., X, 8417), Bovillae
(C.I.L., XIV, 2431 == VI, 2125). Compare also rex nemorensis, Suetonius,
Caligula, 35 (Wissowa, Rel. u. Kult. d. Roemer, p. 199).]
[Footnote 194: C.I.L., XIV, 2990, 3000, 3001, 3002.]
[Footnote 195: C.I.L., XIV, 2890, 2902, 2906, 2994, 2999 (possibly
3008).]
[Footnote 196: C.I.L., XIV, 2975, 3000.]
[Footnote 197: C.I.L., XIV, 2990, 3001, 3002.]
[Footnote 198: See note 28 above.]
[Footnote 199: Livy XXIII, 17-19; Strabo V, 4, 10.]
[Footnote 200: Magistrates sociorum, Livy XLII, 1, 6-12.]
[Footnote 201: For references etc., see Beloch, Italischer Bund, p. 170,
notes 1 and 2.]
[Footnote 202: The mention of one praetor in C.I.L., XIV, 2890, a
dedication to Hercules, is later than other mention of two praetors, and
is not irregular at any rate.]
[Footnote 203: C.I.L., XIV, 3000, two aediles of the gens Saufeia,
probably cousins. In C.I.L., XIV, 2890, 2902, 2906, 2975, 2990, 2994,
2999, 3000, 3001, 3002, 3008, out of eighteen praetors, aediles, and
quaestors mentioned, fifteen belong to the old families of Praeneste,
two to families that belong to the people living back in the Sabines,
and one to a man from Fidenae.]
[Footnote 204: Cicero, pro Balbo, VIII, 21: Leges de civili iure sunt
latae: quas Latini voluerunt, adsciverunt; ipsa denique Iulia lege
civitas ita est sociis et Latinis data ut, qui fundi populi facti non
essent civitatem non haberent. Velleius Pater. II, 16: Recipiendo in
civitatem, qui arma aut non ceperant aut deposuerant maturius, vires
refectae sunt. Gellius IV, 4, 3; Civitas universo Latio lege Iulia data
est. Appian, Bell. Civ., I, 49: [Greek: Italioton de tous eti en tae
symmachia paramenontas epsaephisato (ae boulae) einai politas, ou dae
malista monon ou pantes epethymoun ktl.]
Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 60; Greenidge, Roman Public Life, p. 311;
Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, p. 102; Granrud, Roman
Constitutional History, pp. 190-191.]
[Footnote 205: Cicero, pro Archia, IV, 7: Data est civitas Silvani lege
et Carbonis: si qui foederatis civitatibus adscripti fuissent, si tum
cum lex ferebatur in Italia domicilium habuissent, et si sexaginta
diebus apud praetorem essent professi. See also Schol. Bobiensia, p. 353
(Orelli corrects the mistake Silanus for Silvanus); Cicero, ad Fam.,
XIII, 30; Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 60. Greenidge, Roman Public
Life, p. 311 thinks this law did not apply to any but the incolae of
federate communities; Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, p. 102.]
[Footnote 206: Livy VIII, 14, 9: Tiburtes Praenestinique agro multati,
neque ob recens tantum rebellionis commune cum aliis Latinis crimen,
etc., ... ceterisque Latinis populis conubia commerciaque et concilia
inter se ademerunt. Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 46, n. 3, thinks not
an aequum foedus, but from the words: ut is populus alterius populi
maiestatem comiter conservaret, a clause in the treaty found in
Proculus, Dig., 49, 15, 7 (Corpus Iuris Civ., I, p. 833) (compare Livy
IX, 20, 8: sed ut in dicione populi Romani essent) thinks that the new
treaty was an agreement based on dependence or clientage "ein
Abhaengigkeits--oder Clientelverhaeltniss."]
[Footnote 207: Mommsen, Geschichte des roem. Muenzwesens, p. 179 (French
trans, de Blacas, I, p. 186), thinks two series of aes grave are to be
assigned to Praeneste and Tibur.]
[Footnote 208: Livy XLIII, 2, 10: Furius Praeneste, Matienus Tibur
exulatum abierunt.]
