ON SOCIAL FORCES (_continued_)--POLEMICAL STATICS AND DYNAMICS.
Most Noble Professors and Students of Girtham,--We have embarked upon
a stormy sea of speculation, on a voyage of grand discovery, and the
dangerous waves of adverse criticism, and the deceptive under-current of
prejudice, often make the steersman's lot by no means an enviable one.
But our vessel is sound and perfectly equipped, and therefore I do not
fear to guide her across the great unknown.
It may have occurred to you that the problems which present themselves
for solution in social science are far more difficult and complicated
than those which arise in ordinary mathematics. That is undoubtedly the
case; but this extra degree of difficulty is due to the fact that we
make no assumptions; we take the things as they really are, not as they
are assumed to be. In physical science, if we take into consideration
the resistance of the air, the curvature of the earth, the rigid
connection which exists between particles in the same body, and a host
of other things which are often conveniently neglected in elementary
works, how complicated the various problems become! So we must not be
surprised at some of the difficulties which occur in social science, as
nothing is neglected; the whole problem is before us, and having solved
it we need not make allowances for any falsely assumed _data_.
It is possible that other professors of this science may come to
slightly different conclusions to those which I have arrived at. That
is only to be expected, because their original observations may have
slightly varied. But in physical science allowances are made for
different observers. In astronomy, for example, we find the value of the
'Personal Equation.' One observer on looking through the telescope may
take the meridian of a star rather differently from another watcher of
the heavenly bodies, and the _personal equation_ is used to make
allowances for this quickness, or slowness, of observation. So in social
science there must be a personal equation too, and our object ought to
be, in the ordinary affairs of life as well as in the higher duties of
scientific action, to make our personal equation as small as possible.
But until the old proverb, '_Quot homines, tot sententiae_,' has ceased
to have any meaning, there will be abundant need of this most useful aid
to accuracy.
The close connection which exists between social forces and material
forces is plainly shown by the doctrine of the conservation of energy.
'This doctrine,' says Dr. Tyndall, 'recognises in the material universe
a constant sum of power made up of items among which the most Protean
fluctuations are incessantly going on. It is as if the body of nature
were alive, the thrill and interchange of its energies resembling those
of an organism. The parts of the stupendous whole shift and change,
augment and diminish, appear and disappear; while the total of which
they are the parts remains quantitatively immutable, _plus_ accompanies
_minus_, gain accompanies loss, no item varying in the slightest degree
without an absolutely equal change of some other item in the opposite
direction.' So do the forces in the social world ebb and flow, rise and
fall, carrying on the same universal law which regulates the energy of
material force.
I will now proceed to enumerate some of those forces which exercise such
a powerful influence on society.
First, let us take the force of _Public Opinion_, which seems to
exercise a relentless sway over the minds and manners of men. This is a
very subtle and secret force, which is most difficult to trace, and
resembles electricity in the science of physics. We cannot see it, but
are only able to judge of its power by its results. Its point of
application is not in the individual, but in the collection of
individuals who make up the social system; and it is, in reality, the
resultant of, or the compromise between, the various elementary forces
which make up human society. Yes, compromise is a purely mechanical
affair, based on the principle of the parallelogram of forces; and as
public opinion is the result of a compromise, we may calculate its
force. For example: 'It is required to know the state of public opinion
in the matter of politics, when the results of a General Election show
that the Conservatives are to the Liberals as 10 : 9.'
Let OC be the direction of the Conservative force.
Let OL be that of the Liberal.
Then by _data_ OC : OL :: 10 : 9.
[Illustration]
Complete the parallelogram, and join OP.
Then OP represents the force of public opinion in magnitude and
direction.
N.B.--The direction of OL is determined by the amount of deviation of
the policy of the Liberals from that of the Conservatives.
As in physical, so in social science, impulsive forces sometimes act,
and effectually disturb our system and our calculations. Public opinion
is very liable to the action of disturbing forces. Panic is an impulsive
force, which defies the power of the most learned professors of social
science to determine its magnitude and direction. Some strange
unforeseen catastrophe--the fascination caused by a brilliant and
unscrupulous orator, a cruel wrong, a blind revenge for real or
imaginary injustice--will sometimes rouse one element of passion latent
in the vast body of public opinion; so that it breaks with all that
hitherto restrained and balanced it, and precipitates society into a
course of conduct inconsistent with its former behaviour, and bloodshed,
revolution, the breaking-up of laws, are the terrible results of panic
or revengeful passion.