[Footnote 209: Polybius VI, 14, 8: [Greek: eoti d asphaleia tois
pheygousin ente tae, Neapolito kai Prainestinon eti de Tibourinon
polei]. Beloch, Italischer Bund, pp. 215, 221. Marquardt, Staatsverw.,
I, p. 45.]
[Footnote 210: Livy XXIII, 20, 2; (Praenestini) civitate cum donarentur
ob virtutem, non MUTAVERUNT.]
[Footnote 211: The celebration of the feriae Latinae on Mons Albanus in
91 B.C., was to have been the scene of the spectacular beginning of the
revolt against Rome, for the plan was to kill the two Roman consuls
Iulius Caesar and Marcius Philippus at that time. The presence of the
Roman consuls and the attendance of the members of the old Latin league
is proof of the outward continuance of the old foedus (Florus, II, 6
(III, 18)).]
[Footnote 212: The lex Plautia-Papiria is the same as the law mentioned
by Cicero, pro Archia, IV, 7, under the names of Silvanus and Carbo. The
tribunes who proposed the law were C. Papirius Carbo and M. Plautius
Silvanus. See Mommsen, Hermes 16 (1881), p. 30, n. 2. Also a good note
in Long, Ciceronis Orationes, III, p. 215.]
[Footnote 213: Appian, Bell. Civ., I, 65: [Greek: exedramen es tas
agchou poleis, tas ou pro pollou politidas Romaion menomenas, Tiburton
te kai Praineston, kai osai mechri Nolaes. erethizon apantas es
apostasin, kai chraemata es ton polemon sullegon.] See Dessau, C.I.L.,
XIV, p. 289.
It is worth noting that there is no thought of saying anything about
Praaneste and Tibur, except to call them cities ([Greek: poleis]). Had
they been made municipia, after so many years of alliance as foederati,
it seems likely that such a noteworthy change would have been specified.
Note also that for 88 B.C. Appian (Bell. Civ., I, 53) says: [Greek: eos
Italia pasa prosechomaesei es taen Romaion politeian, choris ge Leukanon
kai Sauniton tote.]]
[Footnote 214: Mommsen, Zum Roemischen Bodenrecht, Hermes 27 (1892), pp.
109 ff.]
[Footnote 215: Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 34.]
[Footnote 216: Paulus, p. 159 (de Ponor): tertio, quum id genus hominum
definitur, qui ad civitatem Romanam ita venerunt, ut municipes essent
suae cuiusque civitatis et coloniae, ut Tiburtes, Praenestini, etc.]
[Footnote 217: It is not strange perhaps, that there are no inscriptions
which can be proved to date between 89 and 82 B.C., but inscriptions are
numerous from the time of the empire, and although Tiberius granted
Praeneste the favor she asked, that of being a municipium, still no
praefectus is found, not even a survival of the title.
The PRA ... in C.I.L., XIV, 2897, is praeco, not praefectus, as I shall
show soon in the publication of corrections of Praeneste inscriptions,
along with some new ones. For the government of a municipium, see Bull.
dell'Inst., 1896, p. 7 ff.; Revue Arch., XXIX (1896), p. 398.]
[Footnote 218: Mommsen, Hermes, 27 (1892), p. 109.]
[Footnote 219: Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 47 and note 3.]
[Footnote 220: Val. Max. IX, 2, 1; Plutarch, Sulla, 32; Appian, Bell.
Civ., I, 94; Lucan II, 194; Plutarch, praec. ger. reip., ch. 19 (p.
816); Augustinus, de civ. Dei, III, 28; Dessau, C.I.L., XIV, p. 289, n.
2.]
[Footnote 221: One third of the land was the usual amount taken.]
[Footnote 222: Note Mommsen's guess, as yet unproved (Hermes, 27 (1892),
p. 109), that tribus, colonia, and duoviri iure dicundo go together, as
do curia, municipium and IIIIviri i.d. and aed. pot.]
[Footnote 223: Florus II, 9, 27 (III, 21): municipia Italiae
splendidissima sub hasta venierunt, Spoletium, Interamnium, Praeneste,
Florentia. See C.I.L., IX, 5074, 5075 for lack of distinction between
colonia and municipium even in inscriptions. Florentia remained a colony
(Mommsen, Hermes, 18 (1883), p. 176). Especially for difference in
meaning of municipium from Roman and municipal point of view, see
Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 28, n. 2. For difference in earlier and
later meaning of municipes, Marquardt, l.c., p. 34, n. 8. Valerius
Maximus IX, 2, 1, speaking of Praeneste in connection with Sulla says:
quinque milia Praenestinorum extra moenia municipii evocata, where
municipium means "town," and Dessau, C.I.L., XIV, p. 289, n. 1, speaking
of the use of the word says: "ei rei non multum tribuerim."]
[Footnote 224: Gellius XVI, 13, 5, ex colonia in municipii statum
redegit. See Mommsen, Hermes, 18 (1883), p. 167.]
[Footnote 225: Mommsen, Hermes, 27 (1892), p. 110; C.I.L., XIV, 2889:
genio municipii; 2941, 3004: patrono municipii, which Dessau (Hermes, 18
(1883), p. 167, n. 1) recognizes from the cutting as dating certainly
later than Tiberius' time.]
[Footnote 226: Regular colony officials appear all along in the
incriptions down into the third century A.D.]
[Footnote 227: Gellius XVI, 13, 5.]
[Footnote 228: More in detail by Mommsen, Hermes, 27 (1892), p. 110.]
[Footnote 229: Livy VII, 12, 8; VIII, 12, 8.]
[Footnote 230: Mommsen, Hermes, 18 (1883), p. 161.]
[Footnote 231: Cicero, pro P. Sulla, XXI, 61.]
[Footnote 232: Niebuhr, R.G., II, 55, says the colonists from Rome were
the patricians of the place, and were the only citizens who had full
rights (civitas cum suffragio et iure honorum). Peter, Zeitschrift fuer
Alterth., 1844, p. 198 takes the same view as Niebuhr. Against them are
Kuhn, Zeitschrift fuer Alterth., 1854, Sec. 67-68, and Zumpt, Studia
Rom., p. 367. Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 36, n. 7, says that neither
thesis is proved.]
[Footnote 233: Dessau, C.I.L., XIV, p. 289.]
[Footnote 234: Cicero, de leg. agr., II, 28, 78, complains that the
property once owned by the colonists was now in the hands of a few. This
means certainly, mostly bought up by old inhabitants, and a few does not
mean a score, but few in comparison to the number of soldiers who had
taken their small allotments of land.]
[Footnote 235: C.I.L., XIV, p. 289.]
[Footnote 236: C.I.L., XIV, 2964-2969.]
[Footnote 237: C.I.L., XIV, 2964, 2965. No. 2964 dates before 14 A.D.
when Augustus died, for had it been within the few years more which
Drusus lived before he was poisoned by Sejanus in 23 A.D., he would have
been termed divi Augusti nep. In the Acta Arvalium, C.I.L., VI, 2023a of
14 A.D. his name is followed by T i.f. and probably divi Augusti n.]
[Footnote 238: C.I.L., XIV, 2966, 2968.]
[Footnote 239: The first column of both inscriptions shows alternate
lines spaced in, while the second column has the praenominal
abbreviations exactly lined. More certain yet is the likeness which
shows in a list of 27 names, and all but one without cognomina.]
[Footnote 240: C.I.L., XIV, 2967.]
[Footnote 241: Out of 201 examples of names from Praeneste pigne
inscriptions, in the C.I.L., XIV, in the Notizie degli Scavi of 1905 and
1907, in the unpublished pigne belonging both to the American School in
Rome, and to the Johns Hopkins University, all but 15 are simple
praenomina and nomina.]
[Footnote 242: C.I.L., X, 1233.]
[Footnote 243: C.I.L., IX, 422.]
[Footnote 244: Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 161, n. 5.]
[Footnote 245: Lex Iulia Municipalis, C.I.L., I, 206, l. 142 ff. ==
Dessau, Inscrip. Lat. Sel., 6085.]
[Footnote 246: Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 160.]