Society is, as it were, split up by the terrible action of such
impulsive forces, just as wood is split up by the repeated blows of the
hatchet. It is, therefore, the duty of statesmen to increase the power
or force of cohesion, to strengthen the fibres of the State, so that the
force of such impulsive blows may not be felt, nor disturb the
continuity of the framework of the State. If such measures had been
adopted in the neighbouring country of France, much misery might have
been avoided, and the terrible revolutions which have so frequently
convulsed her social system entirely prevented.
_Friction_ is another disturbing element in our calculations, and
although it may be made a useful servant, it is a bad master in
mathematics, as in polemics. Without the aid of friction, progress would
be impossible. For example: Take the case of a man with perfectly smooth
skates on perfectly hard, smooth ice; he would be unable to reach the
land unless he had provided himself with some stones, by throwing which
he would just be able to get to his destination by a backward motion.
The engine would be unable to proceed on its iron road if it were not
for friction. The same is true in polemical science: the government of
the country would not be able to be carried on under our present
conditions if it were not for _party friction_. But suppose it increased
indefinitely, party friction becomes party _obstruction_; and the engine
of the State would no longer proceed smoothly and evenly along its
appointed course at the rate of sixty miles an hour, but would resemble
an old-fashioned coach, up to its axle-trees in mud, its motion
altogether stopped by the action of party friction.
We have seen that forces have two ways of acting: that of compelling
rest and that of producing motion. In statics forces act so as to
prevent any change of motion, or disturb the body's original position.
In kinetics, on the contrary, the power is recognised as acting so as to
produce or change a body's motion. Now, in polemical science we have
these two ways of considering the action of forces. There is the
_statical_ or _conservative_ force, which compels rest, which seeks
security, stability, and peace, and is not ardently devoted to change.
It reduces the system to equilibrium. There are, of course, two kinds of
equilibrium--_stable_ and _unstable_--according as the social and
political system is in a healthy or unhealthy state. If a body is in
stable equilibrium, and any slight motion takes place, the body will
return immediately to its former position; but if in unstable, it will
decline further and further away from its original position, and be
entirely upset. So a healthy and sound conservative equilibrium is not
disturbed by outside forces, and the State will resume its former
position of stability and rest when the opposing force is withdrawn. But
an unhealthy and insecure conservatism is as easily disturbed as an egg
balanced on its narrow end.
The kinetics of society, that is to say the Radical way of estimating
force, is the party of motion, generally supposed to be the 'party of
progress.' It has therefore many attractions in the eyes of those who
delight in motion, speed, and rushing about. To run at full speed, to
feel the keen air upon one's face, to experience the delightful
sensation of freedom of will, and limb, are joys which cannot be denied.
Such exercise is beneficial to the system, bodily or political. Motion
is the life of all things; it is characteristic of nature; it adores
nature; because it is an emblem and characteristic of life. The
ceaseless rolling of the ocean waves, the swaying of the trees, the
bending of the flowers, the waving of the corn, all these fill us with
pleasure; whereas a flat uninteresting plain, unrelieved by the motion
of terrestrial objects, is depressing to the spirit. So there is much to
be said in favour of motion, and Carlyle has defined progress as 'living
movement.' And men love this 'living movement,' and take up the
Laureate's cry:
'Forward, forward, let us range,
Let the great world spin for ever down the ringing
Grooves of change.'
But, after all, there is a danger in this everlasting motion. We cannot
tell whither this progress may lead. It may be along a safe sure road;
but perchance a precipice may open out before us; and rejoicing in the
acceleration of our velocity, with eyes intent upon some distant heights
of glory and ambition, we may not discover our danger until it is too
late to stop, and a terrible plunge into an unknown abyss of turmoil and
tumultuous waves is the alarming result of an unguarded policy of
unrestrained 'progress.' I recall to my mind the quaint words of Holmes
which aptly illustrate my contention.
'If the wild filly, "Progress", thou would'st ride,
Have young companions ever at thy side;
But wouldst thou stride the staunch old mare, "Success,"
Go with thine elders, though they please thee less.'
Progress and success do not always go together hand in hand; and while
motion is essential to life, it is not always safe to urge a country
forward at too great a speed; and security and stability are quite as
important to the nation's life as actual progress.
There are other impulsive forces which act occasionally in the sphere
of politics, and which baffle all our calculations, and exclude
scientific considerations of the polemical problems which arise.
_Ambition_ is such an impulsive force, and when the rulers of the people
are actuated by it, and struggle for money, place, and power, politics
is degraded from its position as a science, and it becomes impossible to
estimate the result of forces so generated.
In my next lecture I propose to treat the important subject of the Laws
which govern States and Governments, and which regulate, generate, and
control the social forces which we have seen at work in the body
politic.