[Footnote 247: C.I.L., XIV, 2966.]
[Footnote 248: Pauly-Wissowa under "Dolabella," and "Cornelius," nos.
127-148.]
[Footnote 249: The real founder of Sulla's colony and the rebuilder of
the city of Praeneste seems to have been M. Terentius Varro Lucullus.
This is argued by Vaglieri, who reports in Not. d. Scavi, 1907, p. 293
ff. the fragment of an architrave of some splendid building on which are
the letters ... RO.LVCVL ... These letters Vaglieri thinks are cut in
the style of the age of Sulla. They are fine deep letters, very well cut
indeed, although they might perhaps be put a little later in date. An
argument from the use of the name Terentia, as in the case of Cornelia,
will be of some service here. The nomen Terentia was also very unpopular
in Praeneste. It occurs but seven times and every inscription is well
down in the late imperial period. C.I.L., XIV, 3376, 3384, 2850, 4091,
75, 3273; Not. d. Scavi, 1896, p. 48.]
[Footnote 250: C.I.L., XIV, 2967: ... elius Rufus Aed(ilis). I take him
to be a Cornelius rather than an Aelius, because of the cognomen.]
[Footnote 251: One Cornelius, a freedman (C.I.L., XIV, 3382), and three
Corneliae, freed women or slaves (C.I.L., XIV, 2992, 3032, 3361), but
all at so late a date that the hatred or meaning of the name had been
forgotten.]
[Footnote 252: A full treatment of the use of the nomen Cornelia in
Praeneste will be published soon by the author in connection with his
Prosographia Praenestina, and also something on the nomen Terentia (see
note 92). The cutting of one of the two inscriptions under
consideration, no. 2968, which fragment I saw in Praeneste in 1907,
bears out the early date. The larger fragment could not be seen.]
[Footnote 253: Schulze, Zur Geschichte Lateinischer Eigennamen, p. 222,
under "Rutenius." He finds the same form Rotanius only in Turin,
Rutenius only in North Italy.]
[Footnote 254: From the appearance of the name Rudia at Praeneste
(C.I.L., XIV, 3295) which Schulze (l.c., note 95) connects with Rutenia
and Rotania, there is even a faint chance to believe that this Rotanius
might have been a resident of Praeneste before the colonization.]
[Footnote 255: C.I.L., XIV, 3230-3237, 3315; Not. d. Scavi, 1905, p.
123; the one in question is C.I.L., XIV, 2966, I, 4.]
[Footnote 256: C.I.L., VI, 22436: (Mess)iena Messieni, an inscription
now in Warwick Castle, Warwick, England, supposedly from Rome, is the
only instance of the name in the sepulcrales of the C.I.L., VI. In
Praeneste, C.I.L., XIV, 2966, I, 5, 3360; compare Schulze, Geschichte
Lat. Eigennamen, p. 193, n. 6.]
[Footnote 257: Caesia at Praeneste, C.I.L., XIV, 2852, 2966 I, 6, 2980,
3311, 3359, and the old form Ceisia, 4104.]
[Footnote 258: See Schulze, l.c., index under Caleius.]
[Footnote 259: C.I.L., XIV, 2964 II, 15.]
[Footnote 260: Vibia especially in the old inscription C.I.L., XIV,
4098. Also in 2903, 2966 II, 9; Not. d. Scavi, 1900, p. 94.]
[Footnote 261: Statioleia: C.I.L., XIV, 2966 I, 10, 3381.]
[Footnote 262: C.I.L., XIV, 3210; Not. d. Scavi, 1905, p. 123; also
found in two pigna inscriptions in the Johns Hopkins University
collection, as yet unpublished.]
[Footnote 263: There is a L. Aponius Mitheres on a basis in the
Barberini garden in Praeneste, but it may have come from Rome. The name
is found Abonius in Etruria, but Aponia is found well scattered. See
Schulze, Geschichte Lat. Eigennamen, p. 66.]
[Footnote 264: C.I.L., XIV, 2855, 2626, 3336.]
[Footnote 265: C.I.L., XIV, 3116. It may not be on a pigna.]
[Footnote 266: Not. d. Scavi, 1907, p. 131. The nomen Paccia is a common
name in the sepulchral inscriptions of Rome. C.I.L., VI, 23653-23675,
but all are of a late date.]
[Footnote 267: C.I.L., IX, 5016: C. Capive Vitali (Hadria).]
[Footnote 268: A better restoration than Ninn(eius). The (N)inneius
Sappaeus (C.I.L., VI, 33610) is a freedman, and the inscription is
late.]
[Footnote 269: In the year 216 B.C. the Ninnii Celeres were hostages of
Hannibal's at Capua (Livy XXIII, 8).]
[Footnote 270: C.I.L., X, 2776-2779, but all late.]
[Footnote 271: C.I.L., X, 885-886. A Ninnius was procurator to Domitian,
according to a fistula plumbea found at Rome (Bull. Com., 1882, p. 171,
n. 597). A.Q. Ninnius Hasta was consul ordinarius in 114 A.D. (C.I.L.,
XI, 3614, compare Paulus, Dig. 48, 8, 5 [Corpus Iuris Civ., I, p. 802]).
See also a Ninnius Crassus, Dessau, Prosographia Imp. Romani, II, p.
407, n. 79.]
[Footnote 272: It is interesting to note that C. Paccius and C. Ninnius
are officials, one would guess duovirs, of the same year in Pompeii, and
thus parallel the men here in Praeneste: C.I.L., X, 885-886: N. Paccius
Chilo and M. Ninnius Pollio, who in 14 B.C. are duoviri v.a.s.p.p. (viis
annonae sacris publicis procurandis), Henzen; (votis Augustalibus sacris
publicis procurandis), Mommsen; (viis aedibus, etc.), Cagnat; See
Liebenam in Pauly-Wissowa, Real Encyc., V, 1842, 9.]
[Footnote 273: Liebenam in Pauly-Wissowa, Real Encyc., V, 1806.]
[Footnote 274: Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 157 ff.; Liebenam in
Pauly-Wissowa, Real Enc., V, 1825. Sometimes the officers were
designated simply quinquennales, and this seems to have been the early
method. For all the various differences in the title, see Marquardt,
l.c., p. 160, n. 13.]
[Footnote 275: All at least except the regimen morum, so Marquardt,
l.c., p. 162 and n. 2.]
[Footnote 276: Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 161, n. 6.]
[Footnote 277: Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 161, n. 7.]
[Footnote 278: Beloch, Italischer Bund, p. 78 ff.; Nissen, Italische
Landeskunde, II, p. 99 ff.]
[Footnote 279: C.I.L., IX, 422 = Dessau, Insc. Lat. Sel., 6123.]
[Footnote 280: C.I.L., X, 1233 = Dessau 6124.]
[Footnote 281: Near Aquinum. C.I.L., X, 5405 = Dessau 6125.]
[Footnote 282: C.I.L., XIV, 245 = Dessau 6126.]
[Footnote 283: C.I.L., XIV, 2964.]
[Footnote 284: He is not even mentioned in Pauly-Wissowa or Ruggiero.]
[Footnote 285: C.I.L., XIV, 2966.]
[Footnote 286: C.I.L., XIV, 2964.]
[Footnote 287: C.I.L., XIV, 2965.]
[Footnote 288: Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 169 for full discussion,
with references to other cases.]
[Footnote 289: C.I.L., XIV, 172: praet(or) Laur(entium) Lavin(atium)
IIIIvir q(uin) q(uennalis) Faesulis.]
[Footnote 290: C.I.L., XIV, 3599.]
[Footnote 291: C.I.L., XIV, 3609.]
[Footnote 292: C.I.L., XIV, 3650.]
[Footnote 293: C.I.L., I, 1236 == X, 1573 == Dessau 6345.]
[Footnote 294: C.I.L., XIV, 3665.]
[Footnote 295: C.I.L., XI, 421 == Dessau 6662.]
[Footnote 296: C. Alfius C.f. Lem. Ruf(us) IIvir quin(q). col. Iul.
Hispelli et IIvir quinq. in municipio suo Casini, C.I.L., XI, 5278 ==
Dessau 6624. Bormann, C.I.L., XI, p. 766, considers this to be an
inscription of the time of Augustus and thinks the man here mentioned is
one of his colonists.]
[Footnote 297: Not. d. Scav, 1884, p. 418 == Dessau 6598.]
[Footnote 298: C.I.L., IX, 5831 == Dessau 6572.]
[Footnote 299: C.I.L., IX, 3311 == Dessau 6532.]
[Footnote 300: L. Septimio L.f. Arn. Calvo. aed., IIIIvir. i.d., praef.
ex s.c. [q]uinquennalicia potestate, etc., Eph. Ep. 8, 120 == Dessau
6527.]
[Footnote 301: C.I.L., IX, 1618 == Dessau 6507.]
[Footnote 302: C.I.L., IX, 652 == Dessau 6481.]
[Footnote 303: The full title is worth notice: IIIIvir i(ure) d(icundo)
q(uinquennalis) c(ensoria) p(otestate), C.I.L., X, 49 == Dessau 6463.]
[Footnote 304: C.I.L., X, 344 == Dessau 6450.]
[Footnote 305: C.I.L., X, 1036 == Dessau 6365.]
[Footnote 306: C.I.L., X, 840 == Dessau 6362: M. Holconio Celeri
d.v.i.d. quinq. designato. Augusti sacerdoti.]
[Footnote 307: C.I.L., X, 1273 == Dessau 6344.]
[Footnote 308: C.I.L., X, 4641 == Dessau 6301.]
[Footnote 309: C.I.L., X, 5401 == Dessau 6291.]
[Footnote 310: C.I.L., X, 5393 == Dessau 6286.]
[Footnote 311: C.I.L., XIV, 4148.]
[Footnote 312: C.I.L., XIV, 4097, 4105a, 4106f.]
[Footnote 313: C.I.L., XIV, 2795.]
[Footnote 314: C.I.L., XIV, 4237. Another case of the same kind is seen
in the fragment C.I.L., XIV, 4247.]
[Footnote 315: Zangemeister, C.I.L., IV., Index, shows 75 duoviri and
but 4 quinquennales.]
[Footnote 316: L. Veranius Hypsaeus 6 times: C.I.L., IV, 170, 187, 193,
200, 270, 394(?). Q. Postumius Modestus 7 times: 195, 279, 736, 756,
786, 1156. Only two other men appear, one 3 times; 214, 596, 824, the
other once: 504.]
[Footnote 317: (1) Verulae, C.I.L., X, 5796; Acerrae, C.I.L., X, 3759;
(2) Anagnia, C.I.L., X, 5919; Allifae, C.I.L., IX, 2354; Aeclanum,
C.I.L., IX, 1160; (3) Sutrium, C.I.L., XI, 3261; Tergeste, C.I.L., V,
545; (4) Tibur, C.I.L., XIV, 3665; Ausculum Apulorum, C.I.L., IX, 668;
Sora, C.I.L, X, 5714; (5) Formiae, C.I.L., X, 6101; Pompeii, C.I.L., X,
1036; (6) Ferentinum, C.I.L., X, 5844, 5853; Falerii, C.I.L., XI, 3123;
(7) Pompeii, Not. d. Scavi, 1898, p. 171, and C.I.L., X, 788, 789, 851;
Bovianum, C.I.L., IX, 2568; (8) Telesia, C.I.L., IX, 2234; Allifae,
C.I.L., IX, 2353; Hispellum, C.I.L., XI, 5283.]
[Footnote 318: The same certainly as M. Antonius Sobarus of 4091,17 and
duovir with T. Diadumenius, as is shown by the connective et. Compare
4091, 4, 6, 7.]
[Footnote 319: C.I.L., I, p. 311 reads Lucius, which is certainly wrong.
There is but one Lucius in Dessau, Prosographia Imp. Rom.; there is
however a Lucilius with this same cognomen Dessau, l.c.]
[Footnote 320: Probably not the M. Iuventius Laterensis, the Roman
quaestor, for the brick stamps of Praeneste in other cases seem to show
the quaestors of the city.